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A classic work and a collector's item which looks at the genesis and purposes of punishment. Shows how punishment, power differences, social control and (sometimes suspect) economics and politics have always been intertwined. A must for practitioners and students in this field.

Intro -- Contents -- Series Preface -- Introduction -- The Republican Wife: Virtue and Seduction in the Early Republic -- The Republican Wife: Virtue and Seduction in the Early Republic -- Equity vs. Equality: Emerging Concepts of Women's Political Status in the Age of Jackson -- "Co-Laborers in the Cause": Women in the Ante-bellum Nativist Movement -- "Moral Suasion Is Moral Balderdash": Women, Politics, and Social Activism in the 1850s -- Harlots or Heroines? -- Women in the Southern Farmers' Alliance: A Reconsideration of the Role and Status of Women in the Late Nineteenth- Century South -- The Domestication of Politics: Women and American Political Society, 1780-1920 -- Immigrant Women and Consumer Protest: The New York City Kosher Meat Boycott of 1902 -- Fighting for a Future -- Women and the Socialist Party -- Other Socialists: Native-Born Immigrant Women in the Socialist Party of America, 1901-1917 -- Housewives, Socialists, and the Politics of Food: The 1917 New York Cost-of-Living Protests -- Defining Socialist Womanhood: the Women's Page of the Jewish Daily Forward in 1919 -- Socialism and Women in the United States, 1900-1917.

The past decade has witnessed a significant increase in women's presence in local politics. According to the newly published United Nations (UN) Women in Local Government data set, women constitute 36% of local deliberative bodies worldwide compared to merely 25% in national parliaments.1 Much of this increase is the result of gender quotas: the Gender Quotas Database (International IDEA 2022) shows that as of 2021, 75 countries had some form of gender quota on the local level, 24 of which were authoritarian regimes. Yet, extant work on gender politics in authoritarian regimes tends to focus on the national level, given the highly centralized decision-making processes in such contexts. We contend that the study of women's engagement and representation in local politics can help scholars better understand not only gender and politics, but also authoritarian politics more generally.

A review essay on books by (1) M. J. Akbar, The Shade of Swords. Jihad and the Conflict between Islam & Christianity (London: Routledge, 2002); (2) Larry Diamond, Marc F. Plattner, & Daniel Brumberg (Eds), Democracy in the Middle East (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins U Press, 2003); & (3) Jennifer Noyon, Islam, Politics and Pluralism. Theory and Practice in Turkey, Jordan, Tunisia and Algeria (London: Royal Instit International Affairs, 2003).

Reprinted in part from the author's Napoleon and Machiavelli. Cambridge, 1903. ; Politics: The man of destiny. Napoleonic memoirs. The poetic Napoleon. Napoleon's marshals. The Waterloo campaign. The politics of the Divina commedia. Machiavelli's "Prince". The Ides of March. Goethe's position in practical politics. Lynch law. Dante's political allegory.--Metaphysics: Mind and brain. Space and time. Pragmatism. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the area specialty of Soviet Politics has been transformed. Research on six themes is reviewed: state and revolution, democratization, federalism, economic growth, international relations, and institutional legacies reflecting the communist past. The review finds that post-Soviet research speaks directly to current trends in political science, and the findings of this research should impel generalists to re-specify their theories. A recommendation is offered that the study of post-Soviet politics should push political science away from a notion of institutionalization and in the direction of identifying institutional equilibria.

The problem of women's access and participation in politics is extremely important today and has received considerable attention worldwide. Gender equality in politics is a fundamental indicator of a modern democratic society. According to international standards, both men and women should have equal rights and opportunities to fully participate in all aspects of the political process. In practice, it is difficult for women to gain access to the politics, and this is a violation of human rights. According to statistical data, states where number of women in political positions is equivalent to the number of men demonstrate stronger economy and successful development, as well as in domestic and foreign policy.

In the the spring 2018 issue of Journal of Vietnamese Studies, Martin Gainsborough's "Malesky vs. Fforde" offers to adjudicate a supposed dispute between two highly cited scholars of modern Vietnamese politics. Purportedly drawing on the philosophical traditions of ontology and epistemology, Gainsborough claims that we can gain traction as a field by looking closely into the preexisting belief systems that scholars bring to their research questions. Along the way, Gainsborough questions the plausibility of my own work and claims that I smuggle "liberal" values into my writing on Vietnam. In this response, I discuss five dimensions in which Gainsborough and I disagree and why they matter for studying Vietnamese politics. I do so by contrasting my choices with Gainsborough's scholarship (both in "Malesky vs. Fforde" and other work), illustrating how Gainsborough's research decisions lead him to faulty and damaging conclusions about my work.

This special issue overcomes the still existing reservations to analyze children's perspectives on politics and society. Dealing with different topics, research questions, and new data, the articles provide new insights and open the discussion for questions of children's involvement in civil society. The findings of these articles should be relevant for all researchers of childhood sociology, for civic educationalists and students of political learning and behavior. Questions investigated are, among others, how do children think about politics, democracy, and society? How do they express their political attitudes? What do children's political orientations and behavior look like? How politically knowledgeable are they and what are the reasons for between-group differences? What are important democratic learning contexts and factors that shape these orientations? And, last but not least, what methods can we use to analyze children's political involvement in an adequate manner?

The controversy over mixing religion and politics has not kept religion apart from government. Religious groups participate in a wide variety of political activities. But religious groups in the United States are not organized as political parties or political machines. There is a relation between religious affiliation and party affiliation. The correlation, however, does not usually indicate a "religious" vote. In part, the relation reflects socio-economic status. For Catholics and Jews it is very much a result of awareness of minority status. As minority awareness declines, trends in voting change. There is no pattern of voting for or against candidates because of their religion. The importance of religion in a presidential election cannot be assessed on the basis of other elections. The election of a Catholic president would not change the nature of our government, but it would have an effect on American politics.