Suchergebnisse

"B-246558"--P. [1]. ; "GAO/RCED-92-80BR." ; "January 1992." ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.

It's well known, that the archives, libraries and museums are keepers of the historical memory of nation. All of these elements must be in a closely connection to each other, because it should help to decide the problem of the keeping of the historical memory "in complex".Usually, people think that only governmental archives, libraries and museums can be the keepers of the historical memory of nation. Many of us forgot, that the social organizations could be the special keepers of our historical memory too.So, the author of this article considers the historical work of the International movement "Memorial", for example, his active exhibition's work in the end of 1980 — beginning 2000-s. There were the special moments of that work: the first — all exhibitions were devoted by the theme of the political repressions and the second — the exhibitions were organized by not only the museum of the "Memorial" but by the archive and library of the "Memorial" together. ; Рассматривается проблема культурной и исторической памяти применительно к выставоч-ной деятельности Международного общества «Мемориал». На основе анализа документальных отчетов по выставочной работе из Архива Международного Общества «Мемориал», автор раскрывает направления выставочной работы «Мемориала» с конца 1980-х до начала 2000- х гг.; обращает внимание на специфику коммеморативных практик общественного хранилища.В заключение статьи, автор делает вывод о том, что содержание выставочной работы «Ме-мориала» объяснялось целями и задачами мемориальского движения в целом. Кроме того,исследование показало, что мемориальские выставки обладают специфическим и чертами,отличающими их от классических музейных или архивных экспозиций: «комплексный под-ход» к организации выставок позволял сопровождать данные мероприятия вечерами памяти, просмотром кинолент, обсуждением научных проблем истории репрессий.

Unternehmen aus den USA und China wollen in den nächsten Jahren große Konstellationen aus Satelliten in erdnaher Umlaufbahn aufbauen. Über diese soll an jedem Ort der Erde Zugang zu schnellem Internet ermöglicht werden. Europa droht dadurch eine verschärfte technologische Abhängigkeit, mit erheblichen wirtschaftlichen und politischen Folgen. Vor diesem Hintergrund wird aktuell über den Aufbau einer eigen­ständigen europäischen Satelliten-Konstellation debattiert. Politisch und stra­tegisch wird entscheidend sein, die Frage zu beantworten, worin der Zweck einer solchen Konstellation bestehen soll. Geht es darum, eine politische Alternative zu schaffen und damit Europas Gestaltungsspielraum zu wahren, so muss dies trotz der Spannungen innerhalb Europas zeitnah geklärt werden. Nach der Bundestagswahl im September wird dieses Projekt auch für Deutschland eine der zentralen Herausforderungen an der Schnittstelle von Technologie- und Außenpolitik sein. (Autorenreferat)

"Representatives of Libya's warring parties are close to reaching a UN-mediated power-sharing agreement that would establish a Government of National Accord (GNA). Assuming it is finalized, the deal will be fragile. Its implementation will be fraught with tensions and can collapse at any moment under pressure from spoilers. Reaching a final agreement and implementing it will require yet stronger political and diplomatic efforts from external actors. This includes intensive engagement with the parties to the agreement and those who oppose the deal or have been left out of it; carefully wielding the instrument of targeted sanctions; and containing regional rivalries that have fueled Libya's conflicts. International support for implementation should take into account not only the formal demands of a unity government but also wider Libyan sensitivities over external interference. A foreign military presence would undermine the agreement." (Autorenreferat)

With the signing of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) on 15 November 2020, the announcement of the EU-China Comprehensive Agreement on Investment (CAI) on 30 December, and the prospects of enlarging the Compre­hensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), trade policy with and within Asia is gathering speed. In the greater East Asia region, consisting of Japan, South Korea, China and the Association of Southeast Asian nations (ASEAN), economic integration via trade, investment, supply chains and digital connectivity will accelerate. In contrast, regions that remain on the outside - i.e. North America, Europe and India - surely fear that trade flows will be diverted. At the same time, geo­politics have become a determining factor of trade policy. Any agreement also represents political positioning in the context of the Sino-American rivalry, or at least a reinsurance against the risks of economic or technological decoupling. What are the economic and political perspectives of these trade and investment agreements? What goals and strategies are the relevant actors pursuing? And what are the con­sequences for Europe's trade policy? (author's abstract)

Am 5. November 2020 ratifizierte Mexiko als elfter Staat das sogenannte Escazú-Abkom­men, eine Vereinbarung der Staaten Lateinamerikas und der Karibik zur Etablierung regionaler Transparenz- und Umweltstandards. Da somit die vorgegebene Mindestzahl an Ratifikationen erreicht worden ist, kann das Abkommen im Jahr 2021 in Kraft treten. Dadurch wurde ein innovatives multilaterales Instrument geschaffen, das für mehr Bürgerbeteiligung und eine bessere Durchsetzung von Bürgerrechten in Umwelt­belangen sorgen soll. In Lateinamerika sind wirtschaftliche Interessen an der Aus­beutung von Rohstoffen dominant, außerdem gibt es eine hohe Zahl an Ressourcen­konflikten. Vor diesem Hintergrund eröffnet das Abkommen betroffenen indigenen Völkern und Verteidigern von Menschenrechten in Umweltbelangen neue Möglich­keiten der Information, Partizipation und des Zugangs zum Justizwesen. Trotz dieses ersten verbindlichen Schritts nach vorne fehlen noch die Ratifizierungen maßgeb­licher Staaten der Region. Viele von ihnen wollen dem Abkommen gegenwärtig nicht beitreten, da sie ihre nationale Souveränität und Entscheidungsfreiheit durch Ver­tragsbestimmungen verletzt sehen. Deutschland und Europa bietet das Abkommen neue Ansatzpunkte bei der Formulierung von Lieferkettengesetzen. (Autorenreferat)

During the last twenty years, in the Arab countries as elsewhere in the world - though probably even more in emergent economies - the accounting profession has undergone significant changes. Liberalization policies, privatization of state corporate companies, increasing foreign investment and stock market activity, new tax regulations have stimulated the demand for accountancy, audit, and financial services. Laws on accounting standards systems are progressively replaced by the adoption of international accountancy and audit standards. The activities of international audit firms have developed with the expansion of transnational corporation, the multiplication of joint ventures, and franchised companies. The consequences of these changes have taken different forms in different contexts. In Egypt, where the economy had been for several decades under the control of the state, they result in ferocious battles between an elite internationalized segment of the profession and the rank and file of accountants, whereas in Lebanon they are more subtle, as the competition inside the profession are determined by a mix of complex professional, social and political factors. The paper will present and discuss the place and role of the big audit firms on the market of accountancy services in Egypt and Lebanon, and in the recent developments of the professional field of accountancy. Through these two specific cases, we hope to contribute to the understanding of how professional work is embedded in global political economy issues. ; Durant les 20 dernières années, dans le monde arabe comme ailleurs, la profession comptable a connu d'importants changements. Les politiques de libéralisation ont stimulé la demande de services comptables et financiers. Les normes internationales ont remplacé les systèmes comptables nationaux. Les activités des grands cabinets d'audit internationaux se sont développés avec l'expansion des firmes transnationales. les conséquences de ces changements ont été diverses selon les pays. Le papier présente et discute le rôle et la place des cabinets d'audit internationaux sur le marché des services comptables en Egypte et au Liban et les récents développements dans le champ professionnel de la comptabilité

"Since the end of the Cold War, the broadening notion of security and new security threats have facilitated the growing role of non-state actors, such as non-governmental organisations (NGOs), private military companies and armaments corporations in security governance. This paper suggests that the increased importance of non-state actors can be understood as part of a shift from government to governance in North American and European security policy making. Characteristic of the emergence of a system of security governance is the fragmentation of political authority among public and private actors in seven dimensions: geography, function, resources, interests, norms, decision-making and implementation. Building on a theoretical model which distinguishes between government and governance as ideal types, this paper addresses three questions: how can we understand the growing role of private actors in international security, what problems arise from this transformation of security policy making and why, and how can these problems be addressed." (author's abstract)

Résumé : Bien que n'ayant pas abouti au prononcé d'un arrêt au fond, la saisine de la Cour internationale de Justice en l'affaire des Questions relatives à la saisine et à la détention de certains documents et données (Timor-Leste c. Australie) est importante à plusieurs titres. Les mesures conservatoires prononcées, puis modifiées, ont contribué à la restitution des documents et données saisis au cabinet d'un avocat travaillant pour les intérêts du Timor-Leste. Elles ont également permis de donner d'utiles indications sur l'existence des droits protégeant les communications entre les États et leurs conseils, et ont montré comment la CIJ pouvait agir sur une autre procédure juridictionnelle. La remise en cause par le Timor-Leste, devant un tribunal arbitral, des effets du traité signé en 2006 sur la mer du Timor – dont l'affaire devant la CIJ ne constitue qu'un aspect imbriqué -est également de ce fait devenue moins sibylline.