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Keith Hart on the
Informal Economy, the Great Transformation, and the Humanity of Corporations














International Relations
has long focused on the formal relations between states; in the same way,
economists have long focused exclusively on formal economic activities. If by
now that sounds outdated, it is only because of the work of Keith Hart. Famous
for coining the distinction between the formal and the informal economy in the
1970s, Hart is a critical scholar who engages head-on with some of the world's
central political-economic challenges. In this Talk, he, amongst others, discusses the value of the distinction 40
years after; how we need to rethink The
Great Transformation nearly a century later; and how we need to undo the
legal equivalence of corporations to humans, instituted nearly 150 years back.














Print version of this Talk (pdf)




What is, according to you, the
central challenge or principal debate in International Relations? And what is
your position regarding this challenge/in this debate?







I think it is the lack of fit between politics, which
is principally national, and the world economy, which is global. In particular,
the system of money has escaped from its national controls, but politics, public
rhetoric aside, has not evolved to the point where adequate responses to our
common economic problems can be posed. At this point, the greatest challenge is
to extend our grasp of the problems we face beyond the existing national
discussions and debates. Most of the problems we see today in the world—and the
economic crisis is only one example—are not confined to a single country.







For me, the question is how we can extend our research
from the local to the global. Let the conservatives restrict themselves to
their national borders. This is not to say I believe that political solutions
to the economic problems the world faces are readily available.  Indeed, it is possible that we are entering
another period of war and revolution, similar to 1776-1815 or 1914-1945. Only
after prolonged conflict and much loss might the world reach something like the
settlement that followed 1945. This was not only a settlement of wartime
politics, but also a framework for the economic politics of the peace,
responding to problems that arose most acutely between the wars.  It sounds tragic, but my point in raising the
possibility now is to remind people that there may be even more catastrophic
consequences at stake that they realize already. We need to confront these and
mobilize against them. When I go back in history, I am pessimistic about
resolving the world's economic problems soon, since the people who got us into
this situation are still in power and are still pursuing broadly the same
policies without any sign of them being changed. I believe that they will bring
us all into a much more drastic situation than we are currently facing. Yet in
some way we will be accountable if we ignore the obvious signs all around us.











How did you arrive at where you currently are in your thinking about IR?







My original work in West Africa arose out of a view that
the post-colonial regimes offered political recipes that could have more
general relevance for the world. I actually believed that the new states were
in a position to provide solutions, if you like, to the corrupt and decadent
political structures that we had in the West. That's why, when we were demonstrating
outside the American embassies in the '60s, we chanted the names of the great
Third World emancipation leaders—Frantz Fanon, Kwame Nkrumah, Fidel Castro, and so
on.







So for me, the question has always been whether
Africans, in seeking emancipation from a long history of slavery, colonialism, apartheid
and postcolonial failure, might be able to change the world. I still think it
could be and I'm quite a bit more optimistic about the outcome now than I have
been for most of the last fifty years. We live in a racialized world order
where Africa acts as the most striking symbol of inequality. The drive for a
more equal world society will necessarily entail a shift in the relationship
between Africa and the rest of the world. I have been pursuing this question
for the last thirty years or more. What interests me at the moment is the
politics of African development in the coming decades.







Africa began the twentieth century as the least populated
and urbanized continent. It's gone through a demographic and urban explosion
since then, doubling its share
of world population in a century. In 2050, the UN predicts that 24% of the world
population will be in Africa, and in 2100, 35% (read the report here, pdf)! This is because Africa is growing
at 2.5% a year while the rest of the world is ageing fast. Additionally, 7 out
of the 10 fastest growing economies in the world are now African—Asian
manufacturers already know that Africa holds the key to the future of the world
economy.







But, besides Africa as a place, if you will, a number
of anti-colonial intellectuals have played a big role in influencing me. The
most important event in the twentieth century was the anti-colonial revolution.
Peoples forced into world society by Western Imperialism fought to establish
their own independent relationship to it. The leading figures of that struggle
are, to my mind, still the most generative thinkers when we come to consider
our own plight and direction. My mentor was the Trinidadian writer C.L.R. James, with whom I spent a
number of years toward the end of his life. I am by temperament a classicist; I
like to read the individuals who made a big difference to the way we think now.
The anti-colonial intellectuals were the most important thinkers of the 20th
century, by which I mean Gandhi, Fanon and James.







But I've also pursued a very classical, Western
trajectory in seeking to form my own thinking. When I was an undergraduate, I
liked Durkheim and as a graduate student Weber. When I was a young lecturer, I
became a Marxist; later, when I went to the Carribbean, I discovered Hegel,
Kant and Rousseau; and by the time I wrote my book on money, The Memory Bank,
the person I cited more than anyone else was John Locke. By then I realized I
had been moving backwards through the greats of Western philosophy and social
theory, starting with the Durkheim school of sociology. Now I see them as a set
of possible references that I can draw on eclectically. Marx is still probably
the most important influence, although Keynes, Simmel and Polanyi have also shaped my
recent work. I suppose my absolute favorite of all those people is Jean-Jacques
Rousseau for his Discourse on Inequality and his inventive
approach to writing about how to get from actual to possible worlds.











What would a student need (dispositions, skills) to become a specialist
in IR or understand the world in a global way?







In your 20s and 30s, your greatest commitment should
be to experience the world in the broadest way possible, which means learning
languages, traveling, and being open to new experiences. I think the kind of
vision that I had developed over the years was not one that I had originally
and the greatest influence on it was the time I spent in Ghana doing my
doctoral fieldwork; indeed, I have not had an experience that so genuinely
transformed me since!







Even so, I found it very difficult to write a book
based on that fieldwork. I moved from my ethnographic investigations into a
literature review of the political economy of West African agriculture, and it
turns out that I am actually not an ethnographer, and am more interested in
surveying literature concerning the questions that interest me. I am still an
acute observer of everyday life; but I don't base my 'research' on it. Young people
should both extend their comparative reach in a practical way and dig very
deeply into circumstances that they encounter, wherever that may be. Above all,
they should retain a sense of the uniqueness of their own life trajectory as
the only basis for doing something new. This matters more than any professional
training.











Now we see spectacular
growth rates in African countries, as you mentioned, one of which is the DRC.
How can we make sense of these formal growth rates: are they representative of
the whole economies of these countries, or do they only refer to certain
economic tendencies?







The whole question of measuring economic growth is a
technical one, and it's flawed, and I only use it in the vaguest sense as a
general indicator. For example, I think it's more important that Kenya, for
example, is the world leader in mobile phone banking, and also a leader in
recycling old computers for sale cheaply to poor people.







The political dispensation in Africa—the combination
of fragmented states and powerful foreign interests and the predatory actions
of the leaders of these states on their people -- especially the restrictions
they impose on the movements of people and goods and money and so on – is still
a tremendous problem. I think that the political fragmentation of Africa is the
main obstacle to achieving economic growth.







But at the same time, as someone who has lived in
Africa for many years, it's very clear that in some countries, certainly not
all, the economies are very significantly on the move. It's not--in principle—that
this will lead to durable economic growth, but it is the case that the cities
are expanding fast, Africans are increasing their disposable income and it's the
only part of the world where the people are growing so significantly. Africa is
about to enter what's called the demographic dividend that comes when the
active labor force exceeds the number of dependents. India has just gone
through a similar phase.







The Chinese and others are heavily committed to taking
part in this, obviously hoping to direct Africa's economic growth in their own
interest. This is partly because the global economy is over the period of
growth generated by the Chinese manufacturing exports and the entailed infrastructure
and construction boom, which was itself an effect of the greatest shift from the countryside to the city in history. Now, the Chinese
realize, the next such boom will be—can only take place—in Africa.







I'm actually not really interested in technical
questions of how to measure economic growth. In my own writing about African
development, I prefer anecdotes. Like for example, Nollywood—the Nigerian film industry—which has just past
Bollywood as the second largest in the world! You mention the Congo which I
believe holds the key to Africa's future. The region was full of economic
dynamism before King Leopold took it over and its people have shown great
resilience since Mobutu was overthrown and Rwandan and Ugandan generals took
over the minerals-rich Eastern Congo. Understanding this history is much more
important than measuring GDP, but statistics of this kind have their uses if
approached with care.











Is it possible to
understand the contemporary economic predicament that we are seeing, which in
the Western world is referred to as the "crisis", without attributing it to
vague agencies or mechanisms such as neoliberalism?







I have written at great length about the world
economic crisis paying special attention to the problems of the Eurozone. My belief
is that it is not simply a financial crisis or a debt crisis. We are actually
witnessing the collapse of the dominant economic form of the last century and a
half, which I call national capitalism—the attempt to control markets, money
and accumulation through central bureaucracies in the interests of a presumed
cultural community of national citizens.







The term neoliberalism is not particularly useful, but
I try to lay out the history of modern money and why and how national
currencies are in fact being replaced. That, to my mind, is a more precise way
of describing the crisis than calling it neoliberal. On the other hand, neoliberalism does refer to
the systematic privatization of public interests which has become normal over
the last three or four hundred years. The bourgeois revolution claimed to have
separated public and private interests, but I don't think it ever did so. For
example, the Bank of England, the Banque de France, and the Federal Reserve are
all private institutions that function behind a smokescreen of being public
agencies.







It's always been the case that private interests
corrupted public institutions and worked to deprive citizens of the ability to
act purposefully under an ideological veil of liberty. But in the past, they
tried to hide it. The public wasn't supposed to know what actually went on
behind the scenes and indeed modern social science was invented to ensure that
they never knew. What makes neoliberalism new is that they now boast about it
and even claim that it's in everyone's interest to diminish public goods and
use whatever is left for private ends—that's what neoliberalism is.







It's a naked grab for public resources and it's also a
shift in the fundamental dynamic of capitalism from production for profit
through sales tow varieties of rent-seeking. In fact, Western capitalism is now
a system for extracting rents, rather than producing profits. Rents are income
secured by political privilege such as the dividends of patents granted to Big
Pharma or the right to control distribution of recycled movies. This has got
nothing to do with competitive or free markets and much opposition to where we
are now is confused as a result. Sometimes I think western capitalism has
reverted to the Old Regime that it once replaced—from King George and the East
India Company to George W and Halliburton. If so, we need another liberal
revolution, but it won't take place in the North Atlantic societies.











In your recent work,
you refer to The Great Transformation, which invokes Karl Polanyi's famous
analysis of the
growth of 19th century capitalism and industrialization. How can Polanyi
help us to make sense of contemporary global economy, and where does this
inspiring work need to be complemented? In other words, what is today's Great Transformation
in light of Polanyi?







First of all, the
Great Transformation is a brilliant book. I have never known anyone who
didn't love it from the first reading. The great message of Polanyi's work is
the spirit in which he wrote that book, regardless of the components of his
theory. He had a passionate desire to explain the mess that world society had
reached by the middle of the 20th century, and he provided an
explanation. It's always been a source of inspiration for me.







A central idea of Polanyi's is that the economy was
always embedded in society and Victorian capitalism disembedded it. One problem
is that it is not clear whether the economy ever was actually disembedded (for
example capitalism is embedded in state institutions and the private social
networks mentioned just now) or whether the separation occurs at the level of
ideology, as in free market economics. Polanyi was not against markets as such,
but rather against market fundamentalism of the kind that swept Victorian
England and has us in its grip today. The political question is whether politics
can serve to protect society from the excesses produced by this disembedding;
or whether it lends itself to further separation of the economy from society.







And I would say that Polanyi's biggest failure was to
claim that what happened in the 19th century was the rise of "market
society". This concept misses entirely the bureaucratic revolution that was
introduced from the 1860s onwards based on a new alliance between capitalists
and landlords which led to a new synthesis of states and corporations aiming to
develop mass production and consumption. Polanyi could not anticipate what
actually happened after he wrote his book in 1944. An American empire of free
trade was built on a tremendous bureaucratic revolution. This drew on
techniques and theories of control developed while fighting a war on all
fronts. The same war was the source of the technologies that culminated late in
the digital revolution. Karl Polanyi's interpretation of capitalism as a market
economy doesn't help us much to understand that. In fact, he seems to have
thought that bureaucracy and planning were an antidote to capitalist market
economy.







If you ask me what is today's great transformation, I
would prefer to treat the last 200 years as a single event, that is, a period
in which the world population increased from one billion to seven billion, when
the proportion of people living in cities grew from under 3% to around half,
and where energy production increased on average 3% a year. The Great Transformation
is this leap of mankind from reliance on the land into living in cities. It has
been organized by a variety of institutions, including cities, capitalist
markets, nation-states, empires, regional federations, machine industry, telecommunications
networks, financial structures, and so on. I'm prepared to say that in the
twentieth century national capitalism was the dominant economic form, but by no
means all you need to know about if you want to make a better world.







I prefer to look at the economy as being organized by
a plural set of institutions, including various political forms. The Great Transformation
in Polanyi's sense was not really the same Great Transformation that Marx and
Engels observed in Victorian England—the idea that a new economic system was
growing up there that would transform the world. And it did! Polanyi and Marx
had different views (as well as some common ideas), but both missed what
actually happened, which is the kind of capitalism whose collapse is constitutes
the Great Transformation for us today. The last thirty years of financial
imperialism are similar to the three decades before the First World War. After
that phase collapsed, thirty years of world war and economic depression were
the result. I believe the same will happen to us! Maybe we can do something
about it, but only if our awareness is historically informed in a
contemporarily relevant way.











The distinction between
states and markets really underpins much of what we understand about the workings
of world economy and politics. Even when we just say "oh, that's not economic"
or "that's not rational", we invoke a separation. How can we deal with this
separation?







This state-market division comes back to the bourgeois
revolution, which was an attempt to win freedom from political interference for
private economic actors. I've been arguing that states and markets were always
in bed together right from the beginning thousands of years ago, and they still
are! The revolution of the mid 19th century involved a shift from
capitalists representing workers against the landed aristocracy to a new
alliance between them and the traditional enforcers to control the industrial
and criminal classes flocking into the cities. A series of linked revolutions
in all the main industrial countries during the 1860s and early 70s—from the
American civil war to the French Third Republic via the Meiji Restoration and
German unification—brought this alliance to power.







Modernity was thus a compromise between traditional
enforcers and industrial capitalists and this dualism is reflected in the
principal social form, the nation-state. This uneasy partnership has marked the
relationship between governments and corporations ever since. I think that we
are now witnessing a bid of the corporations for independence, for home rule,
if you like. Perhaps, having won control of the political process, they feel
than can go ahead to the next stage without relying on governments.  The whole discourse of 'corporate social responsibility'
implies that they could take on legal and administrative functions that had
been previously 'insourced' to states. It is part of a trend whereby the
corporations seek to make a world society in which they are the only citizens
and they no longer depend on national governments except for local police
functions. I think that it is a big deal—and this is happening under our noses!







Both politicians and economic theorists (OliverWilliamson got a Nobel prize for
developing Coase's theory of the form along these lines)
are proposing that we need to think again about what functions should be
internal to the firm and what should be outside. Perhaps it was a mistake to
outsource political control to states and war could be carried out by private
security firms. The ground for all of this was laid in the late 19th
century when the distinction in law between real and artificial persons was
collapsed for business enterprises so that the US Supreme Court can protect
corporate political spending in the name of preserving their human rights!
Corporations have greater wealth, power and longevity than individual citizens.
Until we can restore their legal separateness from the rest of humanity and
find the political means of restricting their inexorable rise, resistance will
be futile. There is a lot of intellectual and political work still to be done
and, as I have said, a lot of pain to come before more people confront the
reality of their situation.











What role do
technological innovations play in your understanding and promoting of shifts in
the way that we organize societies? Is it a passive thing or a driver of
change?







I wrote a book, the
Memory Bank: Money in an Unequal World
(read it here, with the introduction
here), which centered on a
very basic question: what would future generations consider is interesting
about us? In the late '90s, the dot com boom was the main game in town. It
seemed obvious that the rise of the internet was the most important thing and
that our responses to it would have significant consequences for future
generations.







When I started writing it, I was interested in the
democratic potential of the new media; but most of my friends saw them as a new
source of inequality – digital exclusion, dominance of the big players and so
on. I was accused of being optimistic, but I had absorbed from CLR James a
response to such claims. It is not a question of being optimistic or
pessimistic, but of identifying what the sides are in the struggle to define
society's trajectory. In this case the sides are bureaucracy and the people. Of
course the former wish to confine our lives within narrow limits that they
control in a process that culminates as totalitarianism. But the rest of us
want to increase the scope for self-expression in our daily lives; we want
democracy and the force of the peoples of world is growing, not least in Africa
which for so long has been excluded from the benefits of modern civilization.
Of course there are those who wish to control the potential of the internet
from the top; but everywhere people are making space for themselves in this
revolution. When I see how Africans have moved in the mobile phone phase of
this revolution, I am convinced that there is much to play for in this
struggle. What matters is to do your best for your side, not to predict which
side will win. Speaking personally, Web 2.0 has been an
unmitigated boon for me in networking and dissemination, although I am aware
that some think that corporate capital is killing off the internet. A lot depends
on your perspective. I grew up learning Latin and Greek grammar. The
developments of the last 2-3 decades seem like a miracle to me. I guess that
gives me some buoyancy if not optimism as such.







It's obvious enough to me that any democratic response
to the dilemmas we face must harness the potential of the new universal media.
That's the biggest challenge. But equally, it's not clear which side is going
to win. I'm not saying that our side, the democratic side, is going to beat the
bureaucratic side. I just know which side I'm on! And I'm going to do my best
for our side. Our side is the side that would harness the democratic potential
of the new media. In the decade or more since I wrote my book on money and the
internet, I have become more focused on the threat posed by the corporations
and more accepting of the role of governments. But that could change too. And I
am mindful of the role the positive role that some capitalists played in the
classical liberal revolutions of the United States, France and Italy.











Final Question. I would
like to ask you about the distinction between formal and informal economy which
you are famous for having coined. How did you arrive at the distinction? Does the
term, the dichotomy, still with have the same analytical value for you today?








Around 1970, there was a universal consensus that only states could organize economies for development. You were either a Marxist or a Keynesian, but there were no liberal economists with any influence at that time. In my first publication on the topic (Informal Income Opportunities and Urban Employment in Ghana, read it here, pdf)—which got picked up by academics and the International Labor Organization—I was reacting against that; the idea promoted by a highly formal economics and bureaucratic practice that the state as an idea as the only actor. In fact, people in Third World cities engaged in all kinds of economic activities, which just weren't recognized as such. So my impulse was really empiricist—to use my ethnographic observations to show that people were doing a lot more than they were supposed to be doing, as recorded in official statistics or discussed by politicians and economists.






Essentially, I made a distinction between those things
which were defined by formal regulation and those that lay outside it. I posed
the question how does it affect our understanding in the development process to
know more what people are doing outside the formal framework of the economy.
And remember, this came up in West Africa, which did not have as strong a colonial
tradition as in many other parts of Africa. African cities there were built and
provisioned by Africans. There were not enough white people there to build
these cities or to provide food and transport, housing, clothing and the rest
of it.







In my book on African agriculture, I went further and
argued that the cities were not the kind of engines of change that many people
imagined that they were, but were in fact an extension of rural civilizations
that had effectively not been displaced by colonialism, at least in that
region. Now if you ask me how useful I think it is today, what happened since
then of course is neoliberal globalization, for want of a better term, which of
course hinges on deregulation. So, as a result of neoliberal deregulation, vast
areas of the economy are no longer shaped by law, and these include many of the
activities of finance, including offshore banking, hedge funds, shadow banking,
tax havens, and so on. It also includes the criminal activities of the
corporations themselves. I've written a paper on my blog called "How the
informal economy took over the world" which argues that we are witnessing the
collapse of the post-war Keynesian consensus that sought to manage the economy in
the public interest through law and in other ways that have been dismantled; so,
it's a free-for-all. In some sense, the whole world is now an informal economy,
which means, of course, that the term is not as valuable analytically as it
once was. If it's everything, then we need some new words.







The mistake I made with other people who followed me was
to identify the informal economy with poor slum dwellers. I argued that even
for them, they were not only in the informal economy, which was not a separate
place, but that all of them combined the formal and informal in some way. But
what I didn't pay much attention to was the fact that the so-called formal
economy was also the commanding heights of the informal economy—that the
politicians and the civil servants were in fact the largest informal operators.
I realize that any economy must be informal to some degree, but it is also
impossible for an economy to be entirely informal. There always have to be
rules, even if they take a form that we don't acknowledge as being
bureaucratically normal like, for example, kinship or religion or criminal
gangs. So that's another reason why it seems to me that the distinction has
lost its power.







At the time, it was a valuable service to point to the
fact that many people were doing things that were escaping notice. But once
what they were doing had been noticed, then the usefulness of the distinction
really came into question. I suppose in retrospect that the idea of an informal
economy was a gesture towards realism, to respect what people really do in the
spirit of ethnography. I have taken that idea to another level recently in mywork on the human economy at the University of Pretoria in South Africa. Here, in addition to
privileging the actors' point of view and their everyday lives, we wish to
address the human predicament at more inclusive levels than the local or even
the national. Accordingly, our interdisciplinary research program (involving a
dozen postdocs from around the world, including Africa, and 8 African doctoral
students) seeks ways of extending our conceptual and empirical reach to take in
world society and humanity as a whole. This is easier said than done, of
course.







Keith
Hart is Extraordinary Visiting Professor in the Centre for the Advancement of
Scholarship and Co-Director of the Human Economy Program at the University of
Pretoria, South Africa. He is also centennial professor of Economic Anthropology at the LSE.











Related links










Faculty Profile at U-London


Personal webpage


Read Hart's Notes towards an Anthropology of the Internet (2004, Horizontes Antropológicos) here (pdf)


Read Hart's Marcel Mauss: In Pursuit of a Whole (2007, Comparative Studies in Society and History) here (pdf)


Read Hart's Between Democracy and the People: A Political History of Informality (2008 DIIS working paper) here (pdf)


Read Hart's Why the Eurocrisis Matters to Us All (Scapegoat Journal) here (pdf)









Print version of this Talk (pdf)

Norbert Michel and Jai Kedia


A few weeks ago, American Compass released Rebuilding American Capitalism, A Handbook for Conservative Policymakers. This Forbes column (American Compass Points To Myths Not Facts) provided a very brief critique of the handbook's "Financialization" chapter, and Oren Cass, American Compass's Executive Director, released a response titled Yes, Financialization Is Real.
This Cato at Liberty post is the fourth in a series that expands on the original criticisms outlined in the Forbes column. (The first three in the series are available here, here, and here.) This post demonstrates the evidence does not support American Compass's claims regarding investment. It also further documents American Compass's failure to clearly specify terms and dates, as well as its selective use of examples that appear to support its positions.
To recap, the American Compass handbook states the following:
American finance has metastasized, claiming a disproportionate share of the nation's top business talent and the economy's profits, even as actual investment has declined." [Emphasis added.]

As with profits, the "Financialization" chapter does not specify a single preferred measure of investment or any time frame for analysis. It simply complains that "In recent decades…actual investment has declined." [Emphasis added.] The original critique stated, "The claim that investment has declined is also easily verified as false," and then used National Income and Product Account (NIPA) data to show "investment in fixed assets has been steadily increasing since 1970, a trend that holds even if the data is adjusted for inflation."
Cass takes issue with the original critique's use of absolute investment dollars rather than investment as a share of GDP. Cass's response states:
Of course, investment rises in absolute dollars as the American population grows and economy expands. Who would claim otherwise? The question is what has happened relative to GDP.

Yet, American Compass uses the term actual investment in the introduction to the "Financialization" chapter and purposely uses aggregate data in levels when doing so suits its purpose. But importantly, American Compass fails to settle on any definition of investment.
Here's a list of direct quotes describing investment from the "Financialization" chapter:
Unfortunately, in the United States, productive business investment has been in long‐​term decline and the financial industry now specializes in trading assets around in circles. [Emphasis added, no dates given.]
Economy‐​wide, business investment has fallen significantly as a share of GDP. [Emphasis added, no dates given.]
They instead become savers themselves by acquiring financial assets, effectively deferring the earthy and material work of productive capital investment to others. [Emphasis added, no dates given.]
Statistically, this transition began in the 1980s, as the share of corporate investment in tangible assets declined and the acquisition of financial assets climbed. [Emphasis added.]
Despite this ambiguity, Cass's response insists that readers should know exactly what investment data American Compass's handbook is referring to because "the Rebuilding American Capitalism handbook is a synthesis of our analysis and recommendations and provides copious references to further reading alongside each proposal." So, here's a list of direct quotes from two other American Compass reports, none of which provide a clear answer:
Actual‐​investment, by which I mean the allocation of capital toward the development of new productive capacity—the building of structures, the installment of machines, the creation of intellectual property—has been weakening in America for decades now. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
As non‐​investors have overrun the banks and markets and taken control of corporations, actual‐​investment has slowed. The nation's capital base is smaller by literally trillions of dollars as a result, representing untold enterprises never built, innovations never pursued, and workers never given opportunity. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
Net non‐​residential fixed investment as a share of GDP has fallen by almost half, from 4.1% in the 1970s and 80s to 2.5% in the 2010s. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
The classic categories of investment, structures and equipment, account for 87% of the nation's capital base and the rate of investment there has been declining in both gross and net terms. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
Net investment as a share of value‐​add averaged 4.3% during 1998–2000 and then 0.5% during 2002-04. During 2000–17, the average was 2.2%, leading to a $1.0 trillion shortfall over the period, relative to the 1970–99 rate. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
As we have seen, the cumulative gross investment shortfall during 2009–17 as compared to 1970–99 amounted to $3.4 trillion. [Found in "The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment" – emphasis added.]
Nationwide, net investment as a share of GDP has fallen sharply, and the shortfall since the Great Recession totals roughly $3 trillion (equivalent to the excess outflow from public companies). [Found in "Confronting Coin‐​Flip Capitalism" – emphasis added.]
This creates a vicious cycle in which business leaders pursuing promising opportunities become harder to find, further encouraging the financial sector to develop strategies for deriving profits disconnected from actual investment. [Found in "Confronting Coin‐​Flip Capitalism" – emphasis added.]
From 2009 to 2017, the nation needed $22.9 trillion in gross investment to match the average growth rate of the capital stock during 1970–99 (3.8% of GDP annually). Instead, investment totaled only $19.6 trillion. [Found in "Confronting Coin‐​Flip Capitalism" – emphasis added.]
Even the market fundamentalists—indeed, especially the market fundamentalists—recognize that higher investment levels would be beneficial. [Found in "Confronting Coin‐​Flip Capitalism" – emphasis added.]
Setting aside American Compass's failure to explain whether any of these versions of investment is its single preferred measure of investment to study "financialization," it is true that there are many ways to describe investment. Indeed, there are even many different time periods, inflation adjustments, aggregation issues, and sub‐​components of investment that influence how an aggregate investment series behaves.
Moreover, if investment (however defined) declines, or declines slower than some metric, that fact alone would not be evidence that investment is less than optimal. While many American Compass reports imply investment is suboptimal, American Compass has not provided evidence that investment is less than what it should be.
Take, for instance, American Compass's claim that "Net non‐​residential fixed investment as a share of GDP has fallen by almost half, from 4.1 percent in the 1970s and 80s to 2.5 percent in the 2010s." If American Compass believes that that 4.1 percent was the optimal share in 1970, and a 1.6 percentage point lower share in the 2010s "threatens our future prosperity" and requires America to rebuild capitalism, then the least it can do is state a clear hypothesis and make an empirical case. Such critics cannot simply argue that a lower number is less than optimal. (For what it's worth, American Compass's "The Corporate Erosion of Capitalism" also fails to provide such evidence – it is merely an accounting exercise without any economic analysis of the optimal levels of real investment individual firms need to sustain their own operations.)
It turns out, though, that the long‐​term trend in most of these investment measures is not decreasing. The only way to show that "investment" has declined is to selectively define the measure and period for analysis. Otherwise, it is impossible to say that investment has declined.
Regardless, there is no inherent economic reason that investment, whether in absolute amounts or relative to GDP, whether net or gross, or real or nominal, must constantly increase. A developed economy with evolving working patterns, for instance, would not need to constantly invest more in new corporate structures.
Similarly, the rate of growth of investment does not have to constantly match or exceed GDP (or profit) growth in any historical period. The mere fact that some metric of investment grows slower than some other economic measure – even for an extended period – does not indicate that the economy will be harmed much less that "financialization" caused the "slow" growth.
Our analysis now turns to the actual time series of real investment and real GDP, respectively (see Figure 1 and Figure 2). Contrary to what Cass claims in his response, the right question is not always "what has happened [to investment] relative to GDP." (Even if it was the correct question, simply dividing investment by GDP would not adequately account for confounding factors such as population growth, the cost of investment, productivity, feedback loops, etc.) Bluntly, it is not at all clear that using a relative measure is the "right" way to look at investment.









Figure 1: Real Gross Private Investment in the U.S., Annual from 1929 to 2022









Figure 2: Real Gross Domestic Product in the U.S., Annual from 1929 to 2022
For starters, nobody invests in amounts relative to GDP, and even American Compass often refers to levels of investment. Regardless, there are some basic mathematical issues that suggest, at the very least, researchers must be very careful drawing inferences from relative investment measures.
As Figure 1 and Figure 2 show, real (gross private domestic) investment and real GDP both display a sharp upward trend. However, the two series exhibit an enormous difference in size and volatility – the standard deviation of investment growth is five times greater than for GDP growth. A 20 percent year‐​to‐​year decline in investment is normal, but it would be highly unusual for GDP. Moreover, any decline in the ratio can easily mask the causal relationship between investment and economic growth.
Put differently, GDP is stable but one of its components – investment – fluctuates rapidly. This stability arises as investment accounts for only 13 percent of GDP on average and fluctuations in investment can be offset by counter‐​cyclical fluctuations in other components of GDP, such as consumption or fiscal spending. Consequently, measuring investment relative to GDP can give the appearance that something dreadful has happened even though such deviations may be the result of a perfectly normal economy, even one with optimal decision making.
Investment's high volatility is a commonly known macroeconomic fact. Benchmark macro models dating back to the start of macroeconomic modeling itself have highlighted investment's significant volatility in comparison to the rest of the economy. Successes of models since then are measured (at least in part) by whether their simulated time series can match the observed volatility of macro indicators such as investment.
Leaving the appropriateness of using levels aside, we now examine nominal investment relative to nominal GDP (i.e., the investment‐​to‐​GDP ratio), as well as several of its component measures. (See Figure 3.) These nominal metrics are available from 1929, but in fairness to American Compass, we only present the data from 1950 onwards. The series exhibits high volatility between 1929 and 1950 and starting the graph in 1929 biases the data toward a steeper increasing trend for investment and its component measures. (Incidentally, replicating Figure 3 with real investment and GDP figures also shows the ratio exhibiting an increasing trend.[1])
As Figure 3 shows, the investment‐​to‐​GDP ratio exhibits variation around a very mildly increasing trend for all of modern U.S. economic history. As for component measures, non‐​residential investment has grown significantly as a share of the economy, offsetting the decline in the share of residential investment. Finally, net private domestic investment has declined over time. From this set of investment measures, focusing only on net private domestic investment to argue "actual investment" has declined equates to selectively using a sub‐​component of investment while ignoring others.









Figure 3: Investment Metrics as Share of NGDP in the U.S., Annual from 1950 to 2022
Of course, there are still many other ways to describe investment. Assume, for example, that net nonresidential (or business) investment is the "right" measure to analyze, as Cass's response suggests. Figure 4 presents real net business investment and its subcomponents from 1967 to 2021.[2] It shows that net business investment exhibits a sharp increasing trend. (Figure 3 showed that nonresidential investment as a share of GDP exhibits an increasing trend.) While the trends are not as steep for the subcomponents, Figure 4 shows that net investment in business equipment and intellectual property also display increasing trends. However, net business investment in structures exhibits a decreasing trend. (Interestingly, in The Rise of Wall Street and the Fall of American Investment, American Compass groups structures and equipment together to demonstrate that investment in "Structures & Equipment" is declining.)









Figure 4: Real Net Nonresidential Investment and its Components in the U.S., Annual from 1967 to 2022
Obviously, it would make little sense to argue that "actual investment" is declining by focusing only on the decline in the net structure subcomponent, or any other component of investment for a shorter period. Put bluntly, American Compass is incorrect to use declines in any of these subcomponents to argue that there is some kind of broad decline in investment.
Still, the trends in these subcomponents on Figure 4 are even more problematic for American Compass. Not only do the trends contradict that investment is in a general decline, but American Compass's story requires an explanation for: (1) why the highly developed U.S. economy needs constantly increasing growth in structures; and, (2) how "financialization" is responsible for a decline in structure investment and a simultaneous increase in equipment and IP investment.
It is also worth noting that while there's nothing inherently wrong with using net investment figures, as American Compass sometimes does, neither the Bureau of Economic Analysis's depreciation estimates nor accounting depreciation perfectly coincide with economic depreciation. In other words, even when someone fully depreciates a piece of equipment for tax or accounting purposes, it does not mean that the equipment is no longer useful and must be immediately replaced.
More generally, from a macroeconomic perspective, there is no reason to distinguish between different sub‐​components of investment. The primary macro indicator of economic health is real GDP growth away from trend (or similar metrics such as output gap and unemployment). Investment is a means of facilitating capital accumulation and it is not immediately clear why one component of it is necessarily better than any other. This is why seminal empirical economic papers always focus on investment as an aggregate. Even highly cited papers that explicitly model net investment don't bother to include it in their results, instead focusing again on aggregate investment.
Overall, aggregate investment in the United States is not in decline. Yet, American Compass relies on a wide array of investment descriptions, in various time periods, to argue that American investment is in a general decline and below optimal levels. American Compass's error is only compounded by its imprecise definition of financialization. This combination of errors leaves American Compass with little more than a set of stories that appear to provide evidence financial markets threaten American capitalism.
In the next post, we will conclude this series by discussing American Compass's flawed characterization of Americans' income.


[1] It may seem unintuitive that shares would be different between nominal and real variables (prices on the numerator and denominator should cancel out), but the relative price of investment has changed significantly in comparison to overall GDP. Specifically, the deflator for investment has been significantly higher than for GDP, equalizing only since the 2010s.


[2] The BEA provides values for sub‐​components of investment that only go back to 1967.

Background NOVA did this evaluation of the National Pollen Forecast Service on commission from the Norwegian Asthma and Allergy Association (NAAF) and the Norwegian Directorate of Health from August 2017 thru May 2018. Several studies indicate that allergies and hypersensitivity have become more widespread (Meld. St. 19, (2014- 2015) - Report to the Storting (white paper) on public health). Asthma is the most dramatic and most frequently mentioned of all illnesses due to allergic reactions. In the year 2000, it was the most frequent cause of hospitalization of Norwegian children (Carlsen 2001). In a cross-sectional study among children, aged 7-14 in a Northern Norwegian region in 2008, the incidence of self-reported asthma was 18 percent (Meld. St. 19, 2014-2015). According to the whitepaper on Public Health, several studies show that the lifetime incidence of hay fever (rhinitt) is about 25 percent among school aged children and 30 percent among youth in puberty (Meld. St.19, 2014-2015). Although the National Pollen Forecast Service in Norway started about 1975, it had still not been evaluated. The Norwegian Asthma and Allergy Association (NAAF) has continuously operated the service. It is of importance for people of all ages that the National Pollen Forecast Service is optimal. Allergic reactions to pollen from Alder, Hazelnut, Salix, Birch, Grass, and Common mugwart and some other plants and substances (e.g. dust) affect all age groups and, are overall a significant public health problem. If untreated such allergies can cause absence from kindergarten, school and workplaces, worsen other illnesses, and trigger asthma. For many of those with severe pollen allergies, reduced participation in school and work life activities will also cause reduced learning, ability to work and work-satisfaction. Topics in this report The main topics in this report are: The current Pollen Forecast Service and its usefulness for different groups of users. Collection and analysis of pollen, usefulness in other areas Expertise in Norway, Sweden and Denmark Suggestions for future developments in the collection and use of pollen data. Design and Methods The assignment was carried out using several types of evaluation and research methods. One method has been a literature study, the second implementation of an online survey among users of the pollen alert and the third method has been interviews with health professionals and other experts. Main findings A review of former studies is described in chapter 3, they are in the list of references at the end of this report. Several articles describe newer measurement methods, number of pollen traps in regional areas or large cities and, studies of user-feedback about their ailments during the pollen season. One article illustrates the difficulties the British healthcare system has handling pollen allergies, especially among the youth population. The literature review also refers to several articles regarding the efforts to get a better understanding of the effects of the daily pollen alerts for different groups of users, within and outside Europe. Some studies also include more automatized and semi-automatic ways of measuring pollen (especially in Germany and some other European countries). In Europe, there has been a lot of research and trials of different systems for pollen-notification and user assessments of various types of apps. Parts of this literature can be of substantial importance when planning the future of Norwegian pollen alerts and may possibly also be useful in the development of Scandinavian pollen forecast services. Both the literature that discusses user experiences and the literature on modern automated methods may be of interest in this regard. The online survey (in Chapter 4) invited a random sample of 5000 subscribers to the Norwegian Pollen Forecast Service's mailing list to participate in the survey, which had both open-ended questions and questions with fixed reply categories. We received 570 responses. Although this is a low response rate, that does not permit decisive conclusions, the responses especially from the open-ended questions gave useful information. Two out of three respondents were women. All age groups 18 and older were among the respondents and in general, they had a high level of education. Many respondents were long time users of the service, almost a fourth had used the services for more than a decade. Essentially the users are pleased with the Pollen Forecast Service. They use it often; many use it once or more a week during the pollen season. In response to the question: if the pollen Forecast Service he /she used had helped in regards to reducing their ailments, almost 45 per cent answered yes. About 40 percent answered somewhat, and a relatively small share, 12 percent answered no. The users had many and useful suggestions for further development and improvements of the service. One important input is that they wish there were more pollen traps/metering stations. Relatively many say that the alert does not always match what they experience in their home areas. This may be due to both the fact that there are not enough metering stations in our long country with climatic variations, and that many are not aware of the delays in analysis of samples from the pollen traps (due to delayed mail service). The main findings from the interviews are discussed in chapter 5. There were 24 semi-structured half-hour interviews with healthcare personnel and other experts. Sixteen interviews were with healthcare personnel, five were with Norwegian experts, two with foreign experts, and one informant was a user of the services. The main impression from the interviews is that the healthcare professionals, the Norwegian experts and the individual user are very pleased with the Norwegian pollen alert service. The Norwegian experts gave information about the Norwegian forecast service during the interview. The Norwegian pollen alert system has been run by the NAAF since it started in 1975, although there has been an increase in the number of traps and types of pollen they report. Today the Norwegian pollen forecasts are based on information from 12 traps located in 12 different regions that they send alerts for. Samples from the whole country are analyzed at a laboratory at NTNU (a university in central Norway) and the pollen researchers there prepare the forecast for the coming days. Thereafter, they produce daily statistics for each trap. In 2006, the Norwegian Directorate of Health began to contribute financially to the pollen alert service. In 2013, the Pollen Forecast Service was included in the National Budget, but the annual allotted amount in has remained the same from 2013 -2017. Norway uses the same type of traps that are used in other European countries. Since the same type of pollen traps are used in European countries and the pollen samples are analyzed in comparable ways, cross national studies on the importance of pollen forecasts for allergy sufferers can be conducted. Informants, among both experts and the health professionals, have suggestions for service improvements. An increase from the 12 pollen traps used today is desirable, since Norway is a vast country with meteorological and topological challenges. Some believe that if patients had better knowledge about the pollen alerts and used them more actively, some could be spared the additional suffering they go through because they do not use the alerts systematically enough. Several also acknowledge the importance of communication between doctors / nurses and patients and that it could be improved regarding pollen forecasts. The Danish pollen forecast system resembles the Norwegian; a national asthma and allergy association runs the service and they receive financial support from public health authorities. The association also has a webpage that publishes the pollen forecast amongst other topics. Denmark has two pollen traps, one in Copenhagen and one in Jutland. The trap in Jutland is partially automized, it has a motorized microscope that is monitored remotely. There is no need to mail the samples to Copenhagen to analyze them. Samples from both traps are collected and analyzed the same day and are made public simultaneously. The Danes also would like more pollen traps, preferably five; one in each of Denmark's five regions. The Swedish service is organized in a different way than the Norwegian service. The Swedish asthma and allergy association does not run the Swedish service, even though it is partially government funded. The Swedish pollen alert system is managed by a laboratory at the Swedish Museum of Natural History, which is a government agency. There are 20 pollen traps in Sweden and collection of data from them is divided between three laboratories. The traps and the laboratories are funded in various manners by different levels of public authorities (national, regional and municipal). There is a website that has the forecasts from all of the Swedish pollen traps, gives information about an app, the three laboratories that monitor the pollen traps and how funding is organized. The Swedish asthma and allergy association has a policy document with suggestions on how to develop and secure future Swedish pollen alerts. Among their suggestions is an increase in the number of Swedish pollen traps to 25. Implications and recommendations Although Norway has had pollen forecasts since 1975, the service has never been through an external evaluation before. A significant majority of the service users, health care professionals and other experts we have been in touch with, are pleased with the current pollen alert service in Norway. However, they also state that there are ways to improve the services. There is a clear desire to increase the number of pollen traps. Norway has 12 pollen traps, and the number has been the same for several years. In Sweden, which this project was to include briefly, there are currently 20 pollen traps. The Swedish asthma and allergy association's policy memorandum from 2017, states that they want to increase the number of traps to 25. Chapters 4, 5 and 6 argue that there currently are not enough pollen traps in Norway. The reasons why there should be an increase of 5-6 pollen traps in Norway are explained. According to the experts we interviewed 18 pollen traps would require three research positions. My recommendation is to continue analyzing the samples at one laboratory, as it is done now. The analysis is done at the biology department of a university (NTNU), where they have two experienced researchers doing the job. Since NAAF has so much experience in running the service, and has accumulated a lot of user experience, it seems appropriate that the organization should continue to be the responsible body in this field. The Norwegian, Swedish and Danish pollen researchers expect that monitoring the pollen traps will be automized within a foreseeable future, as mentioned they have already started in Denmark. Based on the views presented in chapters 4 and 5 in this report, we recommend that Norway should have 20-25 pollen traps, at the latest within a 4-5-year period. An expert group should perhaps examine the need for additional pollen traps in the coming years. Continuing current research on automization of pollen traps and using satellite-data of vegetation is deemed important. Projects of that type should be continued. Another important issue assessed in this evaluation is the itemization of the Pollen Forecast Service in the national budget. Keeping the allocation of funds for the Pollen Forecast Service in the national budget has advantages; it would ensure the continuation of this important service targeting a major health problem. The results in this report also show that the NAAF are pleased that the forecast service is in the national budget. However, they are less satisfied with the lack of price adjustments since the Pollen Forecast Service was included in the National Budget in 2013. Thus, in terms of real value, there has been a reduction in the funding. We have made some comparisons with Sweden where public support of the services is divided in various ways and in addition, they have contributions from volunteers and private funders. Our assessment is that the Swedish organization of the service is less predictable and manageable than what is considered desirable for the Norwegian Pollen Forecast Service. Informants, both in the online-survey and interviews wanted quicker alerts from the sampling. As it is now, the samples are often more than a day old by the time they reach the laboratory at NTNU for analysis. This is because the analysis of samples from the 12 Norwegian pollen traps is done manually. In Denmark, the results are made public without this delay, because they have automated traps. Other European countries have tested a similar system. The experts we interviewed assumed within a few years there will be more electronic treatment of samples. Norway has more pollen traps than Denmark, and should test such methods and gain experience with acquiring results quicker. Several informants are requesting forecasts with a longer time span than the current two-day forecast. Since weather forecasts span several days, they believe it should be possible for pollen forecasts as well. Bearing in mind that it is advisable for allergy sufferers to start taking their medication about a week before expected exposure, subscribers of email- alerts and health personnel want forecasts that cover a longer period. There is, as shown in the report, a bit of research about pollen alert systems and circumstances that influence pollen alerts. Assessment of available research and suggesting areas in need of more research were to be part of the evaluation. Based on information from our informants and the review of existing international research, there are indications are that one pollen trap is insufficient in populated cities to capture another likely problem with varia­tions in pollen within cities in addition to high air pollution. An area for further research is pollen in larger city environments (larger cities in a Scandinavian context). It is of importance to public health to acquire more knowledge about the development of pollen and pollution (pollution can enhance the allergic reactions to pollen for people with allergies) in areas with large populations. There is some uncertainty and probably some disagreement among health personnel regarding at what age children and youth are capable of using pollen alerts (e.g. the pollen app) and administering their own medication. It is important to gain more knowledge about whether children and youth use the pollen alerts and if they get the alerts. It may also be worth finding out if the use of, and usefulness of pollen alerts varies with other characteristics such as education, social background and immigrant background. Research that can show how climate change influences future pollen dispersion in the Scandinavian countries is also important. In this regard, research regarding the prevalence and dispersion of ragweed pollen in Scandinavia should be monitored and if necessary initiated. As of today, one assumes that the plant does not survive Norwegian winters, but the plant is found in both Denmark and southern Sweden. In Germany, Hungary, France and Switzerland pollen from ragweed is a major cause of allergy suffering and the experts we interviewed believe that a warmer climate will allow the plant to spread northward to a greater extent in the years to come. ; Pollenvarslingstjenesten ble etablert her i landet rundt 1975. Dette er første gang tjenesten blir evaluert. Målet med evalueringen er å få vite mer om hvilken nytteverdi varslingstjenesten har i dag, og om mulighetene framover for best mulig å forebygge utvikling og forverring av pollenallergier og astma. NOVA foretok en litteraturstudie av relevant forskning i flere land, en nettundersøkelse blant 570 brukere av pollenvarslingen i Norge og intervjuet helsepersonell og eksperter. Mange er fornøyd med dagens pollenvarslingstjeneste. Men evalueringen viser behov for flere pollenfeller, raskere innsamling av data, samt mer forskning, blant annet knyttet opp mot klimaendringene. Evalueringsundersøkelsen er utført som et oppdrag for Norges Astma- og Allergiforbund (NAAF) og Helsedirektoratet.

Background International agencies such as the World Health Organisation have highlighted the potential of digital information and communications technologies to strengthen health systems, which are underpinned by the 'building blocks' of information, human resources, finances, commodities, leadership and governance, and service delivery. In high income countries, evidence of the positive impacts of 'eHealth' innovations on the cost-effectiveness of healthcare is growing and many governments are now providing incentives for their adoption. In contrast, the use of eHealth in developing countries has remained low and efforts to introduce these new approaches have experienced high failure rates. There is even scepticism regarding the feasibility of eHealth in low-resource settings, which may be hindered by high costs, indeterminate returns on investment, technical problems and socio-organisational barriers. More research is needed to document both the value of eHealth for strengthening resource-limited health systems and the challenges involved in their implementation and adoption, so that insights from such research may be used to inform future initiatives. While many studies of eHealth for patient care in low- and middle-income countries (LMIC) are taking place, evidence of its role in improving administrative processes such as financial management is lacking, despite the importance of 'good governance' (transparency and accountability) for ensuring strong and resilient health systems. The overall objective of this PhD was to elucidate the enablers, inhibitors and outcomes characterising the implementation and adoption of a modular eHealth system in a group of healthcare facilities in rural Malawi. The system included both clinical and billing modules. The specific objectives were (i) to understand the socio-technical, organisational and change management factors facilitating or hindering the implementation and adoption of the eHealth system, (ii) to assess the quality of data captured by the eHealth system compared with conventional paper-based records, and (iii) to understand how information within the eHealth system was used for service delivery, reporting and financial management. A further aim was to contribute to the corpus of mixed-methods case studies exploring eHealth system implementation processes and outcomes (including data quality) in LMIC. As described in the following chapters, the research also gave rise to unanticipated and serendipitous findings, which led to new lines of enquiry and influenced the theoretical perspectives from which the analysis drew. Methods Mixed-methods case study was used for the research, taking a 'soft-positivist' approach to analysis, which encompasses both inductive and deductive forms of enquiry. Two case studies were undertaken in rural Malawi: one at a 300-bed fee-for-service hospital, and the other at nine primary care health centres that surround the hospital. At the outset of the research, the 'logic model' underpinning the eHealth system implementation programme was mapped, based on formative scoping to articulate the goals and intentions of those commissioning and supplying the eHealth system, along with literature-informed theory. This provided a framework against which to evaluate the processes and outcomes of eHealth system implementation at the ten facilities. For the hospital case study (Case Study 1), a retrospective single-case embedded design was employed, with outpatient and inpatient departments being the two units of analysis. Qualitative data included document review and in-depth key informant interviews, while quantitative data was obtained from the web-based District Health Information System (DHIS2), patient files and the hospital's finance records. For the study of primary health centres (Case Study 2), a single-case embedded design was also used, with the rollout project as the case and the three units of analysis being 3 Early Adopter Facilities, 4 Late Majority facilities and 2 Laggard facilities. This case study used a prospective design, with data being collected 7 months and 24 months after implementation of the eHealth system due to a mismatch between the independent eHealth implementation project and the PhD research. Data sources included documentation screened against the criteria listed in the Performance of Routine Information System Management (PRISM) tools, information extracted from the eHealth system, health indicators drawn from DHIS2 and qualitative data from focus group discussions. In both case studies, framework analysis was used for qualitative data, while quantitative data was analysed by calculating data completeness, accuracy and agreement. Descriptive statistics and the Mann-Whitney U-test were used for analysing finance data in Case Study 1. Content analysis was also used to gain insights from Case Study 2. Results Based on the initial logic model, staff-, service delivery- and management-level outcomes were moderated through the organisational change management and socio-technical factors described below. Key organisational and process factors influencing system implementation Change management processes: Organisational strategies aimed at facilitating the introduction of the eHealth system included training clinical and clerical staff in the computer skills required to use it (see below) and adapting work processes to accommodate and optimise adoption. At the three health facilities where the billing module was implemented, the latter included introducing new procedures for providing electronic receipts to clients and service providers. At Madalo Hospital this also involved the creation of a new category of administrative staff with responsibility for managing the appropriate capture, entry and exchange of data using the system. However, such data clerks were only introduced within the inpatient department, whilst already over-burdened clinical staff in the outpatient department were expected to integrate the eHealth system into their existing work routines. Outpatient departments at the health centres resorted to task-shifting patient data entry roles from clinicians to lower-educated allied staff such as janitors and security guards. Infrastructure and security issues: Organisational enablers were infrastructural and policy interventions aimed at securing equipment and patient data. These included installations of locks and burglar-proof bars, enhanced engagement of security guards and frequent backup of data. An organisational intervention undertaken at the health centres was the introduction of backup batteries and solar power, aimed at providing a continuous electricity supply. However, problems with battery depletion, frequent connectivity interruptions between the client computers and the server and electricity fluctuations and outages, affected both the efficiency of the batteries and the practical utility of the eHealth system. Highly efficient nano-computing units were later introduced, to reduce electricity demands and improve the consistency of available power for the purposes of using the system. Socio-technical issues arising during the implementation process Technical/software problems: There were 24 problems identified with the eHealth system, encompassing its design flaws, security protocols, and hardware and database limitations. For instance, entry of patient data was in multiple windows needing to be minimised, passwords expired with no one at the facilities with rights to issue new passwords, there were frequent disconnections between the client computers and the server, and lists of drugs and indicators for reporting in its database were limited. Although health centre staff used the system for backup storage and retrieval of data, only Early Adopters reported use of the eHealth system's search function. Socio-technical issues: The technical problems outlined above resulted in a heavy reliance on paper records by the health centres, although centres varied in their attitude towards and persistence with eHealth system implementation, with Early Adopter sites overcoming most challenges. At the hospital, the eHealth system was subjected to such inappropriate use by staff that even establishing rules and an IT centre to regulate usage were ineffective, leading to a system crash in 2012 due to viruses and other malware. Such inappropriate use included staff depleting hospital server space by storing personal files (videos, music, pictures, games), being on Facebook instead of attending to patients, sharing of login credentials and not always logging off their account after use, and removal of cables from the computers. Leadership: At the hospital, there was strong management support for the eHealth system. In contrast, there were strong opinions from staff at Late Majority and Laggard facilities about the ineffective engagement of health facility "in-charges". Further, many system champions were senior staff and thus busier and more mobile, most often leaving the junior staff at the health centres, who were not formally trained, to be using the eHealth system. Training: Limitations in the scope and number of staff formally trained was perceived to be a barrier to eHealth system adoption at the health centres, particularly lack of training in basic troubleshooting and maintenance. Even peer training lacked follow-up formal training. At the hospital, developing an appropriately skilled cadre of system users was hindered by high staff turnover and departmental rotations, which required frequent rounds of basic training. Staff at the hospital and health centres were nevertheless happy about the computer knowledge they had gained as a result of the implementation programme, although most expressed a lack of confidence in using the eHealth system. Technical support: For reasons including those already outlined, staff requested support for a range of hardware and software problems, not all of which it was possible to fulfil in a timely way, due to lack of sufficient IT personnel. Lack of in-country technical support for the software was also a considerable barrier to progress, particularly for the IT team based at the hospital, requiring requests for changes to be passed to the parent company. In one attempt to address this, the rights to a partial version of the software was passed to a local foundation for onward management, however the software developers were unwilling to release the source code so that further enhancements and customisation could be made. Efforts to recruit more hospital IT workers and reorganising responsibilities were frustrated by high staff turnover among the IT team. As a result, response to calls from health centres for technical support by the IT team was said to be slow and ineffective (except at Late Majority Facilities), and there was no transfer of basic troubleshooting and minor repair skills from the IT team to the health facility staff. Perceived outcomes: Despite the challenges described above, some tracer outcomes of the eHealth system were detectable from the qualitative and numerical results, relating to data quality, service delivery, reporting and decision-making, and financial management. Perceived and measured outcomes of eHealth system implementation Documentation and associated workload: In both case studies, implementation of the eHealth system illuminated the dysfunctional paper-based system, particularly loss of documents. At the health centres (Case Study 2), only Early Adopters reported reduced administrative and patient care workload following eHealth implementation, while the other adopter groups reported increased workload due to dual use of paper and electronic systems, as well as staff shortage and high patient load. Data quality: Both case studies reported poor data quality in the eHealth system, mainly due to the dual use of the paper-based and electronic systems, and staff defaulting to using the paper-based system only. This was aggravated by infrastructure and leadership problems at the health centres. Across the health centres, completeness of outpatient registration data in the eHealth system was 82.4%, as compared to DHIS2 (100.0% for Early Adopters, 73.9% for Late Majority), equivalent to an average monthly omission of 1,271 clients. When compared to DHIS2 data at Madalo Hospital, outpatient registration data in the eHealth system was 76.0% complete, under-reporting by an average 577 clients per month. Compared with the hospital's paper-based records, inpatient registration and diagnosis data in the eHealth system, as entered by ward clerks, was 93.6% complete and 68.9% accurate. Service delivery (efficiency and patient experience): At Madalo Hospital, the eHealth system was reported to have made retrieval of patients' paper files faster, as the implementation project had also led to changes in the hospital's filing system. This new filing system also facilitated retrieval of data for patients with lost paper records, and allowed linking of patients' outpatient and inpatient records. Reported service delivery improvements at the health centres included enhanced ability for tracing patients, treatment continuity, identifying the correct patient, ensuring patient confidentiality, keeping health workers alert and available, following clinical protocols, identifying the need to change prescription for (or refer) a recurrent patient, and reportedly showing the patient that the provider was paying attention. Improvements in patient experience were perceived to be through avoiding the need for patient details to be re-entered at subsequent visits, better management of queues, and patients feeling more understood by the service provider and having more confidence in the services. Perceived negative patient experiences were associated with staff members' slow typing skills and unfamiliarity with the eHealth system, dual entry of patient information into both the electronic and paper systems, extra steps added to the patient journey through the care process, and disrupted patient-provider interaction. Efficiency of reporting: After its implementation at the hospital site, the eHealth system had become routinely used to generate data for measuring quality of care, and partly for national reporting purposes (HMIS). Customised reports for the hospital were created and used for decisions such as allocation of wards, advocacy and funding applications. In contrast, all the primary healthcare facilities were still using paper registers to compile HMIS reports, a few in combination with the eHealth system, because of lack of knowledge of the reporting module, poor design of the system's reports, and disruptions in electricity and network connections to the server. Management of finances: Financial management was reported to have improved at Madalo Hospital due to better-quality data capture and tracking of service charges, separation of billing and receiving roles by recruiting ward clerks, enhanced oversight by management, and fraud prevention through greater transparency and accountability. Although median monthly revenue was significantly higher after eHealth system implementation (P=0.024), micro- and macro-contextual factors confounded this effect, and the descriptive and qualitative data revealed that genuine improvement only came about after recruitment of ward clerks towards the end of the study period. At the health centres, the eHealth system reportedly helped staff in the accounts department with billing, the facility in-charges with financial oversight, and clients with more trust in printed receipts. Conclusion Converging the results of these two case studies illustrates the potential of eHealth to strengthen LMIC health systems through developing human resource capacity (skills, staff roles), facilitating service delivery, and improving financial management and governance. However, realising such improvements is dependent upon understanding the socio-technical interactions mediating the integration of new systems into organisational processes and work practices, and implementing appropriate change management interventions. The results of this study suggest that, for effective implementation and adoption of eHealth systems, healthcare leaders should (1) recruit data entry clerks to relieve clinical staff, improve workflow and avoid data fraud, (2) facilitate appropriate data use among system users and an information culture at the facilities, and (3) strengthen knowledge and skills transfer from eHealth system developers to local implementers and system champions, to optimise responsiveness and ensure sustainability. Further interdisciplinary research is needed to obtain additional insights into factors affecting the quality of eHealth data and its use in the management of LMIC health systems, including the role of social, professional and technological influences on financial good-governance.

Tese de Doutoramento em Urbanismo com a especialização em Urbanismo apresentada na Faculdade de Arquitetura da Universidade de Lisboa para obtenção do grau de Doutor. ; Premissa Em Arquitectura, o desenvolvimento, a confirmação ou a negação de alguns paradigmas culturais e teóricos deve ser antecedido pelo mesmo processo em relação ao mais básico e prioritário dos objetos em questão, ou seja, o veículo das mesmas conjeturas, o produto de estes três anos de formação de terceiro ciclo: a tese de doutoramento. Esta é precisamente uma pesquisa, uma investigação de carácter experimental, original e inédita, confrontada meticulosamente com capacidades e técnicas capazes de controlar o seu processo. Não constitui uma prática de deificação de verdade dogmática, não tem validade universal, não revela a soma absoluta do saber. Pelo contrário, quer gostemos quer não, a investigação, como atividade, é de natureza duplamente parcial: epistemológica e temporal. Por sua vez, derivado de visões anteriores e baseado em inúmeros estudos, é um segmento do saber com uma certa legitimidade, transmissível entre pensadores e operadores da comunidade científica. Ao mesmo tempo, não tem validade cronológica ilimitada e não constitui uma meta invejada, mas sim um ponto de partida para futuras pesquisas académicas, próprias e de outrem, para um avanço disciplinar contínuo. É também importante precisar que o objeto de estudo não é produto de um capricho, e a investigação que dele resulta não constitui um exercício ocioso. Persiste, no entanto, a convicção de que é necessário que sejamos comedidos, mantendo-nos o mais possível dentro do nosso campo disciplinar específico, agora cada vez mais adulterado por desvios e fascinações sócio-antropológicas, com as condições da contemporaneidade na esfera de um realismo saudável. Objeto da pesquisa O objeto desta pesquisa é, portanto, aquela paisagem moderna dos segmentos costeiros do sul da Europa feita de geografia e de objets trouves, formas e materiais comuns, arquiteturas ainda "não acreditadas", resultantes de práticas não muito claras – traços de cidades informais litorais, produtos de auto-construção, ilegalidades, e ambiguidade normativa – que têm normalmente origem, necessidade, sentido e uso autónomos, relativamente a eventuais leituras formais e convencionais, mas que podem interessar bastante a quem se ocupa do território contemporâneo antrópico. Quer se queira quer não, estes manufatos, pela presença cénica por vezes tão imponente e violenta, outras vezes insignificante e camuflada, representam uma quota consistente da paisagem contemporânea e das ocasiões profissionais de nós arquitetos, cada vez mais forçados a manipular, com o olhar e com as nossas obras, a transformar e a corrigir este tipo de situações complexas, em vez de enriquecer os nossos territórios com nova edificação. Só os edifícios abusivos em Itália chegam aos 17%, enquanto que a percentagem aumenta entre os 30% e os 40% se considerarmos as construções que persistem ao longo da costa; a vizinha Grécia evidencia práticas semelhantes; se considerarmos também os edifícios autorizados do ponto de vista normativo, mas nunca 'dirigidos' a quem os observa, é óbvio que falamos pelo menos de metade daquilo que há anos temos constantemente debaixo dos olhos. Um fenómeno de quantidades e dimensões tais que é legítimo, por um lado, reconhecer que o atual sistema positivista normativo é, resumidamente, bastante ineficaz, e, por outro, falar de situações inadiáveis, e não de dissertação teorética gratuita. Talvez tenhamos realmente passado um ponto sem retorno. É possível conjeturar a demolição de quilómetros e quilómetros de construção ao longo da costa? Como reutilizar e armazenar os milhares de restos de metros cúbicos de materiais de construção civil não recicláveis? É economicamente sustentável? É dialeticamente correto? É culturalmente sincrónico? Cada empreendimento demiúrgico, adequado a reimplantar uma hipotética idade de ouro ou o sublimado "ponto zero" do estado natural das coisas, arrisca a parecer mais arrogante e insensato – mesmo que não seja considerado assim pelo senso comum – que uma humilde e realista tentativa de reconhecer certas formas que adornam o território honestamente rejeitado na consciência da autonomia disciplinar e dos limites – dentro dos quais a nossa investigação pode definir-se, de um certo modo, como científica – das nossas competências de estudiosos de arquitetura, que não se confundem com as nossas aspirações vagas de cidadãos e utentes sociais. Trata-se, na verdade, de abandonar por um momento os impulsos políticos e sociológicos e a prática da "reportagem da degradação" – muito em voga hoje – para se limitar, e não se trata de limites, pelo contrário, a investigar, na qualidade de arquiteto, a forma, e compreender até que ponto, objetos e linguagem, não considerados áulicos e sem acreditação, possam constituir, pelo contrário, materiais de construção de interesse. Exatamente como outros, não só no campo arquitetónico, têm repetidamente tentado, ao longo da história, uma cultura nova de partilha. O significado de acreditação A tese de doutoramento entende, portanto, propor uma leitura da paisagem contemporânea, olhando a dinâmica da acreditação como o principal instrumento de reavaliação de alguns objetos e segmentos costeiros da nossa área geográfico-cultural, a fim de enfrentar mais adequadamente a complexidade da gestão de território. A pesquisa explora, portanto, algumas técnicas compositivas para a acreditação, ou seja, contextualiza o objeto, ou o conjunto de objetos, em novos e variados possíveis sistemas de relações funcionais da construção da paisagem, do espaço coletivo, da forma e da contemporaneidade. A acreditação de um objeto está ligada a características intrínsecas e extrínsecas ao mesmo. Esta reside seguramente em atributos formais – forma, dimensões, escala, relação com a paisagem, materiais utilizados – mas sobretudo, amaldiçoando um estéril e perigoso elenco numérico das qualidades a registar, evitando a redução da arquitetura a sistemas meramente quantitativos, em características extrínsecas ao próprio objeto. Em primeiro lugar, a capacidade de criação – aliás, compositiva - que descreve o objeto a ser acreditado, a partir da operação de lançar um olhar sobre este, que é já projeto, transformando-o e tornando evidente com a produção de uma forma (seja ela uma fotografia, uma colagem, um desenho, um poema, uma composição musical) esta transformação. Uma transformação que consiste sobretudo na ativação de novas relações entre o objeto e outros elementos e layers do território, sejam estes materiais ou imateriais. Método e resultados esperados A acumulação de fragmentos da contemporaneidade sobre a forma de um ábaco de elementos de um vocabulário possível, a abstração das formas que adornam a nossa geografia, o confronto sistemático entre "objetos encontrados", esquecimento de hoje, e casos do passado pelos quais existe uma clara e universal atribuição de qualidade, o desnivelamento de um diálogo organizado entre elementos de pontuação, geneticamente heterogéneos, de diversas frentes costeiras, pode constituir um exercício saudável de observação para poder superar o paradigma do pitoresco e da lente da retórica, principais limites da pesquisa de onde é sempre difícil libertar-se. Desta forma, os investigadores, estudiosos, e administradores que colocarem as lentes dadas por esta pesquisa, e através das quais observarem a paisagem, poderão dialogar, debater e criar avanços disciplinares significativos no sentido de compreender as formas do território, concentrando-se nos mecanismos de reconhecimento e acreditação dos elementos que contribuem para a definição da paisagem contemporânea. A utilidade da dissertação é modernizar e atualizar o paradigma em vez de forçar a realidade a uma evolução improvável de "regresso ao futuro", para constituir uma base disciplinar, seja para elaborar cenários possíveis, seja para estruturar sistemas de avaliação de propostas de criação, seja para uma articulação normativa territorial de nova geração para áreas distintas. ; ABSTRACT: Premises Before proceeding with the widening, confirming or retracting of a few cultural and theoretical archetypes in the field of architecture, it may come useful to do the same with the most basic and overriding of the subject matters under examination: that is the vehicle of the conjectures themselves, the result of a third level three year education program: the PhD thesis. Indeed, it is a research, an investigation carrying an experimental flair; original and unreleased, tackled thoroughly by means of skills and techniques able to control its process. It does not intend to be the deification of dogmatic truths, it is not valid all-round nor reveals the absolute summa of knowledge. On the contrary, whether liked or not, the research activity has a two natured incompleteness: of epistemological and temporal nature. In turn, it derives from previous points of view and is based on upstream studies. It is a section of knowledge having a certain validity domain, transmissible and interchangeable among thinkers and operators belonging to the scientific community. Moreover, and at the same time, it has no limits in its chronological validity and it is not the seeking for a target: rather, a starting point inspiring confidence for future academic researches – both of the writer and reader's – for an incessant disciplinary progress. It is also useful to point out that the subject matter of this study is not the result of a whim; the investigation that it prompted, not an idle exercise. Instead, it was the persisting need urging one to measure oneself – trying one's best to remain as much as possible within his specific educational field (now, more than ever, diluted by the many social-anthropological bewitching) – with a healthy realism at the core of the being contemporary. Object of research Therefore, the object of this research is the contemporary landscape of the coastal segments in Southern Europe, made of geography and objets trouvés, ordinary shapes and materials, unacknowledged architectures, often a result of not very straightforward practices – sections of informal coastal towns, products of self building, unauthorized development and regulation ambiguity – which normally are autonomous in their origin, needs, sense and use in respect to a conventional formal reading, but rising great interest in those who are involved in the field of contemporary anthropized environments. Whether we like it or not, these products (human crafts showing, at times, a brutal and imposing stage presence and at times an insignificant or minor and muffled one) represent a considerable part of contemporary landscapes and of professional chances for us architects, being ever more forced to manipulate, transform and correct, both with our gaze and action, the complexity of these set outs, rather than enriching our territories with new volumes. Abusive buildings in Italy cover over 17% of the gross, while the percentage increases reaching 30-40% if considering buildings along coastal areas. Nearby Greece shows similar routine. If, on the other then, one wishes to broaden the dissertation also to those buildings authorized under the regulation point of view, yet upsetting those who observe them, it is obvious that they cover at least half of what we have constantly observed for years. A phenomenon in terms of quantity according to which it is licit on one hand to recognize that the present positivistic regulatory framework is, basically, most useless, and on the other to speak of a compulsory situation, and not of an uncalled for theoretical disquisition. Perhaps we have truly reached the point of no return. Is it at all possible to hypothesize the demolition of whole stretches of buildings along the coastal areas? How to manage the clearing out and hoarding of further billions of square meters of non-recyclable rubble? Is it financially sustainable? Is it dialectically correct? Culturally synchronic? Any demiurgical activity undertaken in order to re-establish an hypothetical golden age or exalted "zero point" of the natural state of things could appear more presumptuous and senseless – although never considered as such by a very popular common sense – than a humble and realistic attempt to give value to certain shapes studding the territory, describing it honestly being aware of the freedom settled by the discipline and boundaries – within which our research may be defined almost nearer a scientific one – of our expertise as academics in architecture, which must not be confused with our aspirations as dwellers or social users. Indeed, it is all about leaving aside for a moment political or sociological drives and the now very popular "environmental degradation reports", to limit oneself – and that is no limit – to investigate as architects, as we are, the shape, understand to which extent objects and languages that are not accredited nor considered noble can instead represent building material tickling a certain interest. Exactly like others, who have experienced, over and over again and not only in the architectural field, the new culture of sharing. The Sense of acknowledging Therefore, the aim of this PhD thesis is to suggest a reading of contemporary landscape, using the dynamics of the acknowledging as a fundamental means to reassess some objects and coastal segments of our cultural and geographical area, with the final objective of tackling more appropriately the complexity of the managing this territory requires. This research investigates some compositional techniques for the accrediting (that is, the putting at stake) of the object itself - or of the objects if a plurality – in new and many possible ways functional to the setting of the landscape, of the collective space, of the shapes of contemporaneity. The inclination of an object to be accredited is connected to its intrinsic and express characteristics. For sure it may be found in its formal qualities – shape, dimension, scale, relation with the landscape, employed materials – but, above all, preventing a sterile and dangerous numerical list of its qualities (an appalling tendency afflicting our time is to reduce architecture to systems measuring mere quantities, in characteristics extrinsic to the object itself. First of all the ability to design – rather, of composition – of who is describing the object to be accredited; starting from the first gaze, which is already designing, transforming it and making that transformation evident by giving it a shape (whether with a photograph, a collage, a drawing, a poem or musical composition). A transformation mainly consisting in activating new relationships between the object and other elements and layers of the territory, both material and intangible. Method and expected results Exercising gathering fragments of contemporaneity, in the form of an abacus of elements composing a possible vocabulary, the abstraction of the forms that stud our geographies, the systematic comparing of disregarded "found objects" of the present and cases of the past for which there exists an established and universal awarding of quality; the unveiling of an orderly dialogue between punctuation elements - genetically heterogeneous – of the different coastal fronts, may represent a healthy training to observation in order to overcome the paradigm of picturesque and the lens of rhetoric; main limits to research, from the domination of which it is always hard to set free of. In this way researcher, academics and managers who will be seeing the landscape through the glasses of this research may converse, discuss and produce significant guideline improvements towards the understanding of the territory, focusing on the mechanisms of acknowledgement and accreditation of the elements concurring to the definition of the contemporary landscape. To update and modernize the paradigm instead of forcing reality in an unconvincing evolution recalling a "return to the future" could represent the disciplinary grounds for developing possible landscapes, for structuring evaluation models for creative proposals, and for the issuing of a new generation of territory laws and regulation dedicated to distinctive areas. ; N/A

Thesis is devoted to scientific and theoretical explanation of the City Council functioning as an institution of local democracy in Ukraine. It is defined that in political foreign science, investigation of democracy institutions on the local level has its own tradition. In Ukrainian political science, there are two ways of the City Council investigation as an institution of local democracy. The first group of Ukrainian scientists carries out scientific researches devoted to the problems of the City Council institutional development. Another group of scientists discloses outlined problems due to the regional research. Researchers' attention is paid on subjects of political process in regions. But the problem of lack amount of applied research, particularly devoted to the analysis of political practice in the interaction between the City Council and community, still exists. On the basis of analysis, generalization and systematization of scientific resources, the state of scientific research on the problem of local democracy institutions in Ukrainian literature, is highlighted. Basic methodology approaches of modern political science to the understanding of the City Council as an institution of local democracy are defined.It is proved that the research of methodological principles of the City Council as an institution of local democracy study requires a combination of several aspects. It is important to take into consideration that the City Council operates on the lowest territorial authorities' level. Its main characteristics are autonomous authority formation from another administrative units and combination of representative direct forms of democracy and citizen participation in political process. The City Council is not only a form of state decentralization, but also a mechanism of social and political regime. As a result of interaction evolution between the City Council and community, institutions of local democracy which legalize their activity on certain territories and have a certain level of trust in society are established. The principles of subsidiary as a factor of system transformation of local selfgovernment in Ukraine. It is important to use the principal of subsidiary during the interaction between the City Council and community. It is found out that the mechanism of solving important problems on the level of their occurrence is necessary for democratization of Ukrainian political process. Special attention is paid on political and legal regulation of community participation in the process of local democracy through the prism of public authority functioning. It is proved that Ukraine has a powerful legislative framework for local democracy institutions functioning. It is found out that there are enough legislative basis for local democracy institutions functioning, but the problem of lack amount of mechanisms to regulate community participation in the processes of local democracy exists. Regulatory and legal framework in Ukraine defines basic powers of the City Council and its executive bodies in the sphere of its regulation. It doesn't usually establish the procedure of these powers realization. That is why, procedural norms should be prescribed in the City Council's legal documents (statutes, regulations) and their compliance will provide political and legal basis for interaction between the City Council and community.It is proved that the essence of reformation in the legal field depends on the City Councils empowerment concerning solving their vital problems, increasing their economic independence, optimizing the distribution of powers between local authorities and the City Councils and as a result ensuring required quantity and quality of social and administrative services for Ukrainian citizens.It is stressed on the fact that democracy and society take their beginning from community and the City Council is an important element of local democracy and society. At the same time, community is a solid foundation of society development. The City Council should meet community interests and needs. It is necessary in the case of spheres and competences division between state authority and the City Council on the principles of subsidiarity and political responsibility. It is found out that community performs protection, management, coordination and regulation functions on certain territories. Community can be defined as a certain community which is united within one territory in order to solve common political, economic, social and religious problems. It is explained that political management in the community should be realized concerning local population interests, development and territory conversation on the basis of efficient use of community resources. It is mentioned that the City Council needs certain bodies of community self-organization to diagnose community problems, attract additional resources for solving social problems and advocate community interests before state government. The attention is focused on the functions of community self-organization bodies: satisfying social interests and needs, informing authorities of their problems and needs, realization of public control over the City Council activities, assistance in solving common community problems.It is stressed that community self-organization bodies are a part of civil society and a system of local self-government that mobilize residents to solve their home, street, square and region problems. Bodies of community selforganization can be financed from the local budget and use their resources on their purposes within law determined by the City Council and accepted solution of community general meetings' members. The peculiarities of public control in the City Councils are shown. It is mentioned that public control is becoming an important factor in the process of decision making on the local level. Public control has its own characteristics. Control itself is realized by community (organized, unorganized) and in the process of its realization, community controls authority's implementation of its social obligations. It is observed a tendency of communication activation between the City Council and community through the system of electronic petitions. The problem of trust between subjects of local democracy realization (state and community) is very topical when we talk not only about using funds, but openness and responsibility for decision implementation as well. The efficiency of public control should take into account two levels of evaluation. The first level concerns public opinion. The second one – processing of local decisions among experts. To solve the most topical problems of local community life, we should understand how these main forms of local democracy as local initiatives, general meetings, local referendums, public hearings and activities of community self-organization bodies were used. It is mentioned that an important part of the City Council democracy understanding in Ukraine is the index of publicity. Measuring this index, we can understand how open political decision making on the local level is and what involvement of local policy subjects in this process is.It is mentioned that the index of publicity contains an integrated system of indicators which give a possibility on the regularly basis to evaluate and compare the quality of bodies and local officials' governance in the context of their activity. Defining the index of the City Council publicity, it is important to take into account such criteria as: the existence of community statute and the City Council regulations; the existence and analysis of local initiatives; public hearings and public expertise; mayors and the City Council deputies reports; general meetings of citizens; electronic petitions; public consultations. These criteria give a possibility to define the level of the City Council publicity in Ukraine. In order to increase the level of community social involvement, the state has to become an active participant in common projects devoting to partnership development among public organizations, bodies of local self-governing and community in the sphere of services provision. To implement community initiatives, it is necessary to monitor the compliance with the community rights law on realization of direct democracy mechanisms.It is stressed on the fact that internal and external factors influence on the realization of community initiatives on the City Council level. The first group of factors contains objective conditions, such as: peculiarities of political regime transformation; social and economic state development; specifics of state policy implementation and powers division between the center and regions; state of legal and regulatory functioning framework of such organizations. Among internal factors, subjective conditions can be distinguished: level of local institutional development of local democracy institutions; presence of real leaders in this organizations; existence of necessary resources (political, economic, social, demographic etc.) for policy implementation. ; В диссертации осуществлено научно-теоретическое обоснование функционирования городского совета, как института локальной демократии в Украине. На основе анализа, обобщения и систематизации научных источников отражено состояние научной разработки проблемы институтов локальной демократии в отечественной литературе, раскрыты основные методологические подходы современной политической науки к пониманию городского совета как института локальной демократии. Проанализирован принцип субсидиарности как фактор трансформации системы местного самоуправления в Украине. Особое внимание уделено политико-правовому регулированию участия общественности в процессах локальной демократии через призму функционирования публичной власти.Раскрыты особенности общественного контроля в городских советах. Доказано, что общественный контроль имеет свои особенности: во-первых, сам контроль осуществляется общественностью (организованной или неорганизованной). Во-вторых, в процессе осуществления контроля именно общественность контролирует выполнение обязательств власти перед территориальной громадой.Определены проблемы правового обеспечения взаимодействия городского совета и общества. Исследовано развитие институциональной структуры органов самоорганизации населения. Акцентировано внимание на том, что реализация общественных инициатив требует создания необходимых условий для участия общественности, прежде всего, в развитии собственного города и решении местных проблем.Охарактеризованы критерии демократизации и индекс публичности городских советов в Украине. Определено, что, только привлекая институты локальной демократии и интегрировав их в механизмы принятия и реализации политических решений, можно достичь успехов и перейти к европейским стандартам в реализации локальной политики. ; У дисертації здійснено науково-теоретичне обґрунтування функціонування міської ради як інституту локальної демократії в Україні. Встановлено, що в зарубіжній політичній науці дослідження інститутів демократії на місцевому рівні має сталу традицію. У вітчизняній політичній науці спостерігається два напрями дослідження міської ради як інституту локальної демократії. Перша група українських дослідників здійснює наукові пошуки щодо проблем інституційного розвитку міської ради. Інша група науковців розкриває окреслену проблематику через регіональні дослідження. Особливу увагу дослідників зосереджено на суб'єктах політичного процесу в регіонах, натомість бракує робіт прикладного характеру, зокрема присвячених аналізу політичної практики взаємодії міських рад із громадою.На основі аналізу, узагальнення й систематизації наукових джерел висвітлено стан наукової розробки проблеми інститутів локальної демократії у вітчизняній літературі, розкрито основні методологічні підходи сучасної політичної науки до розуміння міської ради як інституту локальної демократії. Обґрунтовано, що дослідження методологічних засад вивчення міської ради як інституту локальної демократії потребує поєднання декількох аспектів. Варто враховувати, що міська рада функціонує на найнижчому територіальному рівні влади, характерними ознаками якої є автономність формування влади від інших адміністративних одиниць, поєднання представницької та безпосередньої форм демократії та участь громадян у політичному процесі. Розглянуто, роль міської ради у процесах децентралiзацiї держави, тобто передачі повноважень на місцевий рівень. Унаслідок еволюції взаємодії міської ради й територіальної громади створюються інститути локальної демократії, які легалізують свою діяльність на окремих територіях і мають певний рівень довіри в суспільстві. Проаналізовано принцип субсидіарності як фактору трансформації системи місцевого самоврядування в Україні. Важливо, щоб під час взаємодії міської ради й територіальної громади використовувався принцип субсидіарності. З'ясовано, що перенесення механізму розв'язання важливих проблем на рівень їхнього виникнення необхідне для демократизації українського політичного процесу. Особливу увагу приділено політико-правовому регулюванню участі громади у процесах локальної демократії через призму функціонування публічної влади. Обґрунтовано, що в Україні створена потужна законодавча база для функціонування інститутів локальної демократії. З'ясовано, що в Україні існує достатньо законодавчих засад для функціонування інститутів локальної демократії, однак бракує механізмів регулювання участі громади у процесах місцевої демократії. Нормативно-правова база в Україні визначає базові повноваження міської ради та її виконавчих органів у сфері свого регулювання, але зазвичай не встановлює процедури реалізації цих повноважень. Саме тому в правових документах міської ради (статутах, регламентах) мають бути прописані процедурні норми, дотримання яких буде надавати політико-правові підстави для взаємодії міської ради і громади.Доведено, що сутність реформування в правовій сфері має полягати в розширенні прав міських рад щодо вирішення питань своєї життєдіяльності, збільшенні їхньої економічної самостійності, оптимізації розподілу повноважень між місцевими органами державної влади й міськими радами і, як результат, забезпеченні громадян України необхідною кількістю і якістю соціальних та адміністративних послуг.Наголошено, що демократія й громадянське суспільство починаються з територіальної громади, а міська рада – важливий елемент як локальної демократії, так і громадянського суспільства. При цьому міцним фундаментом становлення і функціонування громадянського суспільства є громада. Міська рада має виражати волю та задовольняти інтереси населення певної територіальної громади. Це можливо за умови розподілу сфер і компетенцій між державною владою та міською радою на принципах субсидіарності й політичної відповідальності. З'ясовано, що громада виконує функції захисту, управління, координації й регулювання на певній території. Громаду можна визначити як певну спiльноту, що об'єднується на основi териториторіального показника чи для розв'язання спiльних проблем полiтичного, економічного, соціального, релiгійного та іншого характеру. Обґрунтовано, що політичне управління в громаді має здійснюватися в інтересах місцевого населення, розвитку та збереження території на основі ефективного використання ресурсів громади.Зауважено, що для міської ради органи самоорганізації населення потрібні для того, щоб діагностувати те, що найбільше хвилює населення, залучати додаткові ресурси для розв'язання соціальних проблем, захищати інтереси громади перед державною владою та політичною кон'юнктурою. Акцентовано увагу на функціях, які здійснюють органи самоорганізації населення, а саме: задоволення суспільного інтересу та потреб жителів; донесення до влади своїх проблем і потреб та спроба їх вирішення; здійснення громадського контролю за діяльністю міської ради; допомога в розв'язанні спільних проблем за місцем проживання. Наголошено, що органи самоорганізації населення – це одночасно складова частина громадянського суспільства й системи місцевого самоврядування, що мобілізує мешканців на розв'язання проблем свого будинку, вулиці, кварталу, району на виконання делегованих міською радою повноважень. Органи самоорганізації населення можуть отримувати фінансування з місцевого бюджету та використовувати свої ресурси на цілі й в межах, визначених законом, місцевою радою та рішенням загальних зборів членів територіальної громади за місцем проживання. Розкрито особливості громадського контролю в міських радах. Зауважено, що громадський контроль стає важливим складником у процесі прийняття управлінських рішень на місцевому рівні. Громадський контроль має свої особливості, зокрема сам контроль здійснюється громадськістю (організованою чи неорганізованою), і що у процесі здійснення контролю саме громадськість контролює виконання владою її соціальних обов'язків перед громадою. В Україні спостерігається тенденція активізації зв'язку між міською радою та громадянами через систему електронних петицій.Обґрунтовано, що проблема довіри між суб'єктами реалізації місцевої політики (владою та громадою) є дуже актуальним, особливо коли йдеться, з одного боку, про використання коштів, а з іншого – про відкритість та відповідальність за впровадження рішень. Ефективність громадського контролю, має враховувати два рівні оцінок. Перший рівень – це врахування громадської думки. Другий рівень – опрацювання місцевих рішень в експертному середовищі. Для розв'язання актуальних проблем життя місцевої громади варто зрозуміти, як використовувалися такі основні форми локальної демократії, як місцеві ініціативи, загальні збори, місцеві референдуми, громадські слухання та діяльність органів самоорганізації населення. Зауважено, що важливою складовою частиною розуміння демократичності міських рад в Україні є індекс публічності. Через вимірювання індексу публічності міських рад можна зрозуміти, наскільки прозоро приймаються політичні рішення в локальних територіальних громадах і якою є участь у цьому процесі суб'єктів місцевої політики.Зазначено, що індекс публічності містить цілісну систему індикаторів, які дають змогу на регулярній основі оцінювати й порівнювати якість управління у міських радах та аналізувати роботу посадових осіб місцевого самоврядування в розрізі їхньої діяльності. При визначенні індексу публічності міських рад важливо враховувати такі критерії, як: наявність статуту територіальної громади й регламентів міських рад; існування та аналіз місцевих ініціатив; проведення громадських слухань та громадської експертизи; звітування міських голів та депутатів міських рад; загальні збори громадян за місцем проживання; електронні петиції; консультації з громадськістю. Ці критерії дають змогу визначити рівень публічності міських рад в Україні. Зазначено, що для підвищення рівня соціальної мобілізації місцевих громад держава має стати активним учасником у спільних проектах із розвитку партнерства між громадськими організаціями, органами місцевого самоврядування і громадою у сфері надання послуг. Для реалізації громадських ініціатив потрібно здійснювати моніторинг додержання законодавства з питань забезпечення прав громади на реалізацію механізмів прямої демократії та притягнення до відповідальності посадових осіб за його порушення.Наголошено, що на реалізацію громадських ініціатив на рівні міської ради впливають зовнішні та внутрішні чинники. До перших належать об'єктивні умови, а саме: особливості трансформації політичного режиму, соціально-економічний розвиток держави; специфіка реалізації державної політики і розподіл повноважень між центром та регіонами; стан нормативно-правової бази функціонування таких об'єднань. Серед внутрішніх чинників, можна виділити суб'єктивні умови, а саме: рівень інституційного розвитку інститутів локальної демократії; присутність у цих об'єднаннях реальних лідерів; наявність необхідних ресурсів (політичних, економічних, соціальних, демографічних тощо) для реалізації своєї політики.

Máster Universitario en Ingeniería Industrial ; El clima del planeta lleva sufriendo desde hace varios años importantes cambios. Estas alteraciones se deben fundamentalmente a las emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero, que son originadas entre otros, por el uso de combustibles fósiles. A día de hoy existen numerosas pruebas irrefutables de este cambio climático que están afectando negativamente al ecosistema, la salud humana y la economía. La concienciación por este grave problema es cada vez mayor, gobiernos e instituciones a nivel mundial se han unido por la lucha contra el cambio climático y han asumido objetivos de reducción de emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero. Para lograr estas metas, se están impulsando medidas y ayudas económicas que favorezcan la puesta en marcha de prácticas y modelos más eficientes energéticamente. Las ciudades son el punto de partida en esta batalla, si no se consiguen ciudades sostenibles tampoco se conseguirá que lo sea el planeta. El entorno urbano es uno de los retos más importantes dentro del área de la investigación ambiental. El tráfico de vehículos en las grandes ciudades es uno de los principales focos de polución en las mismas, lo que conlleva negativas consecuencias para las personas y el medio. Dentro del tráfico urbano, la flota de servicios urbanos representa una gran parte de los vehículos que circulan por las ciudades, esto ha impulsado unas políticas europeas que tienen como objetivo promover el desarrollo de transportes urbanos más ecológicos. En la actualidad hay ayuntamientos españoles que ya han puesto en marcha estas nuevas medidas y están renovando las flotas urbanas por otras mucho más recomendables desde el punto de vista ecológico. Siguiendo esta línea, el proyecto se centra en medir el impacto ambiental y económico que supondría la renovación parcial o total de la flota de un ayuntamiento por vehículos ecológicos, entendiéndose por vehículos ecológicos, vehículos eléctricos de baterías, vehículos híbridos eléctricos y vehículos convencionales de bajo consumo. Por razones de simplicidad, el estudio se ha llevado a cabo en la ciudad de Valladolid. No obstante la finalidad del mismo es que este proyecto sea una herramienta, no sólo para Valladolid, sino para cualquier individuo o colectivo interesado en la sustitución de un vehículo por otro más eficiente energéticamente. El impacto ambiental se define como la reducción de emisiones de CO2 y de contaminantes que se obtiene al sustituir un vehículo de una flota por su equivalente ecológico; y el impacto económico es el coste que supone esta sustitución. La compra de un nuevo vehículo implica una inversión y esta inversión es por tanto el impacto económico que supondría la renovación de un vehículo.La metodología que se ha seguido para el análisis y renovación de una flota compleja como la de Valladolid es la siguiente: • Identificación de los servicios y vehículos sujetos a renovación: para el caso de una flota tan numerosa como la de Valladolid se ha decidido analizar únicamente aquellos vehículos que están presentes más repetidamente. • Selección de tres vehículos ecológicos equivalentes para cada vehículo sujeto a renovación: a partir de unos criterios de equivalencia, se selecciona un vehículo eléctrico de baterías, un vehículo híbrido eléctrico y uno convencional de bajo consumo. • Elección del vehículo óptimo tanto a nivel ambiental como económico: partiendo de las tres alternativas ecológicas, se realiza un estudio de emisiones de CO2 y contaminantes y del coste de los vehículos y se elige como la solución más adecuada aquel vehículo con el que se reduzcan en mayor cantidad las emisiones de CO2 por euro invertido en el mismo. Para que la comparación sea lo más justa posible, el análisis se lleva a cabo teniendo en cuenta las diferentes etapas del ciclo de vida de un vehículo. • Impacto ambiental y económico de los vehículos: con los nuevos vehículos es posible calcular la reducción de emisiones de CO2 que supondrán las sustituciones y el coste implícito que éstas conllevan. En el siguiente estudio, se han analizado seis vehículos pertenecientes a seis diferentes flotas del ayuntamiento de Valladolid. En todos los casos, el vehículo eléctrico ha sido la opción óptima como alternativa para la renovación de la flota.Debido a la repetición de estos vehículos en sus respectivas flotas, con el análisis de únicamente seis vehículos es posible sustituir setenta y cinco vehículos de la flota del ayuntamiento de Valladolid.Esta renovación parcial de la flota supone una reducción de 4,15 miles de toneladas de dióxido de carbono respecto de las emisiones generadas por los setenta y cinco vehículos actuales durante la vida media en uso de los mismos, fijada en diez años (reducción del 55,4%). Sin embargo, si se tienen en cuenta todas las etapas del ciclo de vida de un vehículo, es decir desde la fabricación hasta el reciclado del mismo, la reducción de emisiones de dióxido de carbono es todavía mayor, alcanzándose las 6 mil toneladas de CO2. La apuesta por esta nueva flota ecológica requiere de una gran inversión. La reducción de emisiones no es a coste cero, sino que implica la adquisición de nuevos vehículos, elevándose a 10.908.300 € en el caso de los setenta y cinco vehículos de la flota de Valladolid. Pese al gran impacto económico, la renovación de las flotas urbanas es un tema primordial y prioritario para la sostenibilidad del planeta. De ello son conscientes organismos e instituciones a nivel mundial, y lo han demostrado con numerosos planes de financiación que fomentan e impulsan el desarrollo de estas tecnologías limpias. En la actualidad existen diversas ayudas económicas impulsadas por el Gobierno que hacen que la inversión inicial requerida se vea mermada. De este modo, el Plan MOVELE 20151 y el Plan PIMA AIRE 42 son programas que conceden financiación económica para incentivar la adquisición de nuevos vehículos con tecnologías limpias. Así mismo, se ha creado recientemente el Fondo de Carbono para una Economía Sostenible (FES-CO2)3. Este fondo es un nuevo instrumento de financiación climático. Tiene como objetivo redirigir la economía hacia modelos bajos en carbono. El fondo ofrecerá la inversión necesaria para el impulso de actividades y desarrollo de tecnologías limpias que favorezcan la atenuación del cambio climático. Para llevar a cabo esta financiación, el fondo adquirirá créditos en forma de reducción de emisiones de carbono de aquellos proyectos o iniciativas que luchan contra el cambio climático en España y que pertenecen a aquellos sectores que no están sujetos al régimen europeo de comercio de derechos de emisión, como es el caso del sector transporte. El Plan MOVELE 2015 es un programa que aplica directamente al caso de la renovación de la flota del ayuntamiento de Valladolid. Debido a que todos los vehículos sustitutos son vehículos eléctricos, se obtendría una financiación de 570.000 € por la renovación de los setenta y cinco vehículos gracia a este plan. Aunque el coste sigue siendo elevado, es ahora el momento de implantar este tipo de proyectos. Los ayuntamientos, empresas, organismos, etc. deben contribuir a la reducción de emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero, y que mejor manera que empezar por uno de los sectores de mayor repercusión en este asunto, el sector transporte. No cabe duda de que la industria del transporte es de gran trascendencia para la economía mundial, pero al mismo tiempo constituye una enorme carga energética y unagran huella ambiental afectando directamente a la salud, la calidad de vida, los ecosistemas y el cambio climático; y todo ello se opone al desarrollo sostenible a nivel local y global. El coste de los efectos secundarios del cambio climático es superior al coste de las renovaciones de las flotas urbanas, y la reducción de emisiones de gases de efecto invernadero que ofrecen estas flotas hacen que este tipo de proyectos merezcan la pena. ; The Earth's climate has been undergoing several changes during the last years. These alterations are mainly due to emissions of greenhouse gases, which are caused among others by the use of fossil fuels. Nowadays there is irrefutable evidence that climate change is negatively affecting the ecosystem, human health and the economy. Awareness about this serious problem is raising, governments and institutions worldwide have joined the fight against climate change and they have assumed emissions reduction targets for greenhouse gases. To achieve these goals, they are driving measures and financial support to encourage the implementation of more energy efficient practices and models. Cities are the departure point in this battle, if sustainable cities are not achieved neither the sustainability of the planet will be achieved. The urban environment is one of the most important challenges in the area of environmental research. Vehicular traffic is one of the main sources of pollution in big cities, which leads to negative consequences for people and the environment. In urban traffic, the fleet of urban services represents a large proportion of vehicles traveling through the cities. This fact has prompted some European policies that aim to promote the development of more environmentally friendly urban transport. Currently there are Spanish municipalities that have already implemented these new measures and they are renewing their urban fleets by others more desirable vehicles from the ecological point of view. Following this line, the project focuses on measuring the environmental and economic impact that would result in the partial or total renewal of a fleet of a municipality. The actual fleet will be renewed with some environmentally friendly vehicles, meaning by environmentally friendly vehicles, battery electric vehicles, hybrid electric vehicles and conventional low consumption vehicles. For simplicity, the study has been carried out in the city of Valladolid. However, the purpose of this project is that this study is a tool, not only for Valladolid, but for any individual or group interested in replacing one vehicle for another more energy efficient vehicle.The environmental impact is defined as the CO2 and pollutant emissions reduction obtained by replacing a vehicle from a fleet for its ecological equivalent; and the economic impact is the cost of this replacement. Buying a new vehicle involves an investment and this investment is therefore the economic impact involved in the renovation of a vehicle. The methodology followed for the analysis of a complex fleet renewal as Valladolid is as follows: • Identification of the services and vehicles subject to renewal: as the fleet of Valladolid is considerably large, only those vehicles that are present over repeatedly will be analyzed. • Selection of three equivalent ecological vehicles for each vehicle subject to renewal: using a criteria of equivalence, an electric vehicle battery, a hybrid electric vehicle and a conventional low consumption vehicle are selected. • Choice of the optimal vehicle both environmentally and economically: having the three ecological alternatives, thanks to a study on the CO2 and pollutants emissions and on the cost of vehicles, the most appropriate vehicle is chosen. That best option will be the vehicle with the largest reduction of CO2 per euro invested in it. To make the comparison as fair as possible, the analysis is carried out taking into account the different stages of the life cycle of a vehicle. • Environmental and economic impact of the new vehicles: with these new vehicles is possible to calculate the reduction in CO2 emissions which will provide these replacements and the implicit cost they entail. In this study, six vehicles belonging to six different fleets in the municipality of Valladolid have been analyzed. In all cases, the electric vehicle is the optimal choice as an alternative for fleet renewal.Because of the repetition of these vehicles in their fleets, with the analysis of only six vehicles, seventy five vehicles of the municipality of Valladolid can be replaced. This partial renewal of the fleet represents a reduction of 4.15 thousand tons of emissions of carbon dioxide from the emissions generated by the current seventy five vehicles during their life in use, set at ten years (reduction of 55,4%). However, when taking into account all stages of the life cycle of a vehicle, from manufacturing to recycling it, the reduction of the emissions of carbon dioxide is even higher, reaching the 6,02 tons of CO2. The commitment to this new ecological fleet requires a large investment. Reducing emissions is not at zero cost, it involves the acquisition of new vehicles, rising to 10.908.300 € in the case of the seventy-five vehicles of the fleet of Valladolid. Despite the huge economic impact, the renewal of urban fleets is a priority issue for the sustainability of the planet. Organizations and institutions worldwide are aware of this topic, and they have demonstrated their consciousness with numerous financing plans that encourage and promote the development of these clean technologies. Currently there are various financial aid promoted by the Government that will reduce the initial investment required. Thus, the "Plan MOVELE 2015"1 and the "Plan PIMA AIRE 4"2 are programs that grant economic funding to encourage the purchase of new vehicles with clean technologies. Futhermore, recently is has been created the "Fondo de Carbono para una Economía Sostenible (FES-CO2)"3. This fund is a new tool for climate funding. It aims to redirect the economy towards low-carbon models. The fund will provide the necessary investment for the support of activities and development of clean technologies that promote climate change mitigation. To carry out this funding, the fund will acquire credits in the form of reduced carbon emissions of projects or initiatives that fight against climate change in Spain and belong to sectors that are not subject to the European emissions trading system, such as the transport sector The "Plan MOVELE 2015" is a program that applies directly to the case of the renewal of the fleet of the city of Valladolid. Since all the proposed vehicles are electric vehicles, 570.000 € in funding would be obtained by the renewal of seventy five vehicles thanks to this plan. Although the cost is still high, it is now time to implement such projects. Municipalities, companies, organizations, etc. should contribute to reduce emissions of greenhouse gases, and the transport sector is the most significant one to start working on since it has the greatest impact on the emissions. There is no doubt that the transportation industry has a great significance in the world economy, but at the same time it is a huge energy charge with a really important environmental impact that affects directly to the health, quality of life, ecosystems and climate change; and all that is opposed to sustainable development both locally and globally.The cost of the side effects of climate change is greater than the cost of the renewals of urban fleets and the reduction of emissions of greenhouse gases that these fleets offer make such projects worthwhile.

Background In the Global Burden of Disease Study 2013 (GBD 2013), knowledge about health and its determinants has been integrated into a comparable framework to inform health policy. Outputs of this analysis are relevant to current policy questions in England and elsewhere, particularly on health inequalities. We use GBD 2013 data on mortality and causes of death, and disease and injury incidence and prevalence to analyse the burden of disease and injury in England as a whole, in English regions, and within each English region by deprivation quintile. We also assess disease and injury burden in England attributable to potentially preventable risk factors. England and the English regions are compared with the remaining constituent countries of the UK and with comparable countries in the European Union (EU) and beyond. Methods We extracted data from the GBD 2013 to compare mortality, causes of death, years of life lost (YLLs), years lived with a disability (YLDs), and disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs) in England, the UK, and 18 other countries (the first 15 EU members [apart from the UK] and Australia, Canada, Norway, and the USA [EU15+]). We extended elements of the analysis to English regions, and subregional areas defined by deprivation quintile (deprivation areas). We used data split by the nine English regions (corresponding to the European boundaries of the Nomenclature for Territorial Statistics level 1 [NUTS 1] regions), and by quintile groups within each English region according to deprivation, thereby making 45 regional deprivation areas. Deprivation quintiles were defined by area of residence ranked at national level by Index of Multiple Deprivation score, 2010. Burden due to various risk factors is described for England using new GBD methodology to estimate independent and overlapping attributable risk for five tiers of behavioural, metabolic, and environmental risk factors. We present results for 306 causes and 2337 sequelae, and 79 risks or risk clusters. Findings Between 1990 and 2013, life expectancy from birth in England increased by 5·4 years (95% uncertainty interval 5·0-5·8) from 75·9 years (75·9-76·0) to 81·3 years (80·9-81·7); gains were greater for men than for women. Rates of age-standardised YLLs reduced by 41·1% (38·3-43·6), whereas DALYs were reduced by 23·8% (20·9-27·1), and YLDs by 1·4% (0·1-2·8). For these measures, England ranked better than the UK and the EU15+ means. Between 1990 and 2013, the range in life expectancy among 45 regional deprivation areas remained 8·2 years for men and decreased from 7·2 years in 1990 to 6·9 years in 2013 for women. In 2013, the leading cause of YLLs was ischaemic heart disease, and the leading cause of DALYs was low back and neck pain. Known risk factors accounted for 39·6% (37·7-41·7) of DALYs; leading behavioural risk factors were suboptimal diet (10·8% [9·1-12·7]) and tobacco (10·7% [9·4-12·0]). Interpretation Health in England is improving although substantial opportunities exist for further reductions in the burden of preventable disease. The gap in mortality rates between men and women has reduced, but marked health inequalities between the least deprived and most deprived areas remain. Declines in mortality have not been matched by similar declines in morbidity, resulting in people living longer with diseases. Health policies must therefore address the causes of ill health as well as those of premature mortality. Systematic action locally and nationally is needed to reduce risk exposures, support healthy behaviours, alleviate the severity of chronic disabling disorders, and mitigate the effects of socioeconomic deprivation. Funding Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and Public Health England. © 2015 Newton et al. 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Economía solidaria, un concepto para muchos desconocido, pues el término solidario pareciera ajeno dentro de un marco económico competitivo como se observa en la cúpula del capitalismo y de la misma globalización en sí, sin embargo, es importante rescatar su fundamento, pues en ella encontramos la capacidad de proveer de manera sostenible las bases para un desarrollo personal y social, en palabras de Gazaga, (2007), "El fundamento de la economía solidaria es la introducción de niveles crecientes de cooperación y solidaridad en las actividades, organizaciones e instituciones económicas, de manera de generar un conjunto de beneficios sociales y culturales que trasciendan la esfera del beneficio económico y favorezcan a la sociedad en su conjunto". Sin embargo, una alternativa para hallar formas de desarrollo económico dentro de una comunidad específica, obteniendo beneficios para la sociedad en general, es un sector que hoy por hoy se encuentra en crisis, así lo menciona un estudio realizado por el diario EL TIEMPO (1998), donde destaco diversas situaciones atribuibles a la crisis como: El recelo por las continuas intervenciones en el sector cooperativo y la racha de malas informaciones ha logrado contagiar el pánico no sólo a los ahorradores sino a otras entidades de sector financiero que no quieren dar créditos ni otorgar respaldo a las cooperativas. En segunda instancia las corporaciones financieras se niegan a respaldarlos con créditos, el sector público no quiere realizar inversiones en sus oficinas, las aseguradoras tienen recelo a respaldar su actividad y como si fuera poco los socios y ahorradores están retirando sus depósitos. Tal es el caso de Estraval y su colapso financiero, que evidencia no solo lo destacado por el estudio en mención, sino diversas dificultades que han generado una gran desconfianza por parte de los ahorradores al sector en sí; no obstante, es un medio que pese a sus dificultades cuenta con principios fundamentales para propinar por un mejor desarrollo económico dentro de nuestra sociedad, tan es así que una de las características más distinguidas de la Economía Solidaria la de demostrar con hechos que es posible y necesario incorporar la solidaridad como un elemento esencial a la hora de medir el comportamiento económico de una organización. Ahora bien, estas razones son algunas de las que se presentan en la Cooperativa Multiactiva de la Universidad Libre Librecoop Ltda., por lo cual se decidió realizar un trabajo de intervención centrado en la construcción de un plan de desarrollo que permita la mejora continua de la cooperativa y así mismo contribuya al mejoramiento permanente y la consolidación de unas estrategias que conlleven a la sostenibilidad económica y cumplimiento de la misión organizacional de esta. Con el fin de lograr cumplir los objetivos planteados en este trabajo de intervención se toma como punto de partida un estudio interno y externo que logre contribuir de forma eficaz a la solución de las problemáticas mencionadas anteriormente. Merino (2013), mencionaba que "El plan de desarrollo es una herramienta de gestión que promueve el desarrollo social en un determinado territorio. De esta manera, sienta las bases para atender las necesidades insatisfechas de la población y para mejorar la calidad de vida de todos los ciudadanos". Y a su vez Escobar (2005), dejaba en claro que "La intención principal del trabajo es demostrar las inquietudes que surgen por parte de los trabajadores asociados en las organizaciones de economía solidaria con la idea clave de una mayor productividad basado en la eficiencia y eficacia para un plan de ahorro" Así las cosas, frente a la problemática que posee Librecoop se desarrolló un proceso de evaluación donde se tuvo en cuenta, en principio la legislación y su evolución en la historia por medio de las reformas que surgieron a partir del modelo de economía, de ahí se encontraron ligerezas en cuanto a: la aplicación de las normas, la cantidad de asociados, los aportes de los mismos y finalmente la aplicabilidad de los principios y fines solidarios; estos últimos con mayor observancia pues la estructura principal de este tipo de sociedades debe tener como objetivo el buen desempeño de las actividades que se desarrollan dentro de ella, así lo mencionan los artículos 4 y 5 del Capítulo segundo de la Ley 454 de 1998. En consecuencia, con lo anterior, se ha determinado que el interés del presente proyecto de intervención se centra en puntualizar los siguientes asuntos a saber desde el entorno actual de la cooperativa: Primeramente, desplegar un proceso de capacitación a todos los asociados de la cooperativa, en el cual se enfatice la importancia de la economía solidaria en nuestra sociedad actual, esto con el fin de incentivar al individuo para la contribución del buen desarrollo de la calidad de vida de las personas que conforman o quieran hacerse parte de la cooperativa. En segundo lugar, se propone una actualización estatutaria de la entidad donde se pueda ampliar el ingreso de nuevos asociados dispuestos a crecer dentro de la misma y que deseen obtener todos los beneficios que la cooperativa tiene para sus asociados. En un último momento se plantea un mejoramiento en la oferta de créditos, servicios y los nuevos productos de la organización. Para lograr el cumplimiento de estos mismos se posee un conocimiento claro y un apoyo oportuno en el cual, por medio de nuevas y modernas capacitaciones de formación y acompañamiento se instruirá a los asociados en los procesos administrativos se busca que la Cooperativa conozca de la mejor manera y clara la importancia de la economía solidaria en nuestra sociedad y mejore la calidad de vida de sus integrantes realizando una gestión de proyección, actualización y organización de la misma. Los talleres que se realizan para cumplir los objetivos que se establecieron son las siguientes: Primero se realiza una mesa de trabajo de reconocimiento de la entidad, se plantean una serie de preguntas al representante legal, contador, revisor fiscal y secretaria, donde por medio de la información que se recopila se realiza un estudio para saber en qué estado esta Librecoop. Segundo se hace una reunión con la secretaria Alejandra Patiño donde se le pide ampliación de la información de la entidad y nos suministra documentación de Librecoop como: los estatutos, los estados financieros, cámara de comercio, Rut y requerimiento impuesto por la Súper Solidaria. Tercero se realizan unos estatutos para la cooperativa Multiactiva libre, actualizados y basados en la norma vigente. Cuarto y por último se desarrolla una cartilla con los parámetros de cambio de la entidad como lo son: cambio de estatutos, implementación de cronogramas de actividades y créditos. Con la aplicabilidad de estos últimos se logra presentar un factor de mejora, debido a que son de real importancia para el funcionamiento de las cooperativas, pues si bien a través del desarrollo de actividades fundamentadas en los principios y fines solidarios se demuestra el fortalecimiento económico que trae consigo el esfuerzo mutuo de las personas en donde cada uno de ellos se desempeña como líderes o gestores, partiendo de una idea de acción común con el fin de formar un espacio socio económico sostenible. ; Solidarity economy, a concept for many unknown, because the term solidarity seems alien within a competitive economic framework as seen in the dome of capitalism and globalization itself, however, it is important to rescue its foundation, because in it we find the ability to sustainably provide the basis for personal and social development, in the words of Gazaga, (2007), "The foundation of solidarity economy is the introduction of increasing levels of cooperation and solidarity in economic activities, organizations and institutions , in order to generate a set of social and cultural benefits that transcend the sphere of economic benefit and favor society as a whole ". However, an alternative to find forms of economic development within a specific community, obtaining benefits for society in general, is a sector that is currently in crisis, as mentioned in a study by the newspaper EL TIEMPO (1998). ), where I highlight various situations attributable to the crisis, such as: The mistrust of the continuous interventions in the cooperative sector and the run of bad information has managed to spread the panic not only to the savers but to other entities of the financial sector that do not want to give credits or grant support to the cooperatives. Secondly, the financial corporations refuse to back them with credits, the public sector does not want to make investments in their offices, the insurers are hesitant to support their activity and, as if that were not enough, the partners and savers are withdrawing their deposits. Such is the case of Estraval and its financial collapse, which evidences not only the highlighted by the study in mention, but diverse difficulties that have generated a great distrust on the part of the savers to the sector in himself; nevertheless, it is a medium that, despite its difficulties, has fundamental principles to guide for a better economic development within our society, so much so that one of the most distinguished characteristics of the Solidarity Economy is to demonstrate nuestra sociedad y mejore la calidad de vida de sus integrantes realizando una gestión de proyección, actualización y organización de la misma. Los talleres que se realizan para cumplir los objetivos que se establecieron son las siguientes: Primero se realiza una mesa de trabajo de reconocimiento de la entidad, se plantean una serie de preguntas al representante legal, contador, revisor fiscal y secretaria, donde por medio de la información que se recopila se realiza un estudio para saber en qué estado esta Librecoop. Segundo se hace una reunión con la secretaria Alejandra Patiño donde se le pide ampliación de la información de la entidad y nos suministra documentación de Librecoop como: los estatutos, los estados financieros, cámara de comercio, Rut y requerimiento impuesto por la Súper Solidaria. Tercero se realizan unos estatutos para la cooperativa Multiactiva libre, actualizados y basados en la norma vigente. Cuarto y por último se desarrolla una cartilla con los parámetros de cambio de la entidad como lo son: cambio de estatutos, implementación de cronogramas de actividades y créditos. Con la aplicabilidad de estos últimos se logra presentar un factor de mejora, debido a que son de real importancia para el funcionamiento de las cooperativas, pues si bien a través del desarrollo de actividades fundamentadas en los principios y fines solidarios se demuestra el fortalecimiento económico que trae consigo el esfuerzo mutuo de las personas en donde cada uno de ellos se desempeña como líderes o gestores, partiendo de una idea de acción común con el fin de formar un espacio socioeconómico sostenible. with facts that it is possible and It is necessary to incorporate solidarity as an essential element when measuring the economic behavior of an organization. However, these reasons are some of those presented in the Cooperativa Multiactiva of the Libre Librecoop Ltda. University, for which it was decided to carry out an intervention work focused on the construction of a development plan that allows the continuous improvement of the cooperative and likewise contribute to the permanent improvement and consolidation of strategies that lead to economic sustainability and compliance with the organizational mission of this. In order to achieve the objectives set out in this intervention work, an internal and external study that contributes effectively to the solution of the aforementioned problems is taken as the starting point. Merino (2013), mentioned that "The development plan is a management tool that promotes social development in a given territory. In this way, it lays the foundations to address the unmet needs of the population and to improve the quality of life of all citizens. " And in turn Escobar (2005), made it clear that "The main intention of the work is to demonstrate the concerns that arise from part of the workers associated in solidarity economy organizations with the key idea of higher productivity based on efficiency and effectiveness for a savings plan" Thus, in the face of the problems that Librecoop has, an evaluation process was developed which took into account, in principle, the legislation and its evolution in history through the reforms that emerged from the economic model, hence the they found lightness in terms of: the application of the rules, the number of associates, the contributions of the same and finally the applicability of the principles and solidarity goals; the latter with greater observance because the main structure of this type of company should have as its objective the good performance of the activities that take place within it, as mentioned in articles 4 and 5 of Chapter Two of Law 454 of 1998. Consequently, with the above, it has been determined that the interest of the present intervention project focuses on specifying the following issues to know from the current environment of the cooperative: Firstly, to develop a training process for all members of the cooperative, which emphasizes the importance of solidarity economy in our current society, this in order to encourage the individual to contribute to the good development of the quality of life of the people that make up or want to become part of the cooperative. Secondly, a statutory update of the entity is proposed, where it is possible to expand the income of new members willing to grow within it and who wish to obtain all the benefits that the cooperative has for its associates At a last moment, there is an improvement in the offer of credits, services and new products of the organization. To achieve compliance with these, there is a clear knowledge and timely support in which, through new and modern training and accompaniment training, the associates will be instructed in the administrative processes, so that the Cooperative knows the best way and clear the importance of solidarity economy in our society and improve the quality of life of its members by managing projection, updating and organization of it. The workshops that are carried out to fulfill the objectives that were established are the following: First, a recognition desk of the entity is made, a series of questions are posed to the legal representative, accountant, fiscal auditor and secretary, where through the information that is collected a study is made to know in which state is Librecoop . Descriptores / Palabras Claves • Economía solidaria • Cooperativas • Intervención acción participativa • Estatutos • Plan de desarrollo • Sector solidario Conclusiones Se realizó un estudio interno y externo donde se llegaron a las siguientes conclusiones: 1. Se sugiere estudiar y evaluar los estatutos suministrados por el grupo de monitores solidarios para su verificación y posterior aplicación a la entidad encaminados en relación a su objeto social. 2. Se requiere de una amplia capacitación al personal activo, pues el desconocimiento del debido manejo de este tipo de entidades por parte de los empleados, no ha permitido un efectivo cumplimiento en el marco normativo que los rige y a su vez a obstruido el crecimiento financiero de la entidad. 3. Convocar a una asamblea extraordinarias a todos los asociados para hacerlos participes tanto de las dificultades como de las necesidades de la entidad, y así hallar un consenso más efectivo en los cambios que la Cooperativa requiere. 4. Hacer entrega tanto a los empleados como a los asociados de la entidad de un plan de desarrollo del manejo de las sociedades solidarias, así como suministrar las estrategias para su respectivo desarrollo. Second a meeting is made with the secretary Alejandra Patiño where she is asked to expand the information of the entity and provides us with Librecoop documentation such as: the statutes, the financial statements, the Chamber of Commerce, Rut and the requirement imposed by the Super Solidarity.Third, bylaws are made for the free Multiactiva cooperative, updated and based on the current norm. Fourth and finally a booklet is developed with the parameters of change of the entity as they are: change of statutes, implementation of schedules of activities and credits With the applicability of the latter, it is possible to present a factor of improvement, because they are of real importance for the operation of the cooperatives, because although through the development of activities based on the principles and aims of solidarity, the economic strengthening is demonstrated. It brings with it the mutual effort of the people where each of them works as leaders or managers, based on an idea of common action in order to form a sustainable socio-economic space. ; 1. Descripción de la organización. -- 2. Cuadro de caracterización.-- 3. Resumen.-- 4. Justificación.-- 5. Objetivos.-- 6. Objetivo.-- 7. General.-- 8. Objetivos específicos.-- 9. Marco teórico.-- 10. Metodología.-- 11. Proceso de intervención y desarrollo del proyecto.-- 12. Indicadores, análisis y resultados del proyecto.-- 13. Impacto de la organización.-- 14. Plan de acción.-- 15. Cronograma.-- 16. Conclusiones.-- 17. Recomendaciones.-- 18. Referencias.

ABSTRACKThis study aims to examine and analyze the influence of The influence of Green Marketing Mix on Purchase Intention and the impact on Purchase Decision of Tupperware product in Pontianak. This research type is survey research. The population in this study is consumers of Tupperware product in Pontianak City. The number of samples of 100 respondents selected by way of purposive sampling, then processing the data using path analysis.The results of analysis for the first model show that the variables of Green Product, Green Place, and Green Promotion had a significant positive effect on Purchase Intention, while green price is not significant on Purchase Intention. The ability of the four variables to explain the effect on Purchase Intention is 31,2%, while the rest of 68,8% is explained by other factors outside research model. Result of research for second model shows that Purchase Intention and Green Product have a significant positive effect on Purchase Decision, while variable Green Price, Green Place, and Green Promotion had no significant on Purchase Decision. The ability of the five variables to explain the effect on Purchase Decision is 60,3%, while the rest of 39,7% is explained by other factors outside research model. Keywords : Green Product, Green Price, Green Place, Green Promotion, Purchase Intention, Purchase Decision DAFTAR PUSTAKAA Sucitro, S., Hung, W., & Ho, S. (2015). Influence of Green Marketing toward Purchase Intention of Green Products through Attitude: Survey on Indonesian and Taiwanese Students. International Journal of Humanities and Management Sciences (IJHMS), 3(4), 198-202.Agustin, Risna Dwi, S. Kumadji, E. Yulianto. (2015). Pengaruh Green Marketing Terhadap Minat Beli serta Dampaknya pada Keputusan Pembelian. 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Abstrak Pelayanan merupakan tugas utama bagi aparatur negara sebagai abdi negara dan abdi masyarakat. Tugas ini secara jelas telah digariskan dalam pembukaan Undang – Undang Dasar 1945 alinea Ke empat, yang meliputi empat aspek pelayana pokok aparatur terhadap masyarakat yang berbunyi : Melindungi segenap bangsa dan seluruh tumpah darah Indonesia memajukan kesejahteraan umum dan mencerdaskan kehidupan bangsa. Rendahnya kinerja pelayanan akan membangun citra buruk pada Puskesmas, dimana pasien yang merasa tidak puas akan menceritakan kepada rekan-rekannya. Begitu juga sebaliknya, semakin tinggi kinerja pelayanan yang diberikan akan menjadi nilai plus bagi Puskesmas, dalam hal ini pasien akan merasa puas terhadap pelayanan yang diberikan oleh Puskesmas. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuj mengetahui Bagaimanakah Kualitas Pelayanan Kesehatan di Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling dan apa saja Kendala-kendala apa yang dihadapi dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan kesehatan di Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling. Dengan menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif. Dari hasil penelitian menunjukkan pelayanan yang dilakukan di puskesmas motoking sudah berjalan dengan baik terlihat dari hasil wawancara dan penelitian dilapangan, diharapkan kinerja pegwai terus ditingkatkan demi kesejahteraan masyarakat. Key words : Pelayanan Publik, Puskesmas BAB 1 PENDAHULUAN A. Latar Belakang Undang-Undang Nomor 23 Tahun 1992 Tentang Kesehatan menyebutkan bahwa pembangunan kesehatan sebagai salah satu upaya pembangunan nasional guna tercapainya kesadaran, kemauan, dan kemampuan untuk hidup sehat bagi setiap penduduk agar dapat mewujudkan derajat kesehatan yang optimal. Pembangunan kesehatan di Indonesia dinyatakan dalam program Indonesia Sehat 2010. Visi Indonesia Sehat 2010 yaitu gambaran masyarakat Indonesia di masa depan yang ingin dicapai melalui pembangunan kesehatan adalah masyarakat , bangsa, dan negara yang ditandai oleh penduduknya hidup dalam lingkungan dan berperilaku sehat, memiliki kemampuan untuk menjangkau pelayanan kesehatan yang bermutu secara adil dan merata serta memilki derajat kesehatan setinggi-tingginya di seluruh wilayah Indonesia. Secara umum, pelayanan kesehatan yang diselenggarakan oleh Puskesmas meliputi pelayanan kuratif (pengobatan), preventif (upaya pencegahan), promotif (peningkatan kesehatan), dan rehabilitasi (pemulihan kesehatan), namun ada beberapa pelayanan lainnya seperti pembuatan surat keterangan berbadan sehat, pembayaran, surat rujukan serta surat lainnya. Kinerja pelayanan menyangkut hasil pekerjaan, kecepatan kerja, pekerjaan yang dilakukan sesuai dengan harapan pelanngan, dan ketepatan waktu dalam menyelesaikan pekerjaan. Pemerintah telah berusaha memenuhi kebutuhan masyarakat akan pelayanan kesehatan dengan mendirikan Rumah Sakit dan Pusat Kesehatan Masyarakat (PUSKESMAS) di seluruh wilayah Indonesia. Puskesmas adalah unit pelaksana teknis dinas kesehatan kabupaten / kota yang bertanggung jawab menyelenggarakan pembangunan kesehatan di suatu wilayah kerja tertentu. Puskesmas berfungsi sebagai : 1. Pusat penggerak pembangunan berwawasan kesehatan . 2. Pusat pemberdayaan keluarga dan masyarakat. Hasil penelitian yang dilakukan oleh Ahmad Sudiro (2001) di beberapa Puskesmas di daerah Jakarta diketahui bahwa pada umumnya pasien mengeluh dengan antrian pada saat pengurusan administrasi yang mampu mencapai 15 sampai 20 menit. Hal ini merupakan salah satu penyebab rendahnya jumlah kunjungan di Puskesmas. Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling adalah salah satu Puskesmas pemerintah di Kabupaten Minahasa Selatan. Dan untuk mecapai derajat kesehatan yang optimal yang memuaskan bagi pasien melalui upaya kesehatan perlu adanya pelayanan yang baik yang diberikan oleh pegawai oleh sebab itu dituntut kinerja yang tinggi dari pegawai. Kinerja pelayanan pada Puskesmas Motoling masih belum sesuai dengan keinginan masyarakat karena masih seringnya terdengar keluhan pasien maupun keluarganya dimana masih seringnya pegawai Puskesmas yang lambat dalam memberikan pelayanan, pasien sering menunggu lama untuk mendapatkan giliran dilayanani oleh pegawai. Oleh karena itu, peneliti tertarik untuk melakukan penelitian dengan memilih judul: "Kualitas Pelayanan Publik di Kecamatan Motoling (suatu Studi Tentang Pelayanan Kesehatan di Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling Kabupaten Minahasa Selatan)" . B. Rumusan Masalah Untuk memberikan arah yang jelas tentang pembahasan atau analisa yang dilakukan dalam proposal penelitian ini, maka penulis mengemukakan beberapa rumusan masalah : Bagaimanakah Kualitas Pelayanan Kesehatan di Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling? Kendala-kendala apa yang dihadapi dalam pelaksanaan pelayanan kesehatan di Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling?Faktor-faktor pendukung terlaksananya pelayanan kesehatan di Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling C. Tujuan Penelitian Adapun yang menjadi tujuan penelitian ini adalah Untuk mengetahui Kualitas Pelayanan Kesehatan di Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling D . Kegunaan Penelitian a) Dapat memberikan bahan masukan kepada pemerintah Kecamatan Motoling khususnya Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling dalam meningkatkan pelayanan kepada masyarakat. b) Dapat bermanfaat bagi pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan pada umumnya dan ilmu pemerintahan pada khususnya. BAB II TINJAUAN PUSTAKA A. Konsep Efektifitas Konsep efesiensi dan efektifitas mempunyai pengertian yang berbeda. Efesiensi lebih menitik beratkan dalam pencapaian hasil yang besar dengan pengorbanan yang sekecil mungkin, sedangkan pengertian efektif lebih terarah pada tujuan yang dicapai, tanpa mementingkan pengerbonan yang dikeluarkan. Kata efektif berarti terjadinya suatu efek atau akibat yang dikehendaki dalam suatu perbuatan. Kata efektif berarti berhasil, tepat, manjur, ( S. Wojowisoto, 1980). Jadi efektivitas adalah sesuatu keadaan yang mengandung pengertian mengenai terjadinya suatu efek atau akibat yang dikehendaki. Kalau seseorang melakukan perbuatan dengan maksud tertentu atau mempunyai maksud sebagaimana yang dikehendaki, maka orang tersebut dikatakan efektif ( Ensiklopedia Administrasi, 1989:149). Efektif dalam kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia berarti dapat membawa hasil, berhasil guna. Handoko berpendapat ( 1993:7) efektifitas adalah kemampuan untuk memilih tujuan yang tepat atau peralatan yang untuk mencapai tujuan yang telah ditetapkan. "The Liang Gie (1988 :34)berpendapat "Efektivitas merupakan keadaan yang mengandung pengertian mengenai terjadinya suatu efek atau akibat yang dikehendaki, maka perbuatan itu dikatakan efektif kalau menimbulkan akibat atau mencapai maksud sebagaimana yang dikehendaki." B. Konsep Kualitas Pelayanan Publik Pelayanan pada dasarnya adalah cara melayani, membantu, menyikapi, mengurus, menyelesaikan keperluan kebutuhan seseorang atau sekelompok orang. Dan kegiatan pelayanan pada dasarnya menyangkut pemenuhan suatu hak. Seperti yang dilaksanakan pada instansi pemerintah di pusat, daerah, dan lingkungan Badan Usaha Milik Negara (BUMN), Badan Usaha Milik Daerah dalam bentuk barang dan jasa baik dalam rangka upaya pemenuhan kebutuhan masyarakat maupun dalam rangka pelaksanaan ketentuan perundang – undangan.Seperti yang dikemukakan oleh Agung Kurniawan,2005:6: " Pelayanan publik adalah pemberian pelayanan ( melayani) keperluan orang lain atau masyarakat yang mempunyai kepentingan pada organisasi itu sesuai dengan aturan pokok dan tata cara yang telah ditetapkan" Jadi pelayanan yang diberikan oleh pemerintah haruslah mendahulukan kepentingan masyarakat dengan waktu yang singkat, mudah serta dapat memberikan rasa puas bagi masyarakat yang menikmati layanan itu.Pendapat lain Seperti yang dijelaskan (Kotler dalam Sampara Lukman 2000:4: Pelayanan adalah setiap kegiatan yang menguntungkan dalam suatu kumpulan atau kesatuan, dan menawarkan kepuasan meskipun hasilnya tidak terikat pada suatu produk secara fisik" BAB III METODE PENELITIAN A. Jenis Penelitian Untuk memperoleh jawaban dari permasalahan yang diambil dan sesuai dengan tujuan penelitian ini, maka jenis penelitian yang dianggap tepat adalah penelitian deskriptif dengan menggunakan analisis data kualitatif, karena obyek dari penelitian ini merupakan suatu fenomena atau kenyataan sosial. Hal itu sesuai denan yang dikatakan oleh Sanapiah Faisal (1999:20) bahwa penelitian deskriptif atau penelitian taksonomik atau penelitian eksplorasi dimaksudkan untuk eksplorasi dan klarifikasi mengenai suatu fenomena atau kenyataan sosial, dengan jalan mendiskripsikan sejumlah variabel yang berkenaan dengan masalah dan unit yang diteliti tanpa mempersoalkan jalinan hubungan antar variabel yang ada. Karena itu pada penelitian deskriptif tidak dilakukan pengujian hipotesis untuk membangun dan mengembangkan perbendaharaan teoti. B. Fokus Penelitian Adapun fokus dalam penelitian ini berdasarkan Pendapat dari Agus Dharma tentang 3 cara dalam mengukur kinerja. Menurutnya "kinerja atau prestsi kerja adalah suatu yang dihasilkan atau produk atau jasa yang dihasilkan atau yang diberikan oleh seseorang atau sekelompok orang". Ada tiga cara dalam mengukur kinerja: a) Kuantitas, yaitu jumlah yang harus diselesaikan atau dicapai. Pengukuran kuantitatif melibatkan perhitungan keluaran dari proses atau pelaksanaan kegiatan. b) Kualitas, yaitu mutu yang dihasilkan. Dalam hal ini mencerminkan pengukuran tingkat kepuasan, yakni seberapa baik penyelesaiannya. c) Ketepatan waktu, adalah sesuai tidaknya dengan waktu yang direncanakan. Indikatornya yaitu Ketepatan waktu dalam menyelesaikan pekerjaan. C. Jenis dan Sumber data 1. Data Primer Yaitu data yang diperoleh secara langsung pada saat kita melakukan penelitian, sumber data yang diperoleh secara langsung dari orang-orang atau informan yang secara sengaja dipilih untuk memperoleh data-data atau informasi yang ada relefansinya dengan permasalahan penelitian. Adapun yang menjadi data primer dalam penelitian ialah: Informan Yaitu apabila menurut Moleong (2000:90) "Informan merupakan orang dalam yang digunakan untuk memberikan keterangan dan informasi tentang situasi dan kondisi latar belakang penelitian. Adapun nara sumber atau informan yang akan dipilih untuk menjadi sumber data primer adalah atau Informan : - Kepala Puskesmas 1 orang - Staf Puskesmas 5 orang - 15 orang Masyarakat di kecamatan Motoling yang diambil dari 3 desa berbeda yang ada di Kecamatan Motoling. 2. Data Sekunder D. Teknik Pengumpulan Data Teknik pengumpulan data yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah : 1. Wawancara 2. Observasi. 3. Dokumentasi E. Teknik Analisis Data Analisis data menurut Sanapiah Faisal (1999:255-258) terdiri dari tiga alur kegiatan yaitu: a) Reduksi data (Data reduction) yang merupakan proses merangkum, mengikhtisarkan atau menyeleksi data dari catatan lapangan yang kemudian dimasukkan dalam kategori tema yang mana, fokus atau permasalahan yang mana sesuai dengan fokus penelitian. b) Penyajian data (Data display) merupakan proses penyajian data kedalam sejumlah matrik yang sesuai yang berfungsi untuk memetakan data yang telah direduksi, juga untuk memudahkan mengkontruksi didalam rangka menuturkan, menyimpulkan dan mnginterprestasikan data. c) Menarik kesimpulan, yaitu membuat suatu kesimpulan sementara yang dapat dijadikan sebagai suatu pembekalan dalam melaksanakan penelitian untuk memberikan penafsiran dari data yang diperoleh terutama data yang berhubungan dengan fokus penelitian. Penarikan kesimpulan atau vertifikasi dilakukan dengan longgar, tetap terbuka, tetapi semakin lama lebih semakin rinci berdasarkan kumpulan-kumpulan data yang diperoleh dilapangan dan mengakar dengan kokoh. Data yang diperoleh dilapangan, disajikan sedemikian rupa, kemudian dianalisa terhadap data tersebut untuk memperoleh hasil yang sebenarnya. BAB V HASIL DAN PEMBAHASAN Pembahasan Kinerja Pelayanan Publik Untuk mengetahui seberapa besar kinerja Pelayanan pada Puskesmas Motoling, maka peneliti menggunakan Teori Agus Darma yang mengemukakan tiga dimensi untuk menilai kinerja dalam suatu organisasi yaitu dari dimensi kuantitas, kualitas, dan ketepatan waktu.berikut ini pemaparan Kinerja Pelayanan di Puskesmas Motoling, berdasarkan hasil penelitian penulis : a. Kuantitas Pelayanan Melalui wawancara dengan kepala UPT Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling dr. Frangky Tumbuan : sesuai data yang ada jumlah pegawai yang ada di Puskesmas Kecamatan Motoling berjumlah 21 orang. kegiatan di Puskesmas Motoling mulai dari memeriksa pasien dan menentukan diagnose, memberikan Therapy dan penyuluhan, merujuk pasien (Eksternal/Internal), memberikan surat keterangan sakit, memberikan surat keterangan sehat, memberikan pelayanan P3K, dan mendokumentasikan kunjungan pasien merupakan tugas pokok dari Puskesmas Motoling yang dilaksanakan setiap hari kepada semua masyarakat yang bertempat tinggal di wilayah kerja Puskesmas Motoling. Pada bagian obat, dari hasil penelitian juga menunjukkan bahwa semua kegiatan dibagian obat terlaksanan 100%, adapun kegiatan pelayanan resep, meracik obat dan distribusi obat merupakan tugas pokok dari Sub Bagian Farmasi. Pelayanan resep yaitu memberikan obat kepada pasien sesuai dengan rujukan dokter. Meracik obat yaitu membuat obat sesuai dengan kebutuhan. Sedangkan distribusi obat bertujuan untuk menyalurkan obat ke unit-unit pelayanan Puskesmas Motoling yaitu pustu, perawatan umum, rumah bersalin, puskesmas keliling, kamar suntik, dan poliklinik gigi. Kegiatan penyuluhan obat ditujukan untuk pasien di puskesmas dan pasien di posyandu untuk memberikan penyuluhan kepada pasien tentang obat, kegiatan ini juga dilaksanakan sesuai dengan permintaan. Kegiatan selanjutnya dari sub bagian farmasi adalah Pelayanan Informasi Obat, pelayanan ini bertujuan untuk memberikan informasi kepada pasien dan tenaga kesehatan di Puskesmas Motoling agar mereka dapat mengetahui akan pentingnya pemahaman obat, sehingga dapat meningkatkan kualitas pelayanan kefarmasian. Dari hasil penelitian dan wawancara tersebut lihat bahwa semua kegiatan dan program kerja Puskesmas Motoling terlaksana dengan baik. Dari segi kuantitas, kinerja Puskesmas Motoling sudah baik, meskipun jumlah SDM terbatas namun mereka dapat menyelesaikan tugas mereka. b. Kualitas Pelayanan Dimensi yang ke dua untuk menilai Kinerja Pelayanan di Puskesmas Motoling adalah kualitas. Kualitas menyangkut mutu yang dihasilkan dalam suatu pekerjaan yang telah dikerjakan. Dalam hal ini mencermunkan pengukuran tingkat kepuasan pasien terhadap pelayanan yang diberikan oleh pihak pemberi pelayanan dalam hal ini pegawai perawat dan dokter. Sebagai instansi yang berhadapan langsung dengan masyarakat (pasien) maka pelayanan Puskesmas Motoling harus memuaskan masyarakat. Untuk mengukur kinerja Puskesmas Motoling dari dimensi kualitas maka dapat diukur dari Tangible (bukti fisik) di Puskesmas Motoling, Berikut ini pembahasannya. Tanggapan mengenai Tangible (Bukti Fisik) Puskesmas Motoling Tangible (bukti fisik) merupakan salah satu bentuk pelayanan yang menyangkut penampilan fasilitas fisik, kebersihan, kelengkapan dalam pemberian pelayanan. Untuk mengetahui Kinerja Pelayanan di Puskesmas Motoling dilihat dari dimensi kualitas, dapat diukur dari bukti fisik yang dimiliki yaitu dilihat dari :  Kebersihan  Ketersediaan peralatan medis  Ketersediaan obat  Tanggapan Mengenai Kebersihan Puskesmas Motoling Selama peneliti meneliti di Puskesmas Motoling peneliti melihat setiap hari jika semua pasien sudah pulang, maka perawat segera membersihkan setiap ruangan di Puskemas Motoling. Namun masih ada beberapa sampah pelastik makanan dari beberapa pasien yang peneliti dapati karena masih kurangnya kesadaran pasien untuk membuang sampah pada tempatnya, dimana pasien makan disitulah sampah dibuang.  Ketersediaan Peralatan Medis Berikut peneliti juga mengkaji tentang ketersediaan peralatan medis di puskesmas motoling. Peralatan medis harus dimiliki oleh setiap puskesmas untuk memeriksa pasien. Untuk mengetahui seberapa lengkap peralatan medis yang dimiliki oleh Puskesmas Motoling, maka mewawancarai informan yakni masyarakat yang pernah memeriksakan diri di puskesmas. Dari hasil wawancara dengan ibu. Deisi M yang pernah memeriksakan diri di puskesmas mengatakan peralatan medis Puskesmas Motoling sudah lengkap karena setiap saya datang berobat peralatan medis selalu tersedia jadi, saya tidak perlu menunggu lama di ruang periksa. Hal ini diperkuat oleh pernyataan ibu. Memey beliau mengatakan : Selain peralatan medis yang lengkap, di Puskesmas Motoling juga dilengkapi dengan fasilitas Laboratorium yang walaupun tidak selengkap yang ada di rumah sakit seperti yang ada di manado, namun kami sudah bersyukur karena sudah ada laboratoriumnya. Dari beberapa hasil wawancara diatas menunjukkan bahwa ketersediaan peralatan medis di puskesmas Motoling sudah baik. Peralatan yang memadai dapat mempermudah dan mempercepat pelayanan bagi pasien.  Ketersediaan Obat Berikutnya penulis meneliti mengenai ketersediaan obat yang ada di puskesmas Motoling. Untuk mengetahui seberapa lengkap ketersediaan obat di Puskesmas Motoling, peneliti mewawancarai informan masyarakat yang pernah berobat di puskesmas Motoling. Dari hasil wawancara dengan Bapak Jemmy A, yang pernah menerima pelayanan di puskesmas motoling, beliau mengatakan : ketersediaan obat di Puskesmas Motoling saya rasa cukup baik, obat-obat standart di puskesmas telah tersedia, hal ini karena pada waktu saya mengantar ibu saya berobat, dokter di puskesmas memberikan obat-obat yang lengkap. Selanjutnya penulis juga mewawancarai Ibu. Renny yang juga pernah berobat di puskesmas, beliau mengatakan : Pelayanan yang diberikan di puskesmas Motoling, saya rasa sudah cukup baik, terutama dalam hal ketersediaan obat-obatan, saya rasa walaupun tidak selengkap rumah sakit yang ada di amurang ataupun manado, namun untuk sekelas puskesmas, puskesmas motoling sudah dapat dikatakan baik. Pengalaman saya berobat, ketersediaan obat disana sudah memadai. c. Ketepatan Waktu Pelayanan Adapun dari dimensi kualitas, yaitu waktu antrian di ruang administrasi dari hsil penelitian terlihat cukup cepat, ketika pasien berada di ruang periksa, pasien langsung ditangani oleh dokter, juga ketika pasien berada di ruang resep, pasien langsung dilayani oleh petugas yang bertugas memberikan obat kepada pasien. Jumlah petugas pelayanan kesehatan di puskesmas Motoling memang sedikit, namun mereka dapat menyelesaikan tugas dan pekerjaan mereka tepat waktu. BAB VI PENUTUP A. Kesimpulan Berdasarkan hasil penelitian yang telah dibahas pada bab sebelumnya, maka dapat di tarik kesimpulan sebagai berikut : 1. Kuantitas Kinerja pelayanan Puskesmas Motoling dari segi kuantitas sudah bagus dimana program kerja dan kegiatan semuanya dapat terealisasi dengan baik, bahkan ada dua kegiatan yang pencapaiannya melebihi target yang direncanakan yaitu, pemeriksaan ibu hamil dan K4. 2. Kualitas pekerjaan Tangible (bukti Fisik), menurut pasien memuaskan dilihat dari kebersihan, ketersediaan peralatan medis, dan ketersediaan obat. 3. Ketepatan waktu Dari segi ketepatan waktu juga sudah bagus, dilihat dari disiplin pegawai yang datang tepat pada waktunya sehingga mereka dapat menyelesaiakan pekerjaan tepat pada waktunya. Adapun program kerja di Puskesmas Motoling dapat terealisasikan tepat waktu dikarenakan tingginya disiplin pegawai. B. Saran Berdasarkan hasil pembahasan dan kesimpulan maka, peneliti menyarankan kepada Puskesmas Motoling untuk lebih meningkatkan kinerja pelayanan, dengan menambah pegawai kesehatan agar kedepannya bisa lebih cepat lagi dalam memberikan pelayanan kepada pasien. Pemberian bantuan kepada pasien jangan hanya difokuskan pada pasien Lansia, namun harus merata terhadap semua usia, siapa saja yang membutuhkan bantuan, kebersihan harus tetap dijaga, agar pasien tetap nyaman berobat di Puskesmas Motoling. DAFTAR PUSTAKA Babakus, E. dan Boller (1992),'An Empirical Assesment of The SERVQUAL Scale', Journal of Business Research, Vol. 24: 253-268. Handriana, T. (1998), 'Analisis Perbedaan Harapan Kualitas Jasa Pada Lembaga Pendidikan Tinggi di Surabaya', Tesis S2 Moelyono.1997. Kamus Besar Indonesia. PT Gramedia. Jakarta. Moenir H.A.S. 1997. Manajemen Pelayanan Umum. Bumi Aksara. Jakarta. Mitrani, Alain. 1995. Manajemen Sumber Daya Manusia Berdasarkan Kompoetensi. Jakarta. Grafiti. 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Manajmen Sumber Daya Manusia. Bumi Aksara. Jakarta. Sumber-Sumber Lain : Undang – Undang Nomor 32 tahun 2004 tentang Pemerintahan Daerah. Undang – Undang Nomor 25 tahun 2004 tentang Pelayanan Publik. Keputusan Mendagri No. 100/57 Tahun 2002. Diatur lebih lanjut di dalam PP No. 65 tahun 2005 tentang ketentuan standar pelayanan minimal ( SPM ). Keputusan Menteri Pendayagunaan Aparatur Negara No. 25 tahun 2004 tentang pedoman umum Penyusunan indeks kepuasan Masyarakat Unit Pelayanan Instansi pemerintah.

Throughout the past two decades there has been a resurgence of the concern with the rise of new great powers and its thematic cousin, American hegemony's challenges and challengers (a resurgence that must be seen, of course, as relative to the static preoccupations of Cold War/bipolar International Relations theory). However, scholarly production has not been particularly enlightening. Not because the subject there considered is unimportant. On the contrary, rises and declines –be it of states, empires, civilizations, inter alia- and the potential to restructure world politics inherent to preeminent or hegemonic political units are powerful engines in international relations. This is why a critique of the epistemological, methodological and empirical aspects of this literature and a quest for more productive avenues of research is necessary.Neither a comprehensive critique of the literature nor a complete proposal for an alternative research project can be the goal of the present short essay. For the time being it will suffice to open some paths of discussion by way of putting forward certain challenges to this literature and sketching some notes (in a not un-Gramscian way) on alternative paths of research.By now the reader might reasonably be wondering what does Gramsci has to do with all this. Gramsci's concept of hegemony, but also his ideas on war of position vs. war of movement and passive revolution could eventually be employed, I will argue, as one of the building-blocks of, as Gramsci would have expressed it himself, a counter-hegemonic narrative on the phenomenon of the rise and fall of great powers and international hegemony. (1) A note on the use of Gramsci: As with most of the work of the Italian Marxist, coming up with a circumscribed definition for these critical concepts and ideas is an arduous, and probably unfruitful exercise. The Prison Notebooks, (2) Gramsci's magnum opus, is in itself just notes; ideas dispersed in short chapters that do not claim to be a coherent project (at least in the way we tend to think the argumentative organization of books). Thus Gramsci's own work allows for a not rigidly structured use of his ideas (e.g. there is no need to follow him all the way down in his unorthodox Marxism). Even more, one of the central points of Gramscian thought centers around the notion of a pragmatic understanding of theory. In other words, the search for a "real theoretical truth" is not nearly as relevant as the search for a "useful truth". With this spirit is that I approach the issues of hegemony and rise and fall with the Prison Notebooks behind the arm.* * * * * * The most diffused argument on the rise and decline of the great powers (3) can be summarized, grosso modo –and avoiding existing differences between schools and theorists- as following: the international system, against what balance of power theorists would argue, tends to have a hegemonic power (Spain in the 16th centuries, Portugal in the 17th century, the Netherlands in the second half of the 18th century, Great Britain in the 19th and beginnings of the 20th century, and, from then on, the United States) that establishes a certain international order. But the system is not immutable, the difference in the rates of growth between states will generate competitors to the hegemon, which, if dissatisfied with the present order, will try to bring it down (4) -even if this entails the use of force (i.e. a hegemonic war, in the words of Raymond Aron). (5) Not surprisingly, and in some ways understandably, the literature has an obsession with transition periods and war. In social scientific terms then, the whole phenomenon of rising and declining ends up as the explanandum to explicate the explanans (i.e. transition and war). By doing this it obscures an array of phenomena that cannot be studied in a dichotomy of hegemon and challenger. Methodological and empirical issues (e.g. How do we measure power? Is economic rise a sufficient cause for a change in the system? How many cases are historically relevant? etc.) are part of the problem (more on these difficulties below). Moreover, this approach seems to be propelled by an anxiety generated by the prospect that there will be no huge transformations in the world. In the words of John Gray: "paranoia is a protest against unimportance." (6) In Gramscian vocabulary: people need to think they are living in changing "epochal" times (especially academics that make a living out of "explaining and predicting" these "epochal changes"). The result has been an anxious expectation for the arrival of a challenger to the hegemon and the plausibility of a hegemonic conflict in the process of transition. First came the USSR from the 1950s to the 1970s. When the Soviets proved to be a pathetic challenger, the time came for Japan, the "rising sun." Japan's challenge was dismissed before the end of the 20th century. However, this was not a cause of distress for students of power transitions, now they had China.As I have showed elsewhere, (7) serious contemplation cannot but conclude that there is little use for the kind of futurology contest that this literature has turned into. Of course, the central question then is: acknowledging that this is a topic that should be seriously studied, how can the discipline go forward?Diversifying the questions we have been asking is one way. For example, the problématique should be not so much what will happen when a state rises, or even which are the states currently rising, but why have so many states failed to rise -a necessary(!) counterpart to understand the deep reasons for "successful" rises. Working on the "rise of the West" in a comparative-civilizational line, Jack Goldstone comments on the tendency to uncritically accept a "winner" bias: "Because all too often, we view world history in terms of 'winners' and 'losers,' elevate to prominence much in the 'winners'' history, and obscure or lose sight of similar items in the history of retrospective 'losers'." (8) Until we have a good grasp of why the great-powers-that-could-have-been -or as I call it elsewhere, "failed rises"- (9) follow different trajectories from those considered "successful" rises (while sharing similar departure points) our understanding of rises, declines and hegemony will stay worryingly incomplete.On the other hand, increasing the complexity in the concept of hegemony (and thus, of power) promises to be a profitable enterprise. And here is where Gramsci enters the scene.The most convincing Gramscian in International Relations theory has defined the Italian's concept of hegemony in the following way:"Antonio Gramsci used the concept of hegemony to express a unity between objective material forces and ethico-political ideas in Marxian terms, a unity of structure and superstructure- in which power based on dominance over production is rationalized through an ideology incorporating compromise or consensus between dominant and subordinate groups…. A hegemonial structure of world order is one in which power takes a primarily consensual form…"(10) One of Gramsci's biggest challenges was how to devise the creation of a new hegemony in Western Europe –that is, an alternative to western capitalism/democracy. The classical methods of frontal and violent attack, essence of the Russian Revolution, or what Gramsci calls "war of movement," were of no use in the West. While it was just a government that the Bolsheviks had to overthrow in order to install a new regime, the proto-Modern Princes (i.e. Communist Parties) in Western Europe would have to confront a much more robust complex represented in the formula "civil society plus state." In this context a "war of position" would be the best option. The core of this notion is that, confronted to such a resilient organization, one must win the battle from within; create a new hegemony before taking power. According to Gramsci: "A social group can and indeed must, already 'lead' before winning governmental power (this indeed is one of the principal conditions for the winning of such power)"(p. 47, Prison Notebooks). A simple power battle -a new October 1917- was not enough. This is why Cox talks about a "consensual form" and the primacy of ideology.Going from mainstream IR "thin" to a "thicker" version of hegemony (using Geertzian concepts in a slightly unorthodox way) would problematize the issue of rises and declines in interesting ways.To begin with, the preeminent place currently occupied in the literature by rates of growth would seem laughable to Gramsci. (11) Both in the analysis/futurology of possible challengers to US hegemony and for the more general dynamics of rises and declines -see especially the libraries of (naïve?) scholarly and journalistic production on the so-called "BRICS". Even if these trajectories of growth could be accurately predicted (a dubious assumption), inferring a new international historic bloc or a new great powers configuration would depend on a leap of faith. Extrapolating Gramsci's historicism, it could be argued that an essentially material account of power might have been plausible during, let's say, Habsburg preeminence in the 16th and part of the 17th centuries. This has not been the case for a long time. Just as Gramsci devised a qualitative change in European politics, in which civil-society/state and ideas/material-forces were inevitably intertwined, there is case to make that the present international order is too complex to be seen just through ratios of economic growth and other material variables. (12) A counter-hegemon would need to do much more than surpass the US materially (however this is defined). But the point is also that the general phenomenon of the rise of great powers is likewise much more complex than devising future scenarios under the bewilderment generated by the BRIC's growth rates. Several paths follow the critique of "thin" hegemony. One is to give a more relevant place to discourse, recognition and legitimacy. Achieving great power status or building a hegemonic order is in many ways a discursive affair. In the 19th century recognition as a great power might have been identified by, inter alia, studying who participated in the diplomatic arena as a legitimate great power –e.g. who was sitting as a peer at the table during the Congress of Vienna. This discursive dynamic is probably more complex nowadays –e.g. who is identified in the cover of the Economist as "rising"- but is still an essential element and it should be studied carefully.(13) In a word, achieving a certain status in world politics is not the automatic effect of material variations but the recognition by an Other(s) that a political unit has become part of a particular club or class because, among other things, such a variation in material capabilities has occurred. This mutual empowerment aspect could also be useful in explaining the aforementioned phenomenon of "failed rises" (the development of this idea, however, must be saved for another occasion).It should be clear that this is also a call to historicize the sources of power. Since, as Gramsci assumed, hegemony –but any order in general- changes its basic attributes and dynamics with time, likewise the variables that explain how agents interact with those structures should also change. Social scientists tend to be weak against the temptation to over-generalize; a Gramscian outlook could work as an antidote to the follies inherent in the excesses committed in the name of social scientific "laws."Another interesting possibility lies in the elucidation of the resilience American hegemony seems to be presenting. Neorealism has been left in an uncomfortable place under the unwillingness of American preeminence to give place to a multipolar or bipolar world (since unipolarity is an anomaly for neorealist theory). A "thick" notion of hegemony would help explain this. Even if material change is continuously going on, "thick" hegemony, as explained before, does not depend exclusively on it. There is an ideological aspect that reinforces path dependence trajectories that might turn hegemony more resilient even when the US might be losing ground in terms of its material preeminence (this could be paired with neoliberalism's focus on institutions as central to an hegemon and its order). Hegemonic path dependence does not mean that we have arrived to the "end of History and the last Hegemony", to paraphrase an excessively well-known title. It is, however, an acknowledgment that change in international politics is a complex and multidimensional phenomenon.* * * * * * It is certainly possible that one day –probably a long time from now- China will replace the US as the most powerful state, eventually –but not necessarily- building a new international order. It is also possible that the "BRICS" (or any other creation from the armies of acronym-chasers) will rise to great power status conforming a multipolar world. The problem is that it is also very possible that 30 years from now no one will remember the "rise of China" or the "rise of the BRICS." These are unknowns we cannot escape. As with "Japan's rise" in the 1980s, the infinite paper, ink, and time wasted could end up in the most embarrassing dustbin in the history of the discipline. This should not be interpreted as a call to stop studying these dynamics, but as an emphatic request to critically think about the best way(s) to do this. Though engaging in futurology is definitely the correct approach if the goal is selling books and being published in well-known journals, I argue that the best way to do this if the purpose is building knowledge is: a) increasing the complexity in the use of variables and concepts such as power, hegemony, rise and decline, etc. b) avoiding a "winner bias" and understanding the cases of "failed rises", c) historicizing structural dynamics and properties and the sources that explain how agents interact with those structures, d) engaging with history in the search for clues on how to think about the present and not in an attempt to come up with historical "laws", e) finally, and probably the most important, accepting the complex nature of profound change in international politics instead of escaping to the triteness of futurology that rather than educating fosters misunderstanding. (1) This is not an unprecedented line of work. There is a substantive body of scholarly work on Gramscian IPE. It must be said, however, that I will not attempt to engage in a rigorous Gramscian analysis of international relations, but just use some of his ideas as building blocks.(2) Gramsci, Antonio, Selections From the Prison Notebooks, International Publishers, New York, 2010.(3) See: Gilpin, Robert, War and Change in World Politics, Cambridge University Press, 1981; Organski, A.F.K. and Jacek Kugler, The War Ledger, Chicago University Press, 1980; and Kennedy, Paul, The Rise and Fall of Great Powers, Vintage, 1989.(4) Though some argue that it is the fear of the hegemon to lose its current position that brings about hegemonic war.(5) Nota bene: Aron worked on the concept of hegemonic war as part of his studies on "total war", and not in the transition framework. This point is pertinent since he should not be included in the group of scholars conforming this literature –being his oeuvre of a sophistication and scope not matched by them.(6) Interview at The Browser, available online: http://thebrowser.com/interviews/john-gray-on-critiques-utopia-and-apocalypse(7) Castro, Guzmán, "Measuring the Future: Rises, Failed Power Transitions and the Problem of Systemic Change," unpublished manuscript, University of Pennsylvania, 2011.(8) Goldstone, Jack, "The Rise of the West – or Not? A Revision to Socio-economic History", Sociological Theory, 18:2, July 2000.(9) Castro, Guzmán, "The (Intellectual) Costs of Hegemony: Hegemonic Bias and the Poverty of the Theories of Systemic Change," unpublished manuscript, University of Pennsylvania, 2012.(10) Robert Cox cited in Keohane, After Hegemony, Princeton University Press, 1984, p. 44.(11) See here to laugh with Gramsci.(12) Gramsci is clear on this: "The analysis of these propositions tends, I think, to reinforce the conception of historic bloc in which precisely material forces are the content and ideologies are the form, though this disctintion between form and content has purely didactic value, since the material forces would be inconceivable historically without form and the ideologies would be individual fancies without the material forces" (p. 377).(13) There is some encouraging new work on the subject. See: Zarakol, Ayse, After Defeat: How the East Learned to Live with the West, Cambridge UP, 2011, and Suzuki Shogo, "Seeking 'Legitimate' Great Power Status in Post-Cold War International Society: China's and Japan's Participation in UNPKO," International Relations, 2008 22: 45.Sobre el autorProfessor, Ph.D. student.Department of Political ScienceUniversity of Pennsylvania.

From the introduction: The last two years mark a turning point in public perception of human-induced climate change as a problem of global importance. The widespread acceptance that 'most of the observed increase in globally-averaged temperatures since the mid-20th century is very likely due to the observed increase in anthropogenic greenhouse gas [GHG] concentrations' has increased political pressure on governments to reduce GHG emissions. At the same time, rising oil prices have made the reduction of dependence on energy imports and diversification of the energy mix strategic imperatives for many countries around the world. While governments worldwide are confronted with this dual challenge, it is of special relevance to China. On the one hand, China has recently become the world's largest emitter of CO2, accounting for 24% of global annual CO2 emissions. China is therefore one of the most important players to effectively mitigate global warming and pressure from governments around the world on China to join emission reductions efforts is mounting. On the other hand, energy demand is growing exponentially and China is increasingly relying on energy imports to satisfy energy needs. Worried that growing dependency on energy imports may be accompanied by foreign-policy and economic pressures that might threaten national security as well as social and political stability, China has implemented a number of policies to address this issue ranging from policies to save energy and reduce energy intensity, to the diversification of oil supply sources and routes, the support of equity oil overseas acquisitions and the build up of strategic oil reserves to the diversification of the energy portfolio. In line with the objective to diversify the composition of the energy mix, China's leadership is increasingly realizing the need to reduce emissions and support renewable energy development. At a recently held Politburo study session, President Hu Jintao exclaimed: 'Our task is tough, and our time is limited. Party organisations and governments at all levels must give priority to emission reduction and bring the idea deep into people's hearts". To address the issue of energy security, the Chinese government has adapted a two-pronged approach. While measures to promote energy savings and efficiency curb the increase in energy demand, the support of renewable and nuclear energy reduces dependency on energy imports and contributes to the broadening of the foundation of energy supply. This study focuses on China's renewable energy policy and the development of wind energy in China in particular. Commitment by the highest levels of government and a host of favourable policies have triggered a boom in renewable energy in China, especially in the wind power sector. A major step in the development of renewable energy in China has been the Renewable Energy Law that came into effect in January 2006. In addition, the government has set ambitious targets for energy intensity reduction, and share of renewable energy of primary energy consumption. China is on the way to become the world leader in renewable energies. In 2007, investment in renewable energies in China amounted to approximately US$ 12 billion, second only to Germany. In terms of installed renewable energy capacity, China leads the world with 151 GW of installed capacity, largely due to the widespread utilization of hydropower for electricity generation. According to a report by the United Nations Environmental Programme, China is the world's leading manufacturer of solar cells, with an estimated annual production capacity of 3.000 MW. China's wind power market was the third biggest worldwide in 2007 and growth rates continue to exceed expectations. In 2009, China is expected to take the lead as the largest manufacturer of wind turbines. Hydro power represents the most important source of renewable energy in China and plays an important part in the power generation portfolio, most notably since the construction of the Three Gorges Dam. Hydro capacity is expected to double to 290 GW until 2020, but concerns about the social and environmental impact of large-scale hydro power are becoming stronger. Although China is the world's leading solar manufacturer, installed solar photovoltaic power capacity amounts to a mere 0.01% of total power generation capacity (80 MW, approx. 50% of which are off-grid). Solar power equipment is produced almost exclusively for export. Considering China's enormous energy demand and the pace of its growth, deployment of solar photovoltaic power is not viewed as a first-rate solution to satisfy China's energy needs, since it features high costs and low efficiencies compared to other renewables like hydro or wind power. While China does not have significant amounts of solar PV capacity, it is the biggest market for solar thermal systems for heating and hot water supply with 64,5% of global capacity, amounting to 68 GW. Biomass covers 13% of primary energy demand, mostly used in rural households for heating and cooking. In 2007, only 0,28% of power generation capacity were fuelled by biomass. The government plans to expand biomass capacity from 2 to 30 GW by 2020. Despite the impressive progress of recent years, renewable energies - excluding hydro - only contribute less than 1% to China's electricity supply and the skies above China's urban areas continue to be shrouded by smog. Since coal-fired power generation accounts for 82,9% of total electricity supply, it is no surprise that half of China's emissions are attributable to power generation. With electricity demand growing rapidly alongside the economy, dependency on coal as the major source for power generation is likely to persist. However, as the most important source of renewable energy next to hydro, and growth of installed capacity constantly accelerating, peaking at about 130% in 2007, wind power is one of – if not the – most promising option on China's path towards diversification of the energy mix. In recent years wind power has become a mainstream source of renewable energy excelling with mature technology and power generation costs almost competitive with conventional power sources, providing a viable alternative to coal as a source of electricity generation. In 2005, just before the development of wind power started to pick up pace, the China Wind Power Training and Research Project (CWPP) of the German Development Cooperation (GTZ) saw its inception, with the aim of improving the conditions for sustained development of wind power in China. Primary objective of CWPP is the support of sustained long-term wind power development in China. To attain this goal CWPP supports the improvement of technical capabilities of private and government institutions and organizations through activities in the fields of wind power training, technical support and research. The project's engagement ranges from training of technicians in charge of operation and maintenance (OM) at wind farms to the introduction and localisation of software vital to wind resource assessment. These capacity building activities are complemented by wind power information services as well as policy advice to relevant government institutions. The CWPP activities and the indicators measuring its success are based on an analysis of framework conditions in 2003/2004. However, since then the general conditions for wind power in China have changed drastically due to policy changes inducing exponential growth of the industry. While from 2000 to 2005 total installed capacity grew at an average rate of 31%, it more than doubled in the last two years. Newly installed capacity increased at an even faster rate averaging 156% annual growth from 2005 till 2007. In light of the boom in the Chinese wind power sector, it is imperative to realign project activities with actual market conditions on the basis of an up-to-date assessment of the current situation and future outlook. This analysis of the wind power sector in China in 2008 will serve as a basis for the review of current CWPP activities with the aim of developing recommendations for adaptations where deemed necessary. Content Methodology: The study is divided into seven chapters. Subsequent to the introduction, the global development of wind power, its major drivers and trends are discussed briefly serving as a backdrop to the study. The third chapter introduces CWPP and its activities along with the current status of project implementation. The fourth and fifth chapter form the main body of this study. Beginning with the current picture of energy supply and demand, the fourth chapter goes on to introduce the relevant government authorities in charge of Chinese renewable energy policy. Since the basis for wind power development is government support, a detailed examination of renewable energy policy in China is given. The policies governing the wind power sector are reviewed in order to explore the origins of the current boom of the wind power industry. The fifth chapter offers an in-depth discussion of wind power in China, including wind power potential, current status of the market and future development as well as the situation with regards to wind power equipment manufacturers and project developers. In the sixth chapter, major determinants that have the potential to negatively affect the perspectives of wind power development in China are identified and discussed. As a conclusion, chapter seven offers recommendations for the realignment of CWPP activities according to the actual needs of the market. A series of expert interviews was conducted within the scope of the study. The experts interviewed included representatives of relevant government authorities, foreign and domestic wind turbine manufacturers, component suppliers, project developers, industry associations, universities, research institutes, consultancies, CDM agencies and environmental organizations. These interviews serve as a supplement to the evaluation of secondary literature and online sources so as to guarantee the timeliness and validity of information in the study. In cooperation with the China Electric Power Research Institute (CEPRI) and the Chinese Wind Energy Association (CWEA) the need for wind power-specific training and education for wind power equipment manufacturers and power generation companies was assessed through two separate surveys. In addition, two polls were conducted among wind turbine and component manufacturers at the China Wind Energy Exhibition 2008 in Shanghai and the Wind Power Asia 2008 in Beijing. These polls helped to identify the major challenges for the wind sector's future development in China and contributed to the assessment of the current situation with regard to human resources and qualification.Inhaltsverzeichnis:Table of Contents: 1.INTRODUCTION7 1.1BACKGROUND7 1.2CONTENT METHODOLOGY9 2.THE GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT OF WIND POWER10 2.1DEVELOPMENT OF THE GLOBAL WIND POWER MARKET10 2.2DRIVERS AND TRENDS OF WIND POWER DEVELOPMENT12 3.THE GTZ CHINA WIND POWER PROJECT17 4.ENERGY POLICY IN CHINA19 4.1ENERGY SUPPLY AND DEMAND19 4.2RELEVANT PLAYERS IN ENERGY POLICY MAKING22 4.3RENEWABLE ENERGY AND WIND POWER POLICY25 4.3.1THE CONCESSION PROGRAMME AND ORIGINS OF WIND POWER PRICING25 4.3.2THE RENEWABLE ENERGY LAW29 4.3.3INVESTMENT CONDITIONS FINANCIAL INCENTIVES33 5.WIND POWER IN CHINA39 5.1WIND ENERGY RESOURCE CHARACTERISTICS AND DEVELOPMENT POTENTIAL39 5.2CURRENT STATUS OF DEVELOPMENT42 5.3MARKET FORECAST45 5.4WIND TURBINE MANUFACTURERS47 5.5WIND TURBINE COMPONENT SUPPLIERS55 5.6PROJECT DEVELOPERS55 5.7PROJECT ECONOMICS56 6.POTENTIAL PITFALLS FOR WIND POWER DEVELOPMENT IN CHINA58 6.1POLICY59 6.2HUMAN RESOURCES60 6.3WIND FARM PERFORMANCE LACK OF TRANSPARENCY63 6.4GRID INTEGRATION64 7.RECOMMENDATIONS FOR THE GTZ CHINA WIND POWER PROJECT67 7.1WIND POWER EDUCATION TRAINING68 7.2RD AND TECHNOLOGICAL CAPACITY BUILDING70 7.3INFORMATION SERVICES71 7.4FINAL REMARKS73 Bibliography72Textprobe:Text Sample: Chapter 6.1, Potential Pitfalls for Wind Power Development in China: Wind power in China faces a series of adverse outer influences at present. Most of these are not expected to constitute insurmountable barriers to wind power development, but will impact the pace of development nonetheless. The financial crisis on Wall Street that has spread to financial markets around the world, spurs serious worries of a global economic downturn. The renewable energy sector is hit particularly hard by a deterioration of investor confidence, since many observers assume that renewable energy development same as environmental concerns will be shelved until the economies show signs of recovery. The wind industry in China will not be exempt from negative effects of the crisis. Since raising capital will prove difficult in this situation, planned IPOs will be moved back and investments may be deferred. The fall in oil prices in fear of a recession contributes to increase the discrepancy in profitability between conventional power and renewable energy projects (decrease the relative competitiveness of renewables). The rise in coal prices and the credit squeeze further draws liquidity from the market for project development. Rising prices in raw materials drive the increase in wind turbine prices. However, wind power development in China also faces a series of challenges of intrinsic nature. The tremendous pace at which the Chinese wind power sector has been evolving entails an inherent risk of undesirable developments. Reports of wind turbines not performing as expected or even collapsing, lack of due diligence in planning of wind farms, serial production errors in turbines, the counterfeiting of components. These incidents are often portrayed as isolated, but may be representative of greater erroneous trends in the industry. Government regulation will be essential in addressing the issues at stake and preventing them from becoming fundamental barriers to future wind power development. Policy: As mentioned before, government renewable energy and wind power policy have been the single most important driver for wind power development around the world. This is also true for China. A combination of wind power development targets, mandatory market share requirements, economic incentives and protective policies have created a burgeoning wind power market and a thriving domestic industry. Nevertheless, in order to prevent a bust from following the boom, a few adjustments of the policy framework are necessary in order to provide for sustained wind power development. Restrictive government policies, particularly with regard to wind power pricing and foreign investment, pose a serious barrier to the exploitation of a diverse set of investment sources for wind power development in China. Obstructive regulations for FDI, especially with regard to debt financing and CDM project ownership, serve as deterrents for foreign investors. Modes for participation in the regulatory process are unclear, as are rights to appeal regulatory decisions. The lack of a clear pricing policy guaranteeing secure and attractive profit margins for wind power projects has kept many potential investors at bay. Limited access to proper financing and insurance further discourages private and foreign investors. The development of a competitive power sector is also impeded by the dominance of state-owned power generators, who retain strong and often opaque links to state funds, while their levels of profit, subsidies and cross-subsidisation are undisclosed. The government has largely recognized the challenge to open up the market to private and foreign investors. Movement towards further improvement of the policy framework governing wind power is visible. Recently, the government has been addressing many of the most important barriers impeding wind power development. Wind power pricing policy has been slowly moving towards a more predictable and lucrative system of fixed feed-in tariffs. Government action has been taken to alleviate deficiencies regarding reliable wind resource data and the innovation capability of the domestic industry. According to some observers, CDM regulations are expected to be loosened in favour of foreign investors. Still, a number of challenges remain to be addressed, demanding government guidance in order to facilitate sustained, long-term development of wind power in China: - Enforce efforts to provide adequate wind power education and training programmes to ease the human resource deficit. - Establish strong mandatory wind turbine certification standards and support capacity building in the field of turbine testing, in order to ensure turbine quality/reliability and in the long-run improve global competitiveness of the domestic wind industry. - Facilitate smooth grid integration of wind power by: - strengthening the national power grid and interregional transmission capacity, taking into consideration the integration of wind power in the design of grid expansion plans by establishing management regulations and technical specifications to integrate wind power into grid planning; - mapping out comprehensive wind power development plans on national and provincial level in consultation with the grid companies, taking into account construction of other power generation capacity, (interregional) transmission capacity as well as the specific requirements of wind power grid integration; - redoubling research efforts with regard to the analysis of the influence of extensive deployment of wind power on the operation and management of the power grid, intensifying studies on accurate wind power forecasting to allow for effective dispatch of power and establishing a national grid code for wind turbines to ensure maximum electricity output of wind farms. - Tweak FDI, CDM and wind power policies to allow for more diversity in investment and enhance the efficiency of the power sector by creating a fair and open market. Clarify wind power pricing policies and facilitate access to government subsidized bank loans. - Increase transparency within the wind industry and power sector, e.g. with regard to information on wind farm energy output and turbine availability, in order to facilitate competition and intra-industry learning processes, enable timely identification of challenges and build investor confidence. Information transparency is also necessary to improve energy demand and (wind power) supply forecasts and thus provide for proper dispatch of power plants.

This research aims to know the potential effect of Intellectual Capital Performance (ICP) to the intensity of Intellectual Capital Disclosure (ICD). The independent variables used in this research are the components of ICP that consists of Value Added Human Capital (VAHU), Value Added Capital Employed (VACA), and Structural Capital Value Added (SCVA) that is measured by using the Value Added Intellectual Coefficient (VAIC™). While, the dependent variable used in this research is ICD that measured by a disclosure index and relevant scoring system. Company size and leverage are also used in the regression model as moderating variables. One year annual reports (2017) of banking sector companies registered on the Indonesia Stock Exchange (IDX) are analyzed in quantitative research type. The samples that listed on the IDX in 2017 are selected by using purposive sampling method with certain criteria and 33 banking sector companies are obtained. The analysis is made by multiple regression analysis and the data testing is conducted by using SPSS 22 and Eviews 9 which previously has been carried out the classic assumption test first. Results of this study indicate that: (1) Simultaneously, ICP component significantly affect ICD. However, each component of VAHU and SCVA does not significantly affect the ICD, only VACA significantly affects the ICD; (2) Simultaneously, with the moderation of company size, ICP does not significantly affect the ICD. Similarly, each component of VAHU, VACA and SCVA does not significantly affect ICD; and (3) Simultaneously, with the moderation of company leverage, ICP significantly affects ICD. 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To make a summary of a book that contains so many different threads is no easy task. One should, on the one hand, refer to its conceptual contribution to the paradigm of sustainable agriculture, and on the other hand, consider the conclusions drawn from the studies conducted at international, national and regional level. It is clear that changing the paradigm of agricultural development from an industrial to a sustainable one will be neither easy nor quick. Agriculture must satisfy the demand for food products while lowering the pressure on the environment, providing for technological and biological progress, meeting the need to ensure a secure supply of food, and ensuring global economic, social and environmental rationality. The discussion in this book has concentrated chiefly on the last two questions. This is because certain dimensions of environmental and social rationality have so far been poorly researched. Environmental rationality means not only protecting the natural environment and reducing the pressure placed on it by agricultural production. The authors have pointed out that the assumption of an intrinsic value of land changes the expected productivity of capital in the sectors which utilise that production factor, namely in agriculture. This has far-reaching theoretical and practical consequences. The statistical data that have been presented demonstrate that utilities are discounted in Polish land prices to a much greater degree than would result from the agricultural functions of land. A similar situation is found in other EU countries. Where does this excess value of land come from? It is undoubtedly a result of the expectations of political rents, of speculative motives, and also of non-agricultural amenities provided by land. However, it is hard to determine the proportions of these factors. Moreover, new utilities of land have the nature of public goods, which further complicates the problem of seeking a market equilibrium. Similarly, recognition of the fact of the absolute and relative deprivation of farmers in the long term changes the balance of intersectoral flows, because it means a drainage of surplus from agriculture to other branches of agribusiness. This drainage is understood as a permanent mechanism by which economic rent flows out of agriculture as a result of market imperfections, in particular the flexible prices of agricultural products. More space should be given to studies of this problem in the world literature. 135 Poznan University of Economics and Business, anna.matuszczak@ue.poznan.pl Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture 239 The second thread of the theoretical considerations relates to the problem of whether the concept of political rent, as found in the literature, fits the processes taking place in European agriculture. A review of the literature on rent seeking suggests that these theories provide only a partial explanation of the level of political rents and lobbying actions in European agriculture. Although there is a vast theoretical literature on rent seeking and collective action at global level, there is not much empirical work done with regard to these problems relating to the Common Agricultural Policy. Particularly problematic is the question of measuring political rents in particular EU member states. It has been found that, on a global level, it is European agriculture that best meets the criteria of viability and sustainability. Viewed against the backdrop of global agriculture, it is economically effective (in the institutional conditions guaranteed by the CAP), satisfies a variety of economic and social needs, and is developing in a way that reduces the burden on the environment. In 2012, based on the results of social consultations, the European Commission published a strategy and plan of action relating to the bioeconomy in Europe. The strategy creates a cohesive framework for a comprehensive approach to the solution of complex social problems (challenges) in Europe and worldwide. The measures undertaken with respect to the bioeconomy are focused on three pillars: investment in research, innovations and skills; strengthening the impact of the policy and engagement of interested parties; and strengthening competitiveness in sectors of the bioeconomy. The bioeconomy strategy represents an important step towards solving contemporary economic and social problems. The model of the development of agriculture in the EU can thus be considered an appropriate path to be followed in relatively densely populated countries, in which food producing area per capita is small. However, does this model require institutional support and the payment of political rents? The question arises as to whether these are in fact political rents, if in return society receives a package of specified benefits, and there is a net increase in social well-being. Empirical analyses have shown that up to the mid 1980s the level of support for agriculture in the EU (measured by the NRA indicator) was constantly increasing. The decline in support in subsequent years was maintained by payments of the decoupled type. Based on NRA values it can be concluded that nominal support in 2011 was at a level comparable to that recorded prior to the creation of an organisation of agricultural markets, that is, before 1962. This means that the CAP is distorting world prices to an ever smaller degree, and agricultural producers are losing their competitive advantages (although to differing extents). An important observation is the fact that, although the CAP applies to all member states, the level of support varies between those countries. In 2005-2011 it was the highest in Ireland, Slovenia, Poland, Belgium and the UK, and the lowest in Italy and Bulgaria. This observation 240 Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture is confirmed by a second indicator constructed for the purposes of this research by the authors of Chapter 2.3 – the Farm Receipts Gap Estimate (FRGE). Despite the fact that in principle agricultural policy has a universal application, the amount of financial support given to agricultural producers measured as a percentage of gross farm receipts is not uniform between countries, with differences as high as 17 percentage points in 2012136 (cf. Table 2.4.). We should add that, according to the OECD, the value of the PSE for the whole of the European Union is 22.6% (of gross receipts). The differences between the PSE and the FRGE result partly from the methodology used for calculation. Most importantly, however, the FRGE shows how little uniformity there is across the EU in terms of support for agricultural producers in different countries. The differences are even more marked when we consider the contribution of pure political rent137 to the revenue of producers in various countries. In the Netherlands this contribution is just 4.3%, while for Ireland it is 25.8% (although the highest value, 28.7%, is recorded in Finland; cf. Table 3.12.). These data also demonstrate one more thing: that the PSE should not be used as a measure of political rents, because it significantly overstates them. The mechanisms shaping the structure of transfers in the selected countries also exhibited clear differences. This applies in particular to the two main streams of transfers: from taxpayers to producers and from consumers to producers. There has also been a gradual change in the structure of support, away from consumer transfers towards taxpayer transfers. This has resulted both from changes taking place in the global economy and the rise in prices of agricultural products, as well as from transformations in agriculture's role in the economy. A key part of the book proved to be Part 3, which presents the concept and the effects of long-term surplus drainage from agriculture under the various support models applied in the EU as regards equivalent payments (for specific public goods) and the different models for the taxation of agriculture. The analysis leads to what are called pure political rents, being what remains when the value of the aforementioned flows (drainage and net subsidies for public goods) is deducted from the sum of CAP subsidies. It should be noted that only rents calculated in this way meet the definition of political rent found in the public choice theory. Another important thread in this discussion concerns price fluctuations and their consequences. Agriculture is characterised by a high variability of prices in particular markets, which leads to adjustments of supply. This reaction is not always as described by neo-classical concepts – the spider's web and King's effects. Farmers' expectations in different countries may be more or less adaptive, and are sometimes 136 From 19.99% in the Netherlands to 36.96% in Ireland. 137 After adjusting the support by that part the receipt of which is conditional on the supply of specified public goods, and by the value of long-term drainage resulting from market failures. Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture 241 rational. This depends on the degree of horizontal and vertical integration of sale channels, and on access to information. This price variability leads to unexpected flows of economic surplus into and out of agriculture, and in the authors' view, this produces a drainage effect in the long term. In response, there is a fluctuation in economic activity and in the economic situation in agriculture. This process is not uniform, however, and varies between different EU countries, as the authors observe. They propose an economic indicator based on surplus flows as a result of price fluctuations, based on an input-output table. The largest fluctuations were recorded in such countries as Germany, Denmark, the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Estonia and Lithuania. At the other extreme (with the smallest amplitudes of variation) are Portugal, Greece, Cyprus and Malta. At the same time, the value of the computed indicator determined the changes in farms' output and receipts, although in some countries this was a concurrent response, while in others it was delayed. This partly confirms the hypothesis that the outflow of economic rent from agriculture means a drop in productive activity, and vice versa (in some cases, however, such as in Poland, the response was delayed – recalling the spider's web theory). It was also shown that the relationship between the economic indicator and the production of agricultural raw materials differs between countries. In Germany, for example, the variation in output as a response to price changes is relatively low. Even in the most difficult period for agriculture (2009) production fell there by just 1%, compared with 15% in Portugal and as much as 30% in Poland, despite a smaller drop in the economic indicator. The authors believe this to be a result of the different agrarian structure, scale and technology of production, differences in the functioning of market institutions (integrative links, contracting systems), and the reactions of the producers themselves to the situation. To sum up, drawing conclusions about the general economic situation based on flows of economic rents is an atypical approach, but one that can identify the causes of variation in the productive activity on farms and help compare the scale of such variation between countries. This approach may also be a useful analytical tool for agricultural policy, which becomes particularly important in conditions of the intensification of processes of globalisation. In generalising the conclusions drawn from the analysis of the structure of CAP support in selected EU countries, three different models were identified138. Only 138 The structure of support is described based on the contribution of the following variables to total variable subsidies: X1 – the value of payments for public goods, being the sum of set-aside, agri-environmental and less favoured area payments and other subsidies for the development of rural areas; X2 – the value of subsidies for plant and animal production (the sum of other payments to plant and animal production plus the balance of subsidy and penalties for milk production, subsidy for other cattle production and subsidy for sheep and goat production); X3 – the value of single farm and area payments; X4 – the value of subsidies for indirect consumption; X5 – the value of investment subsidies. 242 Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture two of them – model A (dominated by single farm and area payments, and with payments for the supply of public goods making up 17% of the total) and model C (combining different mechanisms of support for farms, with the highest contribution from payments for public goods, 33%) – were in accordance with the development priorities of the European agricultural model as defined in the new programming period of 2014-2020. These operated throughout most of the area of the EU in 2012, particularly in the new member states (cf. Figure 3.3.). Nonetheless, in most regions of the "old" EU-15 member states, the model in operation in 2012 was model B, oriented exclusively towards direct payments, which are treated as a substitute for support for production and produce a relatively weak stimulus for sustainable development. Further calculations showed that these countries receive more than 80% of the pure political rents derived from the CAP. There is also a large variation between EU countries as regards agricultural income. The tax systems applied to agriculture, however, are very similar (with certain exceptions, such as the case of Poland). They incorporate taxes on income, assets and consumption (VAT). The Polish system is different in that it does not include a tax on income from agricultural production. Based on an evaluation of the tax systems applied to agriculture in selected EU countries, it is possible to identify countries having the most restrictive tax policies towards agriculture (Belgium, Portugal, Ireland, Spain) and those where such policies are less restrictive (the UK, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands). Taking account of the long-term surplus drainage from agriculture and the net equivalent subsidies (in exchange for specific actions relating to public goods), an estimate was made of the value of "pure" political rents for individual countries of the EU-27. The analysis carried out here points to the conclusion that agricultural interventionism in the EU requires a special conceptual approach, since it is not sufficient to simply treat all subsidies as political rents. The new approach proposed by the authors is necessary, as it provides an indication of how to improve the effectiveness of allocation of support for agriculture in individual EU countries. Quantification of the political rent in agriculture enables a more rational and socially appropriate distribution of assistance from the CAP in accordance with the goals set for agricultural policy in the new financial framework after 2014. Although the division of payment envelopes between member states has already been decided, since 2014 the CAP has gained flexibility in terms of the structure of both pillars and transfers between them. These matters remain in the hands of the governments of member states. Another issue is the aforementioned contribution of political rents to the gross receipts from agriculture in a given country (cf. Tables 3.12. and 3.13.). On average in the EU-27 this contribution is 13.63%, and although in the EU-12 it is slightly Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture 243 higher, and in the EU-15 somewhat lower than average, there are countries in which that value is exceeded almost twofold. Redefinition is required as regards the issue of social fairness in the determination of the sizes of national CAP envelopes. The calculations of political rents show that historical payments are neither a rational nor a just solution, because the structurally low profitability of agriculture in certain countries should be compensated for by a higher supply of public goods, and this is not happening. Perhaps countries with structurally inefficient agriculture should supply more public goods than they do at present, if they wish to maintain their current ratio of political rents to gross added value, or else subsidise their agriculture to a greater degree out of national funds. Part 4 of the book contains case studies. These demonstrate the applicative dimension of the paradigm of sustainable development and methods of evaluating the effectiveness of agricultural policy in supporting such development in rural areas. Naturally, the results of these studies are not representative for agriculture as a whole (at national or EU level). Nonetheless, they indicate a direction for discussion concerning the development of sustainable agriculture in theory and in practice, and provide methodological guidance. They develop a methodology for examining regional sustainable development, which enables not only a sustainability assessment, but also a comparison of synthetic indicators over the whole of the analysed period. Also a set of analytical models is proposed, which make possible not only a better management of human and material capital in firms in agricultural and food sectors, but also the identification of areas that need to be improved to enable these resources to be used more competitively. Among the detailed findings, the following are particularly striking: • The location-specific factor "type of rural area", based on land functions, is of key importance for land value in the SAPS. The area type determines whether particular use values, such as area or shape coefficient, and amenities, such as the possibility of building, as well as payments under agricultural policy, affect the land price. • There is a very large variation in land prices in the SAPS, and prices are strongly affected by speculation, which has driven the upward trend since the introduction of area payments in 2004. However, the impact of speculation is relatively small in areas with agrotouristic features. • Agricultural policy, in particular payments for public goods, has a very large significance (marginal effects) for the value of agricultural land compared with other parcel-level attributes of properties. • Payments for public goods are however capitalised in land prices only in peripheral areas. Elsewhere they fail to perform their role, and are even associated with the decapitalisation of the value of land. In particular, in 244 Summary: Political Rents and the European Model of Agriculture agrotouristic areas these schemes should be complementary and not substitutive with respect to the multifunctional development of the countryside. Therefore, in most places at present, single area payment support is not a differentiating factor for land value, in view of its general availability and low requirements, and the other payments do not compensate for the opportunity costs related to alternative ways of deriving rent from land. • Similarly, support for agrotouristic activity did not have a significant effect on the level of income from agrotourism among the analysed farms. This was because interest in such support came from those farms that did not yet obtain relatively high amounts of income from agrotourism; and moreover the instrument was not of a universal nature, but required the fulfilment of specified conditions. It can be expected that the situation was similar throughout Poland. • The relationships between agriculture and agrotourism are symbiotic in nature. Their common plane includes both the income of farms engaged in agricultural and agrotouristic activity, and the support provided by CAP instruments. In consequence, the preliminary conclusion can be reached that direct subsidies favour the economic activation of farms in non-agricultural activity. • The instruments of the CAP can be expected to evolve to favour the creation of public goods at local authority level rather than the development of agrotouristic activity itself at farm level. A particularly striking aspect of the findings of these case studies is that they point towards a common problem: the idea of payments for public goods under agricultural policy is set forth as a leitmotif of the European agricultural model, but in practice the CAP does not succeed in valuing these goods accurately. Perhaps this value is too low compared with the funds allocated indirectly to support production and efficiency, perversely given the name "decoupled"? Hence, the idea remains more a declaration than reality. This conclusion is confirmed by the variation in pure political rents obtained by agriculture (one might say non-equivalent rents) between EU countries in 2004-2012: ranging from approximately 9% of value added by agriculture in the Netherlands, to over 95% in Ireland. Are such disproportions, which it is hard to justify by any objective criteria, acceptable from the point of view of social justice and common community ideology? Alluding to the hypothesis put forward at the outset: there is something called the European model for the development of agriculture, but it is implemented in a minority of EU countries. Their common denominator is that pure political rent, after taking account of public goods and market corrections, accounts for a similar proportion of agricultural income. ; National Science Centre ; Bazyli Czyżewski