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Erasmus is generally regarded as a model of tolerance and equanimity. As such, he very well could have an educational part to play in the ideology of equality and the non-discriminatory principle of our modern rule of law as embedded in Article 1 of the Dutch Constitution since 1983 which claims equality for all people on the Dutch territory. On the face of it, it would certainly seem worthwhile to examine whether Erasmus influenced the law of his age and might therefore also be relevant to views on the law of our present age. A closer look at this idealised view of Erasmus shows, however, that some qualifications are in order. It was not very long ago that some valid accusations of anti-Semitism were made against him: anti-Semitic statements were found in some of his letters. It should be noted that he is no exception in this: Luther, his contemporary, is also known to have made statements in a similar vein.

Inventing Africa is a critical account of narratives which have selectively interpreted and misinterpreted the continent's deep past. Writers have created alluring images of lost cities, vast prehistoric migrations and golden ages of past civilisations. Debates continue on the African origins of humankind, the contributions of ancient Egypt to the world and Africa's importance to global history. Images of 'Africa', simplifying a complex and diverse continent, have existed from ancient Mediterranean worlds, slave trading nations and colonial powers to today's political elites, ecotourists and aid-givers. Robin Derricourt draws on his background as publisher and practitioner in archaeology and history to explore the limits and the dangers of simplifications, arguing - as with Said's concept of 'Orientalism' - that ambitious ideas can delude or oppress as well as inform. Defending Africa against some of the grand narratives that have been imposed upon its peoples, Inventing Africa will spark new debates in the history of Africa and of archaeology.

In a country like Guatemala, with a long history of contentious politics and internecine violence, the telling of history often becomes a debate over "truth" and the "authority" to tell it. For the people most affected by the violence of war, garnering international humanitarian attention is vital and the way in which it was done in this country proved to be polemical. In the 1980s, testimony became a tool of resistance against violence and oppression. Testimony as a tool transformed in the postwar period. It became both a method of collective healing and social justice, as well as an alternative way of constructing a history of violence. This thesis explores testimonio's transformation through a comparative analysis of three important texts : Rigoberta Menchú's testimonio and two truth commission reports known as the CEH report and the REMHI project. All three texts show the socio- historical importance of inscribing subjective and affective versions of "historical truth" into narratives of Guatemala's violent past

Around the world approaches by Muslim governments to introduce secularisation and create national consciousness have relied heavily upon processes of state sponsored socialisation. Across the overwhelming majority of Muslim societies, secular structures, processes and national identities are, to varying degrees, in place. Overall, however, the increased prominence of Islam generally, and militant strands in particular, and the extent to which large numbers of people most strongly associate with religion rather than nation indicates that state sponsored socialisation has only been partially successful. Islam is embedded within constructions of nationalism and in some instances religious influences are contributing to processes of radicalisation and challenges to secular governments. To help explain this apparent paradox, in this chapter the emergence of Muslim nation-states and implementation of formal socialising processes is explored, and the concept of 'unintended consequences' is applied to nation-state policies and international relations. These consequences, some of which stem from previous generations, continue to resonate today, contributing towards processes of radicalisation across Muslims societies and communities.

На сегодняшний день Франция демонстрирует относительно хорошие показатели участия женщин в законодательной власти, слабые по сравнению с другими странами Евросоюза, но высокие по сравнению с более ранними периодами политической истории Франции. Благоприятное воздействие на подобные изменения произошли благодаря принятию закона о паритете. Мнения политических деятелей о пользе закона о паритете и его надобности расходятся по многим пунктам. Но сам факт его введения и апробации говорит о существенных изменениях в ментальности французов. ; Today France shows rather good indicators of participation of women in legislature. These indicators are rather low in comparison with other European Union countries, but very high in comparison with earlier periods of political history of France. Favorable influence on similar changes has occurred thanks to an adoption of law about parity. The opinions of politicians of the benefit of the law of parity and its need disagree on many topics. But the fact of its introduction and approbation shows us the essential changes in mentality of French people.

The process of globalisation and the so-called war on terror are two prominent features marking our present age. While the process of globalisation promises the prospect of moving beyond or across borders, the war on terror marks a return to fences, check-points, and dividing walls. Terror war is a global politics of fear, a politics conducted under the rigid border control between 'us' and 'them'. This paper examines the ominous development of fear in world politics from a number of angles. First, it explores the growing linkage of politics with terror war by tracing its roots ultimately to the friend-enemy distinction. Next, it discusses the shortcomings of the terror war syndrome, by turning to some prominent critics of this ideology. Finally, it examines possible ways pointing beyond this ideology, enlisting for this purpose a number of theologians and intellectuals, to arrive at the promising notions of 'border-crossing' and political-existential Grenzgänger or people who criss-cross multiple borders.

Do voters have the same stereotypes of Black politicians that they have of Black people in general? We argue that common stereotypes of Blacks (e.g., lazy, violent) may not apply to perceptions of Black politicians. Instead, we hypothesize that Black politicians are a unique subtype of the larger group Blacks, different enough to warrant their own stereotypes. We take an inductive approach to understanding the stereotypes of Black politicians. Employing a classic psychology research design (Katz & Braly, 1933) in which respondents list traits for a target group, we find that there is little overlap of stereotype content between Black politicians and Blacks. Our results therefore indicate that Black politicians constitute a separate and unique subtype of Blacks. Our analysis explores similarities and differences between stereotypes of Black politicians and two other groups: Black professionals (another subtype of Blacks) and politicians. We discuss the implications of our findings for the relationship between stereotypes and voter decisions.

This study arose from requests for assistance from Aboriginal groups based in Alice Springs, in particular, the Pitjanjatjara Council and the Arrente people. These and other groups were concerned with the problems which population movement posed for service provision and with the lack of understanding of Aboriginal mobility processes shown by administrators and others. The government shared these concerns. In late 1983 the Department of Aboriginal Affairs provided funds for a study of Aboriginal Population Mobility in Central Australia, and contracted with Dr. Elspeth Young, of the North Australia Research Unit, to formulate and carry out the project. Its terms of reference were to: determine the demographic characteristics of communities representing the principal types of Aboriginal settlement in the region, obtain data on past and present mobility between different types of settlement, obtain data on the interrelationships between population mobility and service provision and analyse these data for assessment of short term and possible long term trends. ; Undertaken with funding from The Department of Aboriginal Affairs.

This article discusses the importance of the Ayurveda, Yoga and Naturopathy, Unani, Siddha and Homoeopathy (AYUSH) system of medicines in India, focusing on the reasons for its adoption in India and on government support in terms of allocation of funds, insurance schemes, growth of the manufacturing sector and education reforms. The author shows the resurgence of traditional, complementary and alternative medicine and local health tradition services by people of the urban as well as the rural areas. The study highlights the strength of people's knowledge and its links with indigenous systems suggesting that it should be the base to build upon as a positive resource. With government support in mainstreaming AYUSH, and with the expected growth of medical tourism and foreign trade in AYUSH, it is at the take-off stage. Developing countries such as India could significantly improve the healthcare means at their disposal by exploring the scope of these systems to solve the problem healthcare delivery of the future.

The paper presents the election results of the Democratic Party in the midterm elections 2010. The consequences of these elections encompassed the loss of seats in both houses of Congress as well as the much more painful outcome of the Republican Party winning a majority in the House of Representatives. President Obama assumed complete responsibility for this defeat, and the next two years for him will mean cooperation with the GOP, which will be difficult given the financial crisis. Midterm elections traditionally undermine the party of the President in office – power drains from those who wield it. There always are people who are disappointed with the current policy of the administration, however, in 2010 we can talk about a political earthquake. Apart from the 'midterm elections effect', the success of the Republican Party partly resulted from the difficult economic situation and the reform of the health care system. A significant feature of this campaign involved the Tea Party movement, which won a considerable support owing to its critical attitude to President Obama's domestic policy.

Идея европейской интеграции, с одной стороны, является результатом послевоенного кризиса гуманизма, но с другой стороны, она противостоит антигуманизму. Определению функций гуманизма в современной политике Евросоюза способствует анализ следующих вопросов: идеологические основания интеграции, специфика международной активности, внутренние политические дебаты, нормативная деятельность. ЕС является новым воплощением идеалов гуманизма. В основе пан-европейского процесса лежит убеждение, соблюдая нормы и процедуры, человек постепенно становится лучше, а окружающая среда безопаснее ; On the one hand the idea of European integration is the result of post-war crisis of humanism, but on the other hand, it confronts anti-humanism. In modern EU politics definition of the functions of humanism contributes to the analysis of the following issues: the ideological basis of integration, the specificity of international activity, the internal political debate, the regulatory activity. The EU is a new incarnation of the ideals of humanism. At the core of a pan-European process is the conviction, that observing the rules and procedures, people are gradually getting better, and the environment safer.

AbstractThis study tries to determine the effects of personal values on individual perceptions of CSR issues. We investigated 980 Chinese young people, finding that: (1) Chinese youth display a mixed value structure of traditional and emerging western values, stronger self‐transcendent values than self‐enhancement values, and stronger openness values than conservation values. (2) Chinese youth have negative perceptions of corporate social responsibility (CSR) performance of corporations in China, especially on the environmental dimension. (3) Personal values have a significant effect on perception of Chinese youth of CSR, with young Chinese who value self‐transcendence or openness more having more negative perceptions of the CSR performance of Chinese corporations. In contrast, those who value self‐enhancement or conservation more have more positive perceptions. The practical contribution of this study is to suggest that value cultivation is a good way to develop ethical behaviour and responsibility, which in turn affect the development of CSR in China. Copyright © 2010 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.

This article compares causes and mechanisms of the mass mobilizations which took place in Kyrgyzstan in 2005 and 2010. The upheavals of 2005, the so called "Tulip Revolution," led to the ousting of President Akaev who was replaced by Kurmanbek Bakiev. In 2010, Bakiev himself had to flee the country after violent social upheavals. As this analysis shows, the causes for both series of events were similar: neopatrimonial rule and the elite's control of resources together with oppressive tactics stirred up discontent among wide parts of the population and instigated violent protest. The mechanisms of mass mobilization, however, differed considerably. While the revolution of 2005 was carried out as the concerted action of varied political forces and NGOs, which, supported by patronage networks and traditional institutions, offered material and solidary incentives for the crowds, the great mass of people who took part in the 2010 protests were spontaneously mobilized through purposive incentives when news of the killings spread through the media.