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Marine management developments are occurring across the United Kingdom with the major aim to ensure economic growth and security of marine resources via the provision of legislative guidelines for sustainable management of activities within the marine environment. Many of these directives also provide guidance for maintaining ecologically valuable and/or endangered species and habitats that exist alongside, and may also support, marine activities/use. Marine governance is largely guided by several key directives laid out and implemented by governing authorities of Europe, the United Kingdom and those countries comprising the United Kingdom, and in line with several international conventions. The directives set out by each authority or convention may act discretely but more often tend to overlap, which can lead to confusion about the relevant marine conservation requirements and objectives that must be fulfilled for a given region, site or feature. Additionally, management objectives driven by the same legislation may oppose one another, adding further complexity to the matter. This article aims to provide an overview of governance that holds relevance to managing marine habitats and species, especially those deemed sensitive, ecologically valuable and/or endangered. A general overview and summary schematic tool of the marine governance, legislation and designations within each level of authority for the United Kingdom are provided. Additional consideration of the implications for legislation upon the United Kingdom leaving the EU is briefly discussed and a comparative case study of two marine habitats of high conservation value is provided to demonstrate how different sites/features may have considerably different management requirements.

Marine management developments are occurring across the United Kingdom with the major aim to ensure economic growth and security of marine resources via the provision of legislative guidelines for sustainable management of activities within the marine environment. Many of these directives also provide guidance for maintaining ecologically valuable and/or endangered species and habitats that exist alongside, and may also support, marine activities/use. Marine governance is largely guided by several key directives laid out and implemented by governing authorities of Europe, the United Kingdom and those countries comprising the United Kingdom, and in line with several international conventions. The directives set out by each authority or convention may act discretely but more often tend to overlap, which can lead to confusion about the relevant marine conservation requirements and objectives that must be fulfilled for a given region, site or feature. Additionally, management objectives driven by the same legislation may oppose one another, adding further complexity to the matter. This article aims to provide an overview of governance that holds relevance to managing marine habitats and species, especially those deemed sensitive, ecologically valuable and/or endangered. A general overview and summary schematic tool of the marine governance, legislation and designations within each level of authority for the United Kingdom are provided. Additional consideration of the implications for legislation upon the United Kingdom leaving the EU is briefly discussed and a comparative case study of two marine habitats of high conservation value is provided to demonstrate how different sites/features may have considerably different management requirements.

Künstliche Intelligenz (KI) birgt das Versprechen, große Datenmengen schneller und zuverlässiger zu analysieren, als Menschen dies können. Ist es also auch möglich, mit KI-Systemen die für diplomatische Verhandlungen relevanten Informationen so auszuwerten, dass dadurch ein signifikanter strategischer Mehrwert entsteht? Wir gehen dieser Frage zunächst anhand von zwei explorativen Fallstudien nach. Die erste dreht sich um die Verhandlungen für eine deutsch-österreichische Zollunion in den Jahren 1930/31. Hier zeigen wir, wie KI-Systeme genutzt werden könnten, um für Zwecke der Strategiebildung automatisiert ein Spektrum möglicher Szenarien zu entwickeln. In der zweiten Fallstudie geht es um die Verhandlungen um die sogenannte Cybercrime-Resolution im Rahmen der Vereinten Nationen (VN). In Zusammenarbeit mit dem Auswärtigen Amt wurde für die Studie untersucht, ob und in welcher Form KI-Systeme geeignet sind, das Verhalten von Staaten in der VN-Generalversammlung zu prognostizieren. Ausgehend von den beiden Fallstudien nehmen wir in einer systematischen Zusammenschau weitere Möglichkeiten in den Blick, KI als Instrument für die Diplomatie zu nutzen, zum Beispiel beim automatisierten Monitoring öffentlicher Medien rund um einen Verhandlungsprozess. KI ist heute noch oft fehleranfällig und wird absehbar nicht die Urteilskraft erfahrener Diplomaten ersetzen können. Als unterstützendes Instrument jedoch hat KI das Potenzial, einen möglicherweise unverzichtbaren Beitrag zur Vorbereitung und Durchführung diplomatischer Verhandlungen zu leisten. Die deutsche Außenpolitik sollte die Voraussetzungen dafür schaffen, die Einsatzmöglichkeiten von KI und anderen Methoden der Datenanalyse für die Zwecke der Verhandlungsdiplomatie weiter zu explorieren; außer­dem sollte sie eine "außenpolitische Datenstrategie" entwickeln und nor­mative Leitlinien für die Nutzung von KI im Kontext der Diplomatie einziehen. (Autorenreferat)

Lakoff, G.: Metaphor and war: the metaphor system used to justify war in the Gulf. S. 1-20. Tyson, L.: The U.S. economy and the war. S. 21-34. Gitlin, T.: The peace movement, the war movement, the media, and democracy. S. 35-48. Weber, S.: American foreign policy and the new world order. S. 49-58. Waltz, K. N.: A necessary war? S. 59-66. Breslauer, G. W.: U.S.-Soviet relations in the Middle East. S. 67-78. Haas, E. B.: What kind of new world order? S. 79-88. Bajpai, K. S.: The Gulf war: what kind of conflict? S. 89-100. Lapidus, I. M.: An historian looks at the current crisis. S. 101-112. Lipschutz, R. D.: Strategic insecurity: putting the pieces back together in the Middle East. S. 113-126. Karabel, J.: Class, race, and the military. S. 127-142. Caron, D. D.: Responses to aggression in the new world order. S. 143-155. Sanders, J.: History and world order: framing the past to shape the future. S. 155-170

This article discusses the issues of reforming the civil service of the Republic of Kazakhstan. In the course of the study, regulatory documents on the transition to a new model of public administration were analyzed. The study reveals the current position of personnel management services in the public service system. At the same time, statistical data on the effectiveness of the work of civil servants for the past reporting period are presented. The article presents the data of a global study on the public administration efficiency index conducted by the World Bank. The results of an international study prove that the previous experience of the transformation of the civil service has yielded positive results. However, Kazakhstan will need at least three decades to achieve its goals and objectives. The orientation of the state on human resource management and the importance of personnel management services can serve as a mechanism for improving the efficiency of the public service.

Bu makalenin amacı Türkiye-Yunanistan arasındaki Kıbrıs meselesi üzerinden Demokratik Barış Teorisi'nin (DBT) sorgulanmasıdır. Bu sorgulama dört aşamada yapılmıştır. Öncelikle DBT'nin düşünsel arka planı ele alınmış, ardından teori kavramsal ve kuramsal açıdan kısaca tanıtılmıştır. Üçüncü aşamada teorinin başlıca teorisyenlerinden biri olan Michael Doyle'un her iki ülkeyi liberal-demokratik ya da tersi ilan ettiği dönemler yine teorinin bir ülkeyi liberal-demokratik olarak tanımlamak için başvurduğu kurumlar üzerinden değerlendirilmiş; her iki ülkenin bu dönemlerdeki durumları analiz edilmiştir. Sonuç bölümünde ise her iki ülkenin savaşma ya da savaşmama kararları ile sahip oldukları rejimin türü arasındaki bağıntı sorgulanmıştır. Bu çalışmada temel olarak; Michael Doyle'un Türkiye'yi 1971-1974 ve Yunanistan'ı 1967-1975 dönemlerinde anti-liberal rejimlere sahip iki ülke olarak tanımlayıp 1974 yılında savaşmalarını bu duruma bağlamasının tek başına yeterli gerçekçi bir yaklaşım olmadığı sonucuna varılmış, her iki ülkenin savaş kararı almalarında sadece rejim türlerinin değil; Soğuk Savaş dönemi dinamiklerinin ve iki ülkenin uluslararası çıkarlarının da etkili olduğu kanaatine ulaşılmıştır. ; The purpose of this article is to examine the Democratic Peace Theory in the framework of the Cyprus issue between Turkey and Greece. This inquiry has been carried out in four stages. First, the intellectual background of the Democratic Peace Theory was discussed, and then the theory was briefly introduced conceptually and theoretically. In the third stage, the periods when Michael Doyle, one of the main theorists of the theory, declared both countries as liberal-democratic or vice versa, were evaluated through the institutions that the theory applied to define a country as liberal-democratic and the situations of both countries in these periods were analyzed. In the conclusion part, the relationship between the decisions of both countries to fight or not to fight and the type of regime they have is examined. In this study, it was concluded that Michael Doyle defined both Turkey between the periods 1971-1974 and Greece between the periods 1967-1975 as the two anti-liberal regimes countries, and indicates that linking the war of the two countries in 1974 to this situation is not a sufficient realistic approach. Not only the regime types but also the Cold War era dynamics and the international interests of the two countries were effective in the war decision of both countries.

International audience ; The construction of the figure of the alien is one contributory element in the genesis of a European geopolitical territory. The article develops this hypothesis through three topics of reflection: (1) the Schengen Area and the impact of the refugee crisis, especially in the case of Hungary; (2) the representation of citizenship in the United Kingdom, which, at least for the moment, is within the EU but outside the Schengen Area; and (3) the internal debates in Switzerland on the country's membership of the Schengen Area. These examples put into perspective what might otherwise be seen as a straightforward tendency toward the emergence of a "European people," since they show that the notion of the European citizen is still quite vague. The article also examines the EU's external border, which is a more complex matter than that outlined by security fences and shipwreck sites. Bilateral border management agreements with countries beyond the European Union, such as the Eastern Partnership and agreements with African states, suggest that the border is both an ideological operation and a frontline.Outline The Schengen Area: A geopolitical entity? Establishing the legitimacy and effectiveness of the European frontier The improvisation of summer 2015 On the geopolitical uses of a crisis: Viktor Orbán on the campaign trail European gods Different geopolitical representations of citizenship Between Europe and sovereignty: The great divide of the Swiss Fortress Europe? The external border of the European Union Conclusion: What prospects for a geopolitical entity under construction? ; La construction de la figure de l'étranger est un élément de la genèse d'un territoire géopolitique européen. L'article aborde cette hypothèse à travers trois sujets de réflexion : (1) la limite Schengen et l'impact de la crise des réfugiés, notamment dans le cas hongrois ; (2) la représentation de la citoyenneté au Royaume-Uni qui est, à ce jour, dans l'Union européenne (UE) et hors Schengen ; et (3) les débats internes à la Suisse sur l'appartenance du pays à l'espace Schengen. Ces exemples relativisent ce qui pourrait être décrit comme une évolution linéaire vers l'apparition d'un peuple européen car la notion de citoyen européen est encore bien floue. L'article étudie également la frontière externe de l'UE qui est un objet plus complexe que celui que dessinent les grillages et les lieux de naufrages. Les accords bilatéraux de gestion de la frontière avec des pays situés au-delà de l'Union européenne, Partenariat oriental et accords avec les États africains, suggèrent l'idée que celle-ci est une marche idéologique autant qu'une ligne de front.

Das Schwarze Meer ist ein Spannungsfeld. Es ist Schauplatz der Russland-Nato-Konfrontation und Projektionsfläche der russischen und türkischen Vorstellungen einer regionalen Ordnung. Die Sonderrolle der Türkei in der Region ergibt sich in erster Linie aus der Umsetzung des Vertrags von Montreux, der über weite Teile des vergangenen Jahrhunderts einseitige Einflussbereiche und Vormachtstellungen reduzierte. Die Nicht-Anrainer-Staaten sollen dabei außen vor bleiben. Für die Türkei ist der Vertrag von Montreux ein Machtinstrument. Der russische Einmarsch in der Ukraine im Februar 2022 hat es ihr ermöglicht, dieses Instrument noch stärker im Dienste der eigenen strategischen Interessen einzusetzen. Der Handlungsspielraum der Nato dagegen hat sich in der entstandenen Situation verengt. Zwar ist die Türkei ein wesentliches Element in der kollektiven Verteidigung der Allianz. Seit Ausbruch des russischen Angriffskriegs gegen die Ukraine ist die Nato aber nicht mehr im Schwarzen Meer präsent. Damit fehlt ein wichtiger Pfeiler zur Abschreckung und Verteidigung. Insofern gibt es im Schwarzmeerraum einen Dualismus der Ordnungsvorstellungen auf zwei unterschiedlichen Ebenen: der regionalen und der globalen. (Autorenreferat)

"Post Office and Civil Service serial no. 99-62." ; Mode of access: Internet.

Item 1017-A, 1017-B (microfiche) ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographies. ; Mode of access: Internet.