Suchergebnisse

A debate concerning whether NATO and European forces in the Balkans require radical restructuring considered several arguments: (1) wide-ranging emergency powers of international organizations create an obstacle to democratization versus the need to prosecute notorious war criminals before the intervention is completed; (2) "ad hoc" international arrangements should be replaced with the European-led pre-accession process versus the ongoing challenge of maintaining security in Kosovo; and (3) local institutions are ready to provide security for minorities versus destruction of Bosnian democracy was caused by war, not by the High Representative.

1. Introduction : international practices issues / Isaac Karikari and Joanna E. Bettmann -- 2. Child welfare / Gloria Jacques -- 3. Couples communication / Joanna E. Bettmann -- 4. Intimate partner violence / Caren J. Frost -- 5. Family conflict / Gloria Jacques -- 6. Elder care/elder populations / Caren J. Frost -- 7. Changes in caregivers / Joanna E. Bettmann -- 8. Adolescents / Joanna E. Bettmann -- 9. Substance abuse / Gloria Jacques -- 10. Concluding remarks / Caren J. Frost.

The article is devoted to the issue of hybrid warfare and the experience of postwar management on the example of Democratic Republic of the Congo.It is revealed the weakness of the state that is not able to control the territory, the risks of democratic transformation and the influence of external forces. The author examines the tools of the hybrid war, analyzes the current situation in the country, the inability of the central government and the factors of external influence. The urgency of the topic is causes by importance of the planning postwar managementinUkraine, which is negotiating about peacekeeping mission on the territories of Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Ukraine needs to know the possible consequences of this decision, studieng the experience of the countries with similar problems. An example of DR Congo demonstrates the loss of capital sovereignty over economically important regions, which can not be returned without external assistance. Moreover, even in liberated territories it is difficult to establish a stable order. The processes of unconventional conflicts lead to the weakening of sovereignty and the reduction or even loss of subjectivity. Accordingly, the methods of solving these issues with the involvement of international organizations often freeze the situation, leaving the subjectivity of the governments recognized in the world fragile. Such a development scenario also threatens Ukraine in the case of introduction the peacekeeping forces. The author comes to the conclusion that hybrid conflicts lead to a weakening of sovereignty, which is deepened by the influence of external forces. Intervention of the international community does not give the expected effect.
Keywords: hybridwar, conflict management, peacemaking operation.

The article highlights the importance of the assessment of the MPS, which forms the basis for the formation of the military policy and military doctrine of the country, the justification of the directions for the development of its armed forces, the military-industrial complex, the evaluation of existing real threats for prediction and the formulation of adequate and effective means and mechanisms to confront the Russian «hybrid» expansions.The author considers: the list of challenges, risks and threats, the probability of which is considered high up to 2025; qualitative changes in views on the content of modern military conflicts and wars; the information from the International Criminal Court's annual report on the recognition of aggression against Ukraine in the territory of the Crimea and Ukrainian eastern regions as an international armed conflict with the support of these actions of the Russian Federation;the idea of a pre-planned aggression against our state from Russia; genesis and the implementation of the system of integrated and interdependent preparatory and executive activities related to the coordination of a significant number of event participants by «pressure groups», «agents of influence» in launching the aggression in Eastern Ukraine and the Crimea, the development of the military-political situation from the beginning of the annexation of the Crimea as a typical special operation and events in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions in light of a hybrid war;the fact of recognizing by Putin his personal involvement in managing the operation to seize the Crimea; the development of further tension in the south-east of our country and modern reforms of the Armed Forces of Russia in favor of expanding the capabilities of its land component in the XXI century. The novelty of the work is to assess the development of the military-political situation in Ukraine with the beginning of the occupation of the Crimea and the subsequent events in the south-east of our state in light of a hybrid war.Key words: a military-political situation, a hybrid war, an international armed conflict, annexation, the Crimea, the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation, illegal armed formations, an operation of the United forces. ; Проаналізовано значення оцінки ВПО, покладені в основу формування воєнної політики і воєнної доктрини країни. Обґрунтовано напрями розвитку її збройних сил, військово-промислового комплексу, оцінку існуючих реальних загроз для прогнозування та формулювання адекватних і ефективних засобів та механізмів протистояння російській «гібридній» експансії. Розглянуто: перелік викликів, ризиків і загроз, вірогідність яких вважають високою до 2025 року; якісні зміни у поглядах на зміст сучасних військових конфліктів і війн; інформацію з Щорічного звіту Міжнародного кримінального суду щодо визнання ним агресії проти України на території Криму та її східних областей як міжнародного збройного конфлікту з підтримкою цих дій РФ; думку щодо заздалегідь спланованої агресії проти нашої держави з боку Росії; ґенезу і реалізацію системи комплексних і взаємозалежних підготовчих та виконавчих заходів, пов'язаних з координацією діяльності значної кількості учасників подій «групами тиску», «агентами впливу» в розв'язанні агресії на сході України і Криму, розвиток воєнно-політичної ситуації з початком анексії Криму як типової спеціальної операції та подій у Донецькій і Луганській областях у світлі гібридної війни; факт визнання В. Путіним особистої участі у керуванні операцією з захоплення Криму; розвиток подальшого напруження на південному сході нашої країни і сучасні реформи ЗС РФ на користь розширення можливостей своєї сухопутної компоненти армії в XXI столітті. Новизна роботи полягає в оцінці розвитку воєнно-політичної ситуації в Україні з початком окупації Криму і подальших подій на південному сході нашої держави у світлі гібридної війни.Ключові слова: воєнно-політична обстановка; гібридна війна; міжнародний збройний конфлікт; анексія; Крим; Збройні сили України; Збройні сили РФ; незаконні збройні формування; операція Об'єднаних сил.

Part I. 1. The democratic ideal in world organization. 2. Future Pan American relations.--Part II. 3. Future relations with the Far East. 4. Investments and concessions as causes of international conflict. ; Mode of access: Internet.

With the Indonesian invasion in late 1975, the self-determination conflict in East Timor gained international attention. Against all attempts on the part of Indonesia to silence international debate on its incorporation of East Timor, the Timorese resistance, with the support of selected states, continued to draw attention to its thwarted efforts at self-determination until the 1990s. Conflicts on self-determination are often analysed either as part of the larger picture of inter-national conflicts or as local territorial conflicts. Instead, we suggest a systems theoretical per-spective and understand conflict as a social system, which is based on repeated communication at various levels at the same time. Our analysis shows how the self-determination conflict in East Timor was successfully constructed as a matter of world politics by both the securitising and desecuritising speech acts of the conflict actors. These strategic speech acts from this early phase of the conflict in world politics, on the lack of self-determination of the Timorese people and the unlawful occupation, would prove to be important for the conflict system and renewed critical reaction to the Indonesian occupation in the early 1990s at the UN, ultimately leading to its resolution.

Today we are facing an incremental militarization of outer space, which is not only more congested and contested, but it is also starting to be considered by many nations as a warfare domain. This paper intends to give an overview of the current international dynamics at play in the militarization of outer space, identifying the main actors involved, their actions, postures and capabilities development, in order to examine whether these are encouraging international cooperation and the agreement of new governance rules or enhancing military competition and a possible conflict. It also aims to examine the current legal regime that regulates space activities, which is being challenged by new technological developments and states' growing interest in space, and the different dimensions of conflict in outer space and its possible impact on the international community.

What role does Russia play for Nordic regional cooperation? And how should the Nordic countries behave when there are suddenly two actors who both claim to represent the interests of Russia - the union authorities and the Russian republic? These two questions are discussed in the following article. To study Soviet/Russian Nordic policy, an analytical framework is constructed with the security problem of the USSR as its point of departure. Both "internal" and "external" aspects of national security are taken into consideration according to Barry Buzan's wider security concept. The study concentrates on the period November 1990 to May 1991. The author concludes that it is important that the Nordic countries establish direct contacts with the Russian republic and with individual Russian regions in the vicinity, while keeping the old diplomatic relations with the union government.

This paper deals with four aspects of neutrality. The first is the changing use of the word — from a purely legal concept to a broad political term. Behind this transformation lies a number of factors related to the development of the post-World War II political system. The second aspect bears on the use and understanding of the concept in Swedish foreign policy — and its ensuing role in domestic politics. The third aspect concerns the various kinds of judgement to which the Swedish policy of neutrality has from time to time been exposed. One conclusion is that Swedish policy of neutrality is criticized both on the basis of imprecise definitions of neutrality and because of ambivalence in Sweden's own application of the principle. A fourth and final observation deals with the possibilities for a revised paradigm for neutrality as an effect of the new developments in the European security order.

"The third edition of this successful text highlights new international trends toward global governance, nation-building and human development, while also assessing the extraordinary challenges confronting the United Nations at this critical moment in international affairs, not least being the ubiquity of conflict in Africa, the Middle East, and Europe, and the global threats of disease, climate change, and the retreat from multilateralism by the great powers. A comprehensive guide to the world body's institutions, procedures, policies, specialized agencies, historic personalities, initiatives, and involvement in world affairs, The New United Nations is organized thematically, blending both topical and chronological explanations making reference to current scholarly terms and theories"--