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Describes recent changes that have resulted in a dramatic economic turnaround in the Mexican state of Sinaloa. Under the leadership of Governor Juan S. Millan Lizarraga, Sinaloa has attracted more than 227 new businesses since 1999, totaling over $700 million in investment. Millan, a past president of the Confederation of Mexican Workers, knew that investment was essential for improving the quality of life in seafood- & farming-dominated Sinaloa, which was also home to many leaders of Mexico's drug cartels. Millan's efforts to reduce drug trafficking & its related violence are described, along with how he made the state more attractive for investors by modernizing airports, building new highways, & improving other aspects of the infrastructure. The public-private Sinaloa Economic Development Council was established to attract investors in seven sectors: food, tourism, textiles, light manufacturing, commerce/services, software, & filmmaking. The relevance of the Sinaloa experience for the rest of Mexico & other developing countries is discussed. J. Lindroth

Contents 1\. The theoretical challenge of power (5) 2\. Reflections on the concept of power in political theory (16) 2.1. Transitive and intransitive power (17) 2.1.1. Intuitive Notions and the diversity of power conceptions (17) 2.1.2. Transitive conceptions of power (20) 2.1.3. Transitive and intransitive power – some preliminary thoughts (32) 2.2. Hannah Arendt's concept of power (37) 2.2.1. Preconceptions: Totalitarianism and the human condition (38) 2.2.2. Dividing lines: violence and "the social" (45) 2.2.3. Critical appreciation (62) 3\. Patterns of intransitive power (68) 3.1. Communication and Action (68) 3.1.1. Speech and action (69) 3.1.2. Plurality, uniqueness and identity (70) 3.1.3. Intentions and emotions (72) 3.2. Symbolic Representation (74) 3.2.1. A hermeneutic understanding of symbols (75) 3.2.2. Symbols and intransitive power (78) 3.3. Imagination (81) 3.3.1. Power and imagination in Arendt's thought (82) 3.3.2. Approaches to imagination (85) 3.3.3. The skill of imagination (90) 3.4. Defining intransitive power (95) 4\. The modern configuration of power (97) 4.1. Methodological reflections (97) 4.2. The bias of the modern configuration of power (100) 4.2.1. Hobbes' minimal conception of intransitive power (100) 4.2.2. Rousseau's radical insight (107) 4.2.3. Developing the state (113) 4.3. The sovereign nation- state (122) 4.3.1. Political community as national community (123) 4.3.2. The idea of sovereignty (130) 4.4. Implications concerning violence and the state (137) 4.5. Transitive and intransitive power in their modern configuration (142) 4.5.1. The modern configuration summarized (142) 4.5.2. Logics of liberalism and participation (144) 5\. Changing configurations of power (149) 5.1. Dynamics of globalization (150) 5.1.1. Communication and connectedness (153) 5.1.2. Shared worlds, shared concerns (158) 5.1.3. Challenged individuals (161) 5.1.4. Globalization and the modern configuration of power (164) 5.2. Tracing emergent patterns of power (166) 5.2.1. Communication and action (168) ...

Climate crises and other manifestations of environmental degradation are inextricably linked to the universalizing technoscientific paradigm underpinning capitalist industrialization and modernization. This study aimed to problematize the modern/colonial ontological dualism underpinning environmental crises and advocates the indigenous/Adivasi relational onto-epistemology. It offers a different reality that questions the virtues of science, capitalism, the colonial narrative, and its continuation in subjectivities and social relations with the modern state. Drawing from the new materialist insights of human and non-human imbrications and the framework of political ontology, this study further analyzed the Dongaria Kondh people's political success in defending their relational way of worlding against corporate-driven extractivism. The state perpetuates violence and takes development initiatives in this mineral-rich eastern Indian province. While other political movements have succumbed to combined corporate and state power, the Dongaria's political struggle continues in different forms. Finally, the article makes the point that knowledge and insights born out of political struggle against a particular ontology, masquerading as universal, press the need for engagement between different realities, knowledges, and recognition of a pluriverse, a world of multiple ways of worlding, where each ontological story exists not as superior or inferior, but as equal, with space for mutual engagement and dialogue.

In an early 1977 interview, Steve Biko offered not only insights into the events of June 16 the year before, but also a prophetic analysis of a post-apartheid situation if black people's political liberation did not include economic liberation as an essential and indispensable reality. Taking those insights as point of departure, and engaging the intellectual work of Kwame Nkrumah, this article argues that Biko's words were not only prophetic and correct, but absolutely relevant for South Africa's neo-colonial situation today. Embracing the thinking of Iranian social scientist Hamid Dabashi, I further contend that the events on June 16, 1976 were the start of a revolution, in the sense of "delayed defiance," still ongoing and manifesting itself in different forms in South Africa today. An analysis of our present South African context, especially as regards the plight of the poor, women, the LGBTQI community, and the still-contested state of our reconciliation process as illustrated by the controversies stirred by former president De Klerk's denialism regarding apartheid, leads me to conclude that this revolution is "incomplete." ; https://ojs.reformedjournals.co.za/stj/index ; hj2021 ; Dogmatics and Christian Ethics

In the last twenty years, conflict sociology and political sociology have been the areas of social sciences that have most contributed to enrich and deepen the study of violence as a significant phenomenon of human behaviour. This has been especially the case of the findings, detailed analysis and criticisms made by the theory of rational choice, and of the debate among scientists adhering to the various currents of the collective action paradigm. Violence continues to be linked to terms like «frustration», «relative deprivation», «revolution», «crisis», «terrorism» or «collective action». Contrary to what could be expected, we are convinced that this subordination to other human sciences' basic concepts does not hinder its theoretical elucidation at all, but rather helps to open a wide space for the necessary multidisciplinary debate on violence, in order to become in the future a sub discipline of human sciences that we could provisionally call «violentology» ; En los últimos veinte años, la sociología del conflicto y la sociología política han sido las ramas de la ciencia social que más han contribuido al enriquecimiento y la profundización en el estudio de la violencia como fenómeno significativo del comportamiento humano, gracias sobre todo a los hallazgos, exégesis y críticas que ha suscitado la teoría de la elección racional, y al debate que han protagonizado los estudiosos adscritos a las diferentes corrientes del paradigma de la acción colectiva. La violencia sigue estando vinculada a términos como «frustración », «privación relativa», «revolución», «crisis», «terrorismo» o «acción colectiva ». Contra lo que pudiera creerse, estamos convencidos de que esta subordinación a conceptos básicos de otras ciencias humanas no es en absoluto nociva para su dilucidación teórica, sino que permite abrir un ancho espacio para el necesario debate pluridisciplinar sobre la violencia, hasta llegar a constituir en el futuro una subdisciplina de las ciencias humanas que podríamos bautizar provisionalmente como «violentología».

This new DIIS Working Paper examines the role of the mild stimulant khat in the economic and political transformation of the independent, yet internationally unrecognized Republic of Somaliland. Rather than seeing khat as a hindrance for nation-state formation and as a developmental problem, the paper argues that khat has been important to the economic viability of Somaliland and to the formation of political practices and identities. Khat was linked to the collapse of the Somali state, but has also been instrumental in securing peace in Somaliland in the early 90s. In this sense, khat should be seen not only as a drug contributing to violence, state failure and inadequate development, but also as underpinning economic processes, political identities and societal structures that have been crucial to the formation and political success of Somaliland. In examining the role of khat in Somaliland, the paper adds to our understanding of the links between emerging political and economic orders in post-conflict societies.

This article draws two conclusions from Kant's theorem in his "Perpetual Peace." The first states that the higher the level of participation in a society is, the more reluctant will that society be to use force in its international environment. Equally important is its level of institutionalized cooperation in international organizations, by means of which the second cause of violence in the international system -- the security dilemma -- is eliminated. The "democratic peace" is the product of firmly established democratic systems of government & a high level of institutionalized cooperation. But the former, emphasizing democratic control & the participation of society, is not sufficiently implemented even in the Western democracies. These states have achieved a high degree of democratization but this process has not yet been completed. This explains why democratic states still use military force against nondemocratic states, especially against weak states. Adapted from the source document.

This volume offers a comprehensive overview of the Rohingya refugee crisis in Bangladesh. It analyses the socio-cultural and humanitarian challenges of the crisis, along with the discourses that have developed on this issue via the local and international media and literature. The volume also suggests ways to build sustainable solutions for the Rohingya refugees. It discusses wide-ranging issues including a historical overview of the Rohingyas; the Rakhine State of Myanmar and the issue of religious toleration; the struggle for existence in Malaysia and Thailand; vulnerable Rohingya in Bangladesh; and stratified lives in Bangladeshi camps. It also sheds light on social insecurity among Rohingya adolescent girls; understanding gender-based violence in camps; the portrayal of the crisis in Chinese and Indian newspapers; and Bangladesh's policy in addressing the Rohingya crisis and repatriation. This book will be useful for scholars and researchers of sociology, social anthropology, refugee studies, peace and conflict studies, international relations, human rights, political studies, gender studies, and South Asian studies.

After 26 years of single-party rule and an equal amount of time under a military regime, Guinea held a presidential election in 2010 that returned real power to the country's people. The election as president of longstanding opposition figure Alpha Conde, a leftist who spent 30 years of his life in exile, would seem to open a new chapter in Guinea's history. But behind this case study in exemplary democracy lies the threat of ethnic division. Tensions are rising between the country's two main ethnic groups: the Malinkes (to which Alpha Conde belongs) and the Peuls (to which the loser in the elections, Cellou Dalein Diallo, who had been favored, belongs). The new president has made a plea for a political break with the past, but it remains to be seen whether his good intentions will withstand the test of tangible actions. He would not be the first African leader to disappoint the hopes of a people wearied by decades of violence and authoritarianism. Adapted from the source document.

An introduction to a collection of essays on gender issues in post-Independence India discusses the nature of India's first 50 years as a sovereign democratic republic & the centrality of gender issues to national culture & politics. Gender is addressed in terms of constitutional equality, legal rights, identity as citizen-subjects, & women's role in the political process. It is noted that the women's movement emerged as the result of increasing violence against women, religious fundamentalism, caste tensions, & a serious gender gap in literacy, workforce participation, land distribution, inheritance, & nutrition. Although the contributors are united in viewing gender as a point of crisis, divisions within the women's movement are seen as part of the struggle to find a viable feminist politics. The essays focus on three broad areas of inquiry within the problematic of gender & postcolonialism: (1) conceptualizations of women as belonging to specific religious, caste, or regional communities; (2) discourses of female identity, subjectivity, & agency; & (3) gender within the narrative of modernity. An overview of each essay is included. J. Lindroth

Since late 2020, protests against government measures to contain the Covid‐19 pandemic have swept across Germany. At the forefront of these protests was the Querdenker Movement, a heterogeneous alliance of ordinary citizens, hippies, esotericists, opponents of conventional medicine, Christian fundamentalists, and right‐wing extremists bonded by their shared belief in conspiracy myths. This contribution draws upon the theoretical framework of the studies on the authoritarian personality to dissect the nature of this heterogeneous alliance and the democracy‐endangering potential of conspiracy myths. We present three key insights based on an analysis of representative public opinion surveys conducted by the Leipzig Authoritarianism Study. First, we demonstrate that susceptibility to conspiracy myths in the public mood occurs in waves that coincide with times of crisis. In this regard, the Covid‐19 pandemic is a catalyst of conspiracy myths as it has induced existential and epistemic insecurities amongst many citizens. Second, it is shown that there is an elective affinity between superstition, esotericism, and a conspiracy mentality, which can be cited as one explanation for the heterogeneous alliance during the protests. On the other hand, the nexus between religion and the conspiracy mentality depends on an individual's interpretation of religion. It is literalist fundamentalism that fosters susceptibility to conspiracy myths. Third, we highlight the democracy‐endangering consequences of a conspiracy mentality. Its manifestations include resentment and hostility toward minorities, an alienation from democracy, an increased likelihood of voting for right‐wing authoritarian parties, and an affinity for violence.

"31 Tote und über hundert Verletzte weist die Bilanz der Ausschreitungen vom 12. und 13. Februar auf. Die Bolivianer müssen sich eingestehen, dass die Fassade der relativen Stabilität des Landes nach über 17 Jahren neoliberaler Politik so große Risse bekommen hat wie nie zuvor. Weder die Regierung noch die Opposition sind in der Lage, als Konsequenz daraus Vorschläge für tragfähige wirtschaftspolitische Reformen zu formulieren."(Brennpunkt Lat.am/DÜI)

The recent conflict that erupted last year between Russia and Ukraine provided the foundation for this study's inspiration. Two news reports that were collected from the websites of the CNN and Russia Today(RT) English news channels were examined using Fairclough's (1992) three-level model as the primary model. Multiple models were employed at these levels to accomplish the objectives of this research, including : Searle (1979), Quirk et al. (1985), van Dijk (1991),Harris's (2013),and Halliday and Matthiessen (2014).
The following research questions have been raised as follows:
1.What are the syntactic, lexical, and rhetorical microstructures used by some CNN and RT with regard to the Russian-Ukrainian crisis?

Which intersexual and speech acts are used as mesostructures to convey the ideology of CNN and RT ?
What are the repeated themes that those channels introduced in terms of the macrostructures?
What is the information provided by the micro-and microstructures of those news channels' ideologies towards the Russian-Ukrainian crises?

The following conclusions have been reached:

CNN and RT utilize multiple syntactic structures like activation and passivation with the activation having the highest frequency ; CNN and RT employ over wording and metaphor as the analysis reveals.
CNN and RT utilize the direct and indirect manifest intertextuality the data under examination and mostly use speech acts' representatives (assertive).
The most repeatedly used theme in the collected data is manipulation.
Anti- violence and the defence of human rights are the most commonly used repeated ideological notions that are used by the journalists of CNN and RT in the data under examination.