Suchergebnisse

This paper analyses the relationship between the so-called participative communities and their participants' influence on local public health policies discussions through health councils in the cities of Porto Alegre, Brazil and Montevideo, Uruguay. Work was carried out through a qualitative comparison research (Sartori e Morlino, 1994), opting for a multiple-case study (Yin, 2003) and by using Likert (1967), Rifkin et al. (1989), and Demo (1996) as main theoretical references. Results achieved by the content analysis showed that the Health Council of Porto Alegre tends to present a larger level of community participation, i.e., the organization having an influence on local health policy discussions. As to the Health Council of Montevideo, the level of participation tends to be limited, i.e., the organization has little influence on local health policy discussions.

El artículo estudia el avance de las dictaduras del Cono Sur durante los años sesenta y setenta, tomando los casos de Brasil, Uruguay y Chile. Se estudia el mapa político regional y cómo distintas experiencias que no optaron por las armas pero proponían proyectos de transformación constituyeron un motivo de preocupación para las derechas locales y los Estados Unidos: João Goulart en Brasil (1961-1964), Juan Velasco Alvarado en Perú (1968-1975), Juan José Torres en Bolivia (1970-1971), la Unidad Popular en Chile (1970-1973), la creación y el crecimiento del Frente Amplio en Uruguay (1971) y el retorno del peronismo en 1973. El artículo también estudia los recorridos de la izquierda a través de los países del Cono Sur, conforme se afianzaba el cerco represivo de las dictaduras. ; The article analyzes the dictatorship in the Cono Sur, during the sixties and seventies, especially Brazil, Uruguay and Chile. It examines the regional politic map and the lefts experiences that represented a warning to the rights and the United States: João Goulart in Brazil (1961-1964), Juan Velasco Alvarado in Peru (1968-1975), Juan José Torres in Bolivia (1970-1971), the Unidad Popular in Chile (1970-1973), the emergence and growing up the Frente Amplio in Uruguay (1971) and the return to the peronismo in 1973. The article, also analyzes the left paths through the Cono Sur countries under the advancing of the dictatorships. ; O artigo estuda o avanço das ditaduras do Cone Sul durante os anos 60 e 70, observando os casos dos países, Brasil, Uruguai e Chile. É investigado o mapa político regional e como diferentes experiências que não optaram pelas armas mas propunham projetos de transformação, constituíram um motivo de preocupação para as direitas locais e os Estados Unidos: Joao Goulart, no Brasil (1961-1964), Juan Velasco Alvarado, no Peru (1968-1975), Juan José Torres, na Bolivia (1970-1971), a Unidade Popular, no Chile (1970-1973), a criação e o crescimento da Frente Ampla, no Uruguai (1971) e o retorno do peronismo em 1973. O artigo estuda também os acontecimentos da esquerda através dos países do Cone Sul, conforme se afiançava o cerco repressivo das ditaduras. ; Fil: Nercesian, Ines. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina

Resumen En el marco de la relación que históricamente ha mantenido la educación física con el deporte, se hace difícil no atender el significado del fútbol infantil como práctica cultural y fenómeno social en relación con la política pública en la agenda de investigación actual. El deporte aparece como práctica cultural, a la vez que se presenta fundamento recurrente al momento de hablar de desarrollo social y de políticas públicas. En este sentido se torna relevante visualizar los diversos intereses que lo atraviesan, desde las facetas política, económica, educativa hasta el gran nivel de convocatoria e impacto que supone la práctica deportiva en sus diferentes formas de expresión -como espectáculo, como práctica profesional o de deporte en el tiempo libre en una primera división dinámica e interactuante-. Siguiendo las ideas propuestas por Dunning (Elías y Dunning, 1986), la imagen del deporte es idealizada y mistificada separándose del terreno social que le otorga sentido, por lo que en este caso se propone realizar un análisis del deporte en general, y del fútbol infantil en particular como agencia social. El presente trabajo se enmarca en el proyecto de investigación "Fútbol infantil y gobierno de la infancia. La Organización Nacional del Fútbol Infantil en el Uruguay (1968-2015)", que propone generar un estudio descriptivo en relación al fútbol infantil en tanto gobierno de la infancia, que parta del análisis de las nociones de cuerpo y deporte para poder identificar qué deporte para qué infancia en el fútbol infantil.Fútbol infantil / Infancia / Gobierno / DeporteResumoNo marco da relação que historicamente tem mantido a educação física com o esporte, se faz difícil não atender o significado do futebol infantil como prática cultural e fenómeno social em relação com a política pública na agenda de investigação atual. O esporte apresenta-se como um fenómeno cultural, ao mesmo tempo que se apresenta fundamento recorrente ao momento de falar de desenvolvimento social e de políticas públicas. Neste sentido torna-se relevante visualizar os diversos interesses que o atravessam, desde as facetas política, económica, educativa e o grande nível de convocação e impacto que supõe a prática desportiva em suas diferentes formas de expressão -como espectáculo, como prática profissional ou de esporte no tempo livre numa primeira divisão dinâmica e interactuante-. Seguindo as linhas propostas por Dunning (Elías e Dunning, 1986), a imagem do esporte é idealizada e mistificada separando do terreno social que lhe outorga sentido, pelo que neste caso se propõe realizar uma análise do esporte em general do futebol infantil em particular como agência social. O apresente trabalho se enmarca no projeto de investigação "Futebol infantil e governo da infância. A Organização Nacional do Futebol Infantil no Uruguai (1968-2015)", que propõe gerar um estudo descritivo em relação ao futebol infantil em tanto governo da infância, que parta da análise das noções de corpo e esporte para poder identificar que esporte para que infância no futebol infantil.Futebol Infantil / Esporte / Governo / InfanciaAbstractIn consideration of the relationship that historically has maintained the physical education with sports, it's hard not to address the meaning of kid's football as a cultural and social phenomena in relation with public policies. The sport is a cultural practice, which in many cases is used as a fundament to establish policies of social and public growth/development. In this sense it is fundamental to identify the different interests that may be involved in its practice such as politic, economic and educational aspects as well as the high power of convocation that it has in any of its various form of expressions – e.g. as a show, professional practice or free time and taking into considerations their dynamics and interactions. Following the ideas proposed by Dunning (Elías and Dunning, 1986), the image of the sport is idealized and mystified tearing it apart from the social ground that gives purpose to it. For these reasons the focus of this work is to study the sport, and in particular kid's football, as a social agent. The present work is embedded in the research project "Fútbol infantil y gobierno de la infancia. La Organización Nacional del Fútbol Infantil en el Uruguay (1968-2015)", whose aim is to generate a descriptive study of kid's football as governance of childhood, that starting off analysis of the notions of body and sport is able to identify, in kid's football, which sport for which infancy?.Keywords: Kid's football / Childhood / Governance / Sport

Working from home (WFH) arrangements have been on the rise globally throughout the 21st century. Despite this trajectory, developing economies have trailed developed countries in adopting such arrangements. However, because of COVID-19 lockdowns and social distancing measures, countries such as Uruguay, where teleworking was scarce and unregulated, were forced to adopt this practice to ensure business continuity. Under such conditions, preexisting organizational and individual disparities stratified the likelihood of WFH during the pandemic. Conventional wisdom holds that the main determinants potential-to-telework stems almost exclusively from the nature of jobs themselves. This article expands the traditional understanding of telework determinants by showing that during the first stages of the pandemic, individual features of the worker, and organizational and managerial features of the employer, were both determinative of the likelihood that a given worker would work from home. We conducted a secondary data analysis of the March 2020 wave of the Work Monitor, a web-based survey of 847 employed Uruguayan adults. We fitted several multivariate regression models predicting (a) the odds of working for a company which adopted COVID-19-related teleworking policies at least for some workers and (b) the odds of WFH as a consequence of COVID-19. As the adoption of telework was largely unplanned and abrupt, results show that disparities on organizational adoption of teleworking policies were related to pre-pandemic differences across organizations in terms of preparedness, technological investment, and management practices. Results also show that employers' willingness to enable WFH policies was the strongest predictor, at any level, of the likelihood of individuals to telework during the national emergency. Individual disparities in terms of human capital also have a great impact on the likelihood of teleworking during lockdowns, but their effect depends on the existence of organizational teleworking policies. Findings' implications for the present and future of telework in developing countries are discussed.

En este artículo se analiza el abordaje realizado, durante las dos presidencias de Tabaré Vázquez, respecto de las violaciones a los Derechos Humanos sucedidas durante la dictadura cívico militar en la República Oriental del Uruguay ocurrida entre los años 1973 y 1985. Para esto se hará referencia a la forma de expresión que el terrorismo de Estado manifestó en Uruguay, a las políticas implementadas para iniciar las investigaciones sobre estos crímenes y las repercusiones en el ámbito militar que esto generó. Finalmente, y a manera de conclusión, se propondrán algunas reflexiones sobre las cuestiones aún no resueltas del pasado reciente en Uruguay. ; This article is abaut how the two presidencies served by Tabaré Vázquez dealt with the human rights violations committed during 1973 – 1985 dictatorship. To make an approach to these issues, there will be some references regarding the form of expression that the state terrorism took in Uruguay, the policies implemented to initiate the investigations into these crimes and the repercussions in the military field that this triggered. Finally, and as a conclusión, there are some statements relevant to the ongoing unresolved issues of the recent past in Uruguay ; Fil: Perez Baldrich, Nuria. Maestría en Integración y Cooperación Internacional. Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios. Universidad Nacional de Rosario.

At head of title: República oriental del Uruguay. Biblioteca nacional. ; Mode of access: Internet.

PurposeThe economic performance of Uruguay in the last 50 years has been disappointing. Annual growth in labor productivity has been lower than the rest of the Latin American economies and well below that East Asian and OECD countries. Out of the 0.9 percent of annual growth in productivity, total factor productivity (TFP) accounts for around 45 percent, which confirms the key role TFP plays in economic growth. The paper aims to discuss the issues.Design/methodology/approachThe authors decompose the change in productivity into four sources: an utilization effect, a reallocation effect, a markup effect, and effect of technical change.FindingsIn the 1985‐1994 period, there is an appreciable increase in productivity levels. On the other hand, the 1995‐1999 period productivity increased by a mere 0.8 percent per year. The high increase in productivity between 1985 and 1994 is explained by the relatively high and sustained technical change of Uruguayan firms as well as the relocation of inputs between and within industries. The process of relocation seems to lose momentum – or may have been completed – in the late 1990s.Research limitations/implicationsThis paper uses data only from the manufacturing sector. It would be desirable to include all other sectors of activity.Practical implicationsA study of the contribution to growth of different determinants suggests two important conclusions. First, that government policies are at the base of growth instability. Second, that reforms have been the source of higher than predicted growth in the 1970s and 1990s, pointing to the need of deepening such reforms.Originality/valueThis paper decomposes the productivity change in four main sources and performs a contrafactual exercise of the impact of several policies on output growth. Therefore, researchers interested in development issues, policy makers and international multilateral organizations are likely to find it useful.