Suchergebnisse

Forma de ingreso: Donación. Fuente de ingreso: Mª Amparo López Carbonell. Fecha de ingreso: 2016 ; Título de las fotografías 1 a 84 tomado de la relación de nombres que acompaña al álbúm y de la 85 a 96 tomado de la anotación manuscrita a tinta azul con la identificación del personaje en la cartulina en el borde superior de cada fotografía ; El material anejo es la "Relación de nombres según numeración del álbum" ; El álbum propiedad de D. Julio Pons Polín fue regalado a D. José López Laguarda en la década de los sesenta, siendo la hija de este último quien lo ha donado a esta institución. ; 1.Francisco Monzo El Chato la Flara 2. Jaime Serneguet Chaume el Manta 3. Chuano Mingola 4. El Rullo el Cansalaer guarda de termino 5. Pere, no era de Burjassot, pero su popularidad lo confundió con sus habitantes, eran muy conocidas sus chalas en la tienda de vinos de la Guapa 6. Concha La Racholera, Asunción Llopis, siempre se la veía con la escoba en la mano 7. Gregorio Pla, el alguacil florinata de la popularidad, se denominaba Gori el Alguacil 8. D. José El Andaluz guardagujas, sirvió de modelo su rostro de santo, acentuado por su barba 9. Vicente Llorens Puals decano conductor tranviario 10. Ramonet el Carniser, dependiente de la tocineria de Patrocinio de Flare Anton, días antes de fallecer 11. El tío Pepe Sanroch guardián de nuestro Patio, denominado Balcón de España por D. Emilio Castelar, con su nietecita en brazos 12. Pascual Pons, especialista en conducir carros, estuvo muchos años en la alfarería de carretero 13. Francisco Cones El Moreno estucador y oficial albañil de los mejores, a él se debe la gran reforma de nuestra Iglesia Parroquial 14. La gran señora Estefanía de las Cuevas de Benimamet, con su gran cesta y pañuelo a la cabeza 15-16. José María Gil Escartin, primer portero que tuvo el equipo del Burjassot F.C. 17. Obelisco en lo que era Plaza de Emilio Castelar, frente al ayuntamiento y cuatro conocidos vecinos 18. La gran despensa Los Silos donde se guardaba el sobrante de trigo, en el momento de sacarlo de su depósito 19. Enrique Hurtado El Forner de Baix que tuvo manos especiales para les rosquilletes en olí i els pastisets de boniato 20. Al pie de la Cruz del Patio, mis amigos, Francisco Pascual y Vicente Sancho Rambleta 21. Joaquin Chiarri junto al gran pino de la Alqueria del Pi 22. El popularisimo D. Manolito, en su trabajo de transportista, como el se denominaba trasladando por todo el pueblo la virgencita pequeñita 23. Un hombre negro que llego con el Circo Caprani 24. Fachada de la Cooperativa Obrera y el conocido Barrachina en la ventana 25. El más viejo de los empleados de la granja, el Tío Francisco de Ramón Feliu 26. Un vecino apoyado en lo que era una farola del alumbrado público, hoy Plaza de España 27. La primera foto, a los 80 años, de la esposa del Tío Perdis que vivía en la Pedrera de Burjassot 28. Niña atropellada por un auto en la carretera de Liria, el padre de a su lado 29. Rosarito Andrés Serneguet, a su corta edad y sus cincuenta kilos 30. Luisa Sanfeliu, hermana de Ramonet el Carniser con Rosarito en el jardín de los señores Carrau Carsi 31. La madre de Vicente Valero Roquet el Carniser 32. La gran artista hija de la Castañera La Cubedo que fue desde el Teatro Circulo Católico al Teatro de Ruzafa de Valencia, llegando a ser la segundo de abordo en la revista 33. La Tía Visanta, madre de los hermanos Canos 34. Visantet el Carniser con su típico pañuelo y las manos metidas en la faja 35. El más pequeño de todos los pintores, Antonio Sancho Montorreta 36. Emilio Marques El Botecari murió atropellado por el tranvía de Burjasot 37. En los viveros Jardines del Real siendo militar y frente a una figura de dicho jardín 38. D. Manuel Dualda con sus hijos Manolin y pepito en el campo de deportes del Burjassot F.C. 39. Un alemán Herbin con Francisco Bueno, al pie de la Cruz de los Silos 40. El alemán Herbin, subido al pozo, frente a la ermita de S. Roque 41 En tiempo de la Dictadura, nuestras autoridades municipales en el Paseo de la Castellana, momentos antes de desfilar por palacio 42. Un momento de espera en el trayecto de Burjassot a Valencia, Pepe Orrico y Puals 43. El Canterer Vicente Burgos, el niño de J. Pons y el exalcalde Emilio Moreno por el año 1940 44. El primer auto para trasladarse desde Godella a Burjassot Valencia conducido por su dueño Antonio Valls. Un incendio terminó con el servicio. El garaje estaba en la calle Divisoria, nº 13 y valia el trayecto en coche 0'25 45. D. Mariano Cerbellera y su señora Filomena Castro, elaboraron con el mayor gusto toda clase de helados finos y muy sabrosos 46. Un representante de la fiesta brava, momentos antes de salir en dirección a la Plaza de Toros de Valencia, José Uguet Legia 47. El Burjassot F.C. En el campo del Alcira en 1921 48. Tres grandes equipiers del Burjassot, nunca fichados por ningún equipo, pasaron a la historia de deportes, Caragol, Pastiser y Manoni, por el año 1920 49. Los mozos del reemplazo de 1922 en el andén de la estación eléctrica momentos antes de trasladarse a Valencia para incorporarse a sus respectivos cuarteles 50. Los hijos de nadie, con un vecino de Burjasot, en los caballetes 52. Lo que son las cosas Nadal arriba de un cerdo -- 53. Vicente Hurtado frente a su casa en la Plaza del Pozo, hijo del "Forn de Baix" 54. Tres hermanos, los Hurtado, hijos de Vicente -- 55. Pascual Pons, hijo de Rosa Basquiña con su típica indumentaria -- 56. Fabian Rabanaque con sus hijitos al fondo el mercado, Plaza Mallent -- 57. Por quedar bien en este mundo de ansias y quimeras, es llevado en hombros -- 58. D. Enrique Ferrandis sale de visitar un enfermo, los niños LoLita y Enriquito Pons -- 59. Puerta entrada principal del Cementerio Municipal de Burjassot, Vicente Sancha "Rambleta" en la puerta -- 60. La madre de Tomasa, saliendo de la Iglesia Parroquial -- 61. La gran María, hermana política de Francisco Serneguet "Quico el Mataoret el Cansalaer" -- 62. La Mercaera al fondo el mercado de la Plaza de la Concordia -- 63. "La Sariera", que con sus 110 kilos bailara con su marido muy bien en el Centro Musical -- 64. Ya tenemos otro "Mengola" a la vista, momentos antes de finalizar la plantá de una falla -- 65. Si hubiese tardado unas horas en venir al mundo que nace, muy mono para decir su nombre [Manolito] -- 66. "El Torrater de Beniferri", representando el Capellá de les Roques -- 67. Manolito sombrero en mano, vaya tío -- 68. Con su barba, bigote y bastón fue creado el lugar que ocupa para perseguir a los perros y sancionar con sus multas a sus dueños, en tiempos de la dictadura militar, por el año 1925 -- 69. José Martí, poeta espontáneo y dicharachero, fue por muchos años el fiel del peso público y su renombre era "Colom el pesaor" -- 70. Timoteo "El Sabater" músico y finalmente alguacil del matadero, muy aficionado a puros de los fuertes o sea caliqueños -- 71. Vicente "El Peixero" nadie pudo aventajarle en calidad de cómico, para vender su mercancía por la calle -- 72. El tío Blanco "El Resaor" por ser quién diariamente en la Ermita de S. Roque rezaba el Santo Rosario, todas las tardes, en su juventud fue carnicero 73. Luis Martinez El Pastiser muy limpio y trabajador. Nació en Madrid y murió en Burjassot 74. Asomado a la ventana el reverendisimo D. Francisco Pastor, que fue por muchos años el vicario de la Ermita de S. Roque y muy amante de Burjassot 75. Dos vecinos muy conocidos, el Gran Tremendo Francisco Ballester muy especializado en la degustación de vinos y aceites y el otro Vicente Muños Culot fue peluquero y muy amante de hacer favores 76. Una casa de campo Masía del Perol donde desfilaron de todas las clases sociales, se llegó a decir la Masia de tot el Món 77. Presidencia de las autoridades valencianas el día que se dio sepultura en la Ermita de S. Roque al Patriarca de las Indias Ilmo. y Revd. Señor D. Francisco Muñoz Izquierdo 78. Entrada oficial del último Sr. Cura antes del año 1936, siendo alcalde D. Bernardo Almenar 79. Las autoridades de Valencia, saliendo de la ermita después de dar sepultura cristiana al Patriarca de las Indias en la Ermita de S. Roque de Burjassot 80. Otro momento de la entrada del Revd. Sr. Cura con las autoridades y vecinos en masa 81. Auto servicio público, fue muy del agrado el servicio por parte del público en general, su primer conductor fue Pepe Moscardó 82. Salida de los niños de la Ermita, en un día de fiesta 83. El segundo día de funcionar el tren eléctrico, al paso por la estación de Burjassot 84 El gran Ramonet el del Molino de la Sal, representando al alcalde a la antigua usanza, acompañado del alguacil Ramón Llopis El Rinconero en la semana fallera en el año 1940, en Burjassot [85]. El sastre de caballerías, el guarnicionero más antiguo que se conoce por el renombre Calatrava en un día de monte [86-87]. En Zaragoza los equipiers de Burjassot en la Puerta del Pilar presididos por el Muy Reverendisimo D. Salvador Soriano por aquel entonces era tenor de la Catedral de Zaragoza por el año 1920 [88-89]. Dos momentos, uno en la Capilla del Asilo Sequera y otro por una de las calles de Burjasot D. Manuel Muñoz Riera [90]. D. Manuel Muñoz en el cementerio momentos antes de darle sepultura ya en tiempos de la República [91]. Entre cuatro verdaderos compatriotas en el momento de darle sepultura en el cementerio de Burjasot a D. Manuel Muñoz cura Asilo Sequera [92]. Ancianos en el jardín del Asilo Sequera tomando el sol [93]. Autoridades el día 12 octubre 1926 presenciando la comida que se les servia a los ancianos desamparados en el asilo [94]. Cuatro conocidos carniceros Quico Moreneta Ramonet Roquet [95]. Un ejemplar su peso en canal 482 Kg [96]. Días antes de la Coronación de la Virgen de la Cabeza por el año 1927 mi padre con su nietecita Lolita

SITTENGESCHICHTE DES WELTKRIEGES. 2 Sittengeschichte des Weltkrieges (-) Sittengeschichte des Weltkrieges. 2 (II. / 1930) ( - ) Einband ( - ) [Abb.]: ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) Dreizehntes Kapitel Die Erotik des Hinterlandes Prostitution und Geschlechtskrankheiten in den Hauptstädten - Das Liebesleben der Kriegsjugend - Die Zerrüttung der Ehe - Wohin die Millionen der Kriegsgewinner wanderten - Nachtleben, Geheimclubs und Nacktbälle während des Krieges - Männliche Prostitution (1) [Abb.]: Hausball beim Heereslieferanten Zeichnung (1) [Abb.]: Der englische Kriegsgewinner zum deutschen: "Sie, armer Kollege, werden eingesperrt - mir geschieht nichts!" Aus "Punch", 1916 (2) [Abb.]: Zündholzmangel in Paris Zeichnung von A. Guillaume, 1917 (3) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Hinterland Holzschnitt (2)Europa im Kriege Zeichnung (4) [Abb.]: Die vermännlichte Kriegerbraut Der Standesbeamte: "Entschuldigen Sie, meine Herren - wer von Ihnen ist nun die Braut?" Zeichnung von E. Huldmann in "Lustige Blätter", 1918 (5) [Abb.]: Marguerite vor dem Entblättern Zeichnung von S. Montassier in "Le Sourire de France", 1917 (6) [Abb.]: "Tauben" über Paris Bild aus den Tagen der deutschen Fliegerüberfälle (7) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hunger und Liebe Zeichnung (2)Budapester Kriegsgewinner "mulatieren" Zeichnung (8) [Abb.]: Der Tod und der Kriegskapitalist Zeichnung von Albert Hahn in "De Notenkraker", 1915 (9) [2 Abb.]: (1)Urlaubsfreuden Titelblatt der "Jugend", 1915 (2)Nacktkultur aus Stoffmangel in Frankreich "Ein Meter Stoff genügt, sich anständig zu kleiden." Zeichnung von G. Pavis in "La Vie Parisienne, 1917 (10) [Abb.]: Die Marraine "Heute kommt mein Patenkind von der Front, massieren Sie mir, den Bauch weg!" (11) [Abb.]: Der vielumworbene Gurkha Deutsche Karikatur auf den Rassenfetischismus der Engländerin im Kriege Zeichnung von H. Strohofer in "Muskete", 1915 (12) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kriegsgewinnermoral Aus "Hallo! Die große Revue" (2)Postkarte aus der Kriegszeit Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (13) [2 Abb.]: (1)"Gott der Gerechte! Wird doch nicht ein Frieden ausbrechen, jetzt wo ich noch 10.000 Paar Stiefel und 1000 Rucksäcke auf Lager habe!" Zeichnung von D. R. André in "Glühlichter", 1915 (2)Gold nahm er für Eisen Zeichnung aus "Krieg dem Kriege", Prolet, Freidenker, Leipzig (14) [2 Abb.]: (1)(2)Eisenbahnfahrt im Kriege "Die Passagiere" haben auf die Bequemlichkeit der Mitreisenden Rücksicht zu nehmen." Zeichnung von Martin in "La Vie Parsienne", 1918 (15) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erkennst du mich nicht? Ich bin dein Gatte." Zeichnung von G. Pavis in "La Vie Parisienne", 1916 (2)Gemüsegarten und Hühnerhof im Heim Zeichnung von D. R. André in "Glühlichter", 1915 (16) [2 Abb.]: Vom Bois de Boulogne zum Priesterwald (1)Auf dem Pfade der Tugend (2)Auf dem Wege zum Kriege Zeichnung von C. Hérouard in "La Vie Parisienne", 1912 ( - ) [6 Abb.]: Seine Kriegstrophäen (1)1. "Kommen Sie mit, ich zeige Ihnen meine Kriegstrophäen!" (2)2. "Diese Helme habe ich an der Marne den Boches vom Kopf gerissen!"(3)3. "Diese Granate hätte mir bei einem Haar das Lebenslicht ausgeblasen." (4)4. "Eine ganz hübsche Sammlung, nicht wahr"? (5)5. "Oh, Sie sind ein Held!" (6)6. "Jetzt haben Sie eine Kriegstrophäe mehr!" Aus "La Vie Parisienne", 1915 (17) [Abb.]: Stahlbad zu Hause Zeichnung (18) [Abb.]: Revanche für Kolumbus Die Entdeckung einer neuen Halbwelt in Paris durch amerikanische Seefahrer Zeichnung von G. Pavis in "La Vie Parisienne", 1918 (19) [Abb.]: Graf Bernstorff amüsiert sich Photographische Karikatur aus "Fantasio", 1916 (20) [Abb.]: Rassenverbrüderung in London Zeichnung von Th. Th. Heine in "Gott strafe England", Simplicissimus-Verlag, 1916 (21) [2 Abb.]: (1)Fühlungsnahme Zeichung in "Fidibus", 1917 (2)Französische Kriegswohltätigkeit Plakat im Musee Leblanc, Paris (22) [Abb.]: Kriegskinder beim Broterwerb Zeichnung (23) [2 Abb.]: (1)Beim Uniformschneider "Für den Schützengraben?" - "Nein, für den Boulevard." Aus "Le Rire rouge", 1917 (2)"Licht auslöschen, Zeppelin kommt!" Zeichnung von Raoul Vion in "Le Rire roug", 1915 (24) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die fallengelassene Brotkarte Zeichnung von Auglay in "Le Rire Rouge", 1916 (2)Hinterlandstaumel Holzschnitt (25) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Stratege in Paris Zeichnung von Fournier in "Sourire de France", 1917 (2)Plakat einer Wohltätigkeitsaktion der Pariser Restaurateure zugunsten der Urlauber aus den besetzten Gebieten Nach dem Original im Musee Leblance, Paris (26) [2 Abb.]: (1)Frau Hamster im Kriege Zeichnung von Th. Th. Heine, aus "Kleine Bilder aus großer Zeit" (2)Untauglich "Aus dem nämlichen Grunde, der die Musterungskommission veranlaßt hat, Sie zurückzustellen." Zeichnung von K. A. Wilke in "Muskete", 1915 (27) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Amerikaner und die Pariserin Aus "Lustige Blätter", 1917 (2)Das Kriegskind hungert Zeichnung (28) [Abb.]: Durchhalten Zeichnung von George Grosz in "Abrechnung folgt" (29) [Abb.]: Aus der großen Zeit der Lebensmittelkarten "Haben Sie vom Arzt eine Bezugskarte für Milch?" Zeichnung von G. Zórád in "Fidibus", 1917 (30) [Abb.]: "Dreißigtausend Tote? Kellner, noch 'n Schnaps!" Zeichnung von E. Thöny in "Franzos' und Russ' in Spiritus", Simplicissimus-Verlag. 1915 (31) [Abb.]: Der lustige Krieg Zeichnung (32) [2 Abb.]: Das Kriegskind bei Volk und Hautevolee (1)Verdächtige Fülle "Was haben Sie da unter ihrem Rock verborgen?" "n'lütten Kriegsjung', Herr Wachtmeister!" (2)Im Zweifel "O Gott, Herr Sanitätsrat! Glauben Sie den wirklich, daß ich in der Hoffnung bin?" Aus der Mappe eines Heimkriegers, Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)"Sie sagen, das Kind ist schwarz? Hätten sie Ihre Frau nicht in den Unterstand kommen lassen!" Zeichnung von M. Rodiguet in "Le Rire Rouge", 1916 (2)Das Lob das Unabkömmlichen "Unsere Jungens schlagen sich gut, das muß man ihnen lassen!" Zeichnung (33) [Abb.]: Erwünschter Zuwachs "Warum sind Sie den heut' so kreuzfidel, Herr Offizial?" - "Ja wissen S', Fräul'n Mizzi, meine Frau hat Drillinge kriegt, und da bekommen wir jetzt um drei Brotkarten mehr." Zeichnung von H. Krenes, 1917 (34) [Abb.]: Auf der Flucht vor dem "Raid" Die Luftüberfälle auf Paris, vor denen man sich in die Keller flüchtete, gaben dem Klatsch und dem Witz reichen Stoff und den Friedhöfen Tote Zeichnung (35) [Abb.]: "Oh, the Zeppelins!" Zeichnung (36) [Abb.]: Die Zuaven in Paris Zeichnung aus "L'Illustration", 1914 (37) [3 Abb.]: (1)"Das Mehl oder das Leben!" Zeichnung von D. R. André in "Glühlichter", 1914 (2)Der Kriegssäugling (3)Hochbetrieb bei der Wahrsagerin Zeichnungen von Th. Th. Heine in "Kleine Bilder aus großer Zeit" (38) [Abb.]: Atelierfest in den Kriegsjahren Sammlung C. Moreck, Berlin (39) [2 Abb.]: (1)Mit Blut begossen blüht das Kapital Zeichnung (2)Siegreich woll'n wir Frankreich schlagen! Zeichnung von George Grosz in "Abrechnung folgt" (40) [2 Abb.]: (1)Wer ist an der Teuerung schuld? "Was diese verfluchten Sozialdemokraten nur immer vom Zwischenhandel wollen? Soll ich die Ware vielleicht unterm Selbstkostenpreis hergeben?" Zeichnung von R. Herrmann in "Glühlichter", 1915 (2)Der unerschöpfliche Stoff für Pariser Karikaturisten: Vor dem Zeppelin in den Keller (41) [2 Abb.]: (1)Pariser Geselligkeit 1917 Zeichnung (2)Schlußvignette aus "Fidibusz", 1916 (42) Vierzehntes Kapitel Die Verwundeten und Kranken Hodenschüsse und Rückenmarksverletzungen - Die Eunuchen des Weltkrieges - Der Invalide und die Frauen - Perversionen und Impotenz als Kriegsfolge - Kriegsneurosen und Sexualität - Sadistische Behandlungsmethoden - Selbstverstümmelung durch venerische Selbstansteckung (43) [Abb.]: "Weißt du, Kamerad, was sie mir wegoperiert haben?" Zeichnung (43) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Geschenk vom Militär Zeichnung von M. Dufet in "Le Sourire de France", 1917 (2)"Ich danke schön! Wenn man sich seine Verwundeten nicht einmal aussuchen kann, da tue ich nicht mit!" Zeichnung von R. Herrmann in "Glühlichter", 1914 (44) [Abb.]: Der Neid (!) Zeichnung von J. Simont in "L'Illustration", 1916 (45) [Abb.]: "Man hat mir's abgeschnitten." Zeichnung (46) [Abb.]: Ein Kriegseunuch Der von einem Geschoß entmannte italienische Soldat zeigt in typischer Weise Enthaarung, Fettablagerung und Gesichtsausdruck des Geschlechtslosen. Aus Hirschfeld, Sexualpathologie I (47) [Abb.]: Plakatkrieg im Kriege Links: Eine Kundmachung des Bürgermeisters des besetzten Brüssel, worin er eine von deutscher Seite verbreitete "Stimmungsnachricht" dementiert. Rechts: Die deutsche Antwort. Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (48) [Abb.]: Der Invalide und die Frauen Zeichnung ( - ) [Abb.]: "Nur Mut, mein Lieber, in acht Tagen sind Sie wieder an der Front!" Zeichnung von R. Harrmann in "Glühlichter", Wien 1915 (49) [Abb.]: Für die Reichen ist die Beute, für das Volk die Not der Kriege Zeichnung von George Grosz in "Abrechnung folgt" (50) [Abb.]: Große und kleine Zeit "Jetzt hör' ma auf! Wiast Sodat warst, hast an Ausnahmspreis begehrt, und jetzt kummst mit der Ausred' als Heimkehrer." Zeichnung von D. Knapp in "Faun", 1919 (51) [Abb.]: "Den Kerl kenne ich, das ist ein Simulant, das falsche Bein ist nicht echt!" Zeichnung von R. Herrmann in "Bilder aus dem Alltagsleben" (52) [Abb.]: Die belohnte Tapferkeit oder der Singalese im Lazarett Zeichnung (53) [Abb.]: Der einbeinige Verehrer Zeichnung (54) [Abb.]: Ein von einer Granate verschütteter Soldat, der knapp vor dem Verhungern als Knochen und Haut gerettet und ins Lazarett geschafft wurde Photographische Aufnahme, Sammlung Dr. Sax, Wien (55) [Abb.]: Der Invalide Zeichnung von V. Erdey, 1915 (57) [Abb.]: Hoher Besuch im k. u. k. Kriegsspital Zeichnung (58) [Abb.]: Die Lesestunde Zeichnung von J. Simont in "L'Illustration", 1916 (59) [Abb.]: Die Kaufmannmethode In der Behandlung der Zitterneurose im Kriege lebten die mittelalterlichen Torturen mit modernsten Raffinement auf Zeichnung (60) [Abb.]: Hinter Lazarettmauern Zeichnung (61) [Abb.]: Dirne und Krüppel Zeichnung (62) [Abb.]: Der Pflichtvergessene Zeichnung (63) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Wunde Holzschnitt (2)Grabkarte eines jüdischen Soldaten im englischen Heer (64) [Abb.]: Das Brandopfer Aus dem russischen Antikriegsfilm "Der Mann, der sein Gedächtnis verlor" (65) [Abb.]: Freund Janosch hat es gut, seine Frau hat ihn besucht Zeichnung (67) [Abb.]: Der kriegsblinde Gatte Zeichnung (68) [Abb.]: Theatervorstellung der Patienten in einem englischen Kriegslazarett Photographische Aufnahme (69) [Abb.]: Frisch aus dem Stahlbad Zeichnung (70) [Abb.]: "Diese Leute könnten wohl - sie wollen bloß nicht arbeiten!" Zeichnung von George Grosz in "Gesicht der herrschenden Klasse" (71) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport beim geschlagenen serbischen Heer auf mazedonischen Bauernkarren Aus "L'Illustration", 1916 (72) [Abb.]: "Der Dank des Vaterlandes ist euch gewiß!" Zeichnung von George Grosz in "Gesicht der herrschenden Klasse" (73) [Abb.]: Die Zarin und ihre zwei Töchter, die Großfürstinnen Olga und Tatjana, als Pflegerinnen Aus "L'Illustration", 1915 (74) [Abb.]: Die Nerven im Kriege 1. Vollkommen durchtrennter Nerv. 2. Scheinbar unvollkommen durchtrennter Nerv, der aber keinen Impuls mehr vermittelt. 3. und 4. Durch Geschoß zur Schwellung gebrachte funktionsunfähige Nerven. 5. und 6. Zerstörte Nerven (partielle Paralyse). Aus "The Graphic", 1916 (75) [Abb.]: Bordell in der französischen Etappe Zeichnung (77) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Klassenordnung Zeichnung (2)Es lebe Poincaré! - Es lebe Stinnes! Zeichnung von R. Minor, New York (79) [Abb.]: Das Kriegsbeil wird im Tintenfaß begraben Zeichnung (80) [Abb.]: Ernteurlaub Zeichnung von A. Stadler, 1916 ( - ) Fünfzehntes Kapitel Die Gefangenen Die Frauen und der Kriegsgefangene - Die Geschlechtsnot und ihre Folgen - Surrogatonanie und andere sexuelle Ersatzhandlungen - Homosexualität und Transvestitismus hinter dem Drahtzaun. (81) [Abb.]: Schönheitsparade vor dem Gefangenenlager Zeichnung (81) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hinter Stacheldraht Aus "L'Illustration", 1915 (2)Dämonen im Gefangenenlager Zeichnung eines Kriegsgefangenen Sammlung A. Munk, Subatica (82) [Abb.]: Deutsche Kriegsgefangene In "L'Illustration", 1915, als Photo zum Studium deutscher Physiognomien veröffentlicht (83) [Abb.]: Menschen im Käfig Szene aus dem amerikanischen Antikriegsfilm "Stacheldraht" (84) [2 Abb.]: Schwarze Franzosen in der Gefangenschaft Aus "Ill. Geschichte der Weltkrieges", Stuttgart (85) [Abb.]: "Russische Kriegsgefangene sterben Hungers!" Französisches Plakat Archives photographiques d'art et d'histoire, Paris (86) [3 Abb.]: (1)Der kriegsgefangene französische Maler Rogerol wurde wegen Rauchens in der Baracke in Holzminden drei Tage lang je zwei Stunden angebunden Nach der Originalaufnahme im Musée Leblanc, Paris (2)(3)Erlebnisse eines in Deutschland internierten japanischen Malers Links: Brotausgabe bei strömendem Regen, rechts: Eine Ausländerin wird eingeliefert Aus "The Graphic", 1915 (87) [Abb.]: Ein angeblich in deutscher Gefangenschaft während des Anbindens gestorbener Engländer Zeichnung von J. Touchet in "L'Illustration", 1916 (88) [Abb.]: Der Gefangenschaft entgegen Photographische Aufnahme (89) [Abb.]: Von englischen Luftballonen abgeworfene Botschaft an die deutschen Soldaten Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (90) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Künstler des Lagers bei der Arbeit Zeichnung (2)Der Starschi schmuggelt eine Frau ins Gefangenenlager Zeichnung (91) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Internierten in Deutschland Darstellung eines französischen Plakats, 1917 (2)Russische Kriegsgefangene als Bühnenkünstler Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (92) [2 Abb.]: Die deutschen Gefangenlager in Frankreich (1)für gewöhnlich . (2). und wenn der amerikanische Botschafter revidieren kommt Zeichnungen von O. Gulbransson in "Franzos' und Russ' in Spiritus", Simplicissimus-Verlag, 1915 (93) [Abb.]: "Fünfzig Kopeken für das Nachschauen!" Zeichnung (94) [2 Abb.]: (1)Geschlechtsnot und Geschlechtshunger hinter dem Zaun Zeichnung (2)Typen aus dem Jekaterinburger Freudenhaus Zeichnung eines Kriegsgefangenen Sammlung A. Munk, Subotica (95) [Abb.]: "Herbstmanöver" in einem russischen Kriegsgefangenentheater Photographische Aufnahme (96) [2 Abb.]: Typen aus einem französischen Gefangenenlager (1)Oben: Das Liebeslied. - (2)Unten: Der kleine Herrgott des Lagers. Zeichnungen von M. Orange in "L'Illustration", 1915 ( - ) [4 Abb.]: Französische und englische Kriegsgefangene spielen Theater Aus der Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (97) [Abb.]: Erotisches Ornament - ein häufiges Mittel der Ersatzbefriedigung im Gefangenenlager Zeichnung eines Kriegsgefangenen Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (98) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das dramatische Ensemble des österreichisch-ungarischen Mannschaftstheaters in Kresty (2)"Othello"-Aufführung im Gefangenenlager in Ruhleben Aus "The Graphic", 1916 (99) [2 Abb.]: (1)Szene aus einem Kriegsgefangenentheater deutscher Soldaten Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (2)Programm eines französischen Gefangenentheaters Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (100) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein transvestitischer Gefangener in seiner Lieblingsrolle Photographische Aufnahme Sammlung K. F. (2)Der mannweibliche Star des Gefangenentheaters Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (101) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Transvestit des Lagers und seine Flamme Lichtbild aus dem Besitz eines Kriegsgefangenen (2)Kriegskinder spielen Zeichnung von Th. Th. Heine in "Kleine Bilder aus großer Zeit" (102) Sechzehntes Kapitel Erotik und Spionage Die Frauen im Geheimdienste - Berühmte Spionageaffären und Spioninnen des Weltkrieges - Märtyrinnen, Abenteurerinnen und Kokotten (103) [Abb.]: Das Schlafpulver der Spionin Zeichnung (103) [Abb.]: Das Feldgericht als Hinrichtungsmaschine Plakat aus dem besetzten Rußland Sammlung A. Wolff. Leipzig (104) [Abb.]: Leibesvisitation einer Spionin durch russische Soldaten Zeichnung (105) [Abb.]: Was die Liebe bei ihr kostet Zeichnung (107) [Abb.]: Miss Edith Cavell, deren Hinrichtung als Spionin durch die deutschen Besatzungsbehörden in Belgien der Ententepropaganda die besten Dienste erwies Photographische Aufnahme (108) [Abb.]: In London wird die Hinrichtung der Pflegerin Miss Cavell zu Rekrutierungszwecken benutzt Photographische Aufnahme (109) [Abb.]: Die Hinrichtung der Miss Cavell im Spiegel der englischen Propaganda Postkarte, Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (110) [Abb.]: Vor Landesverrat wird gewarnt! Photographische Aufnahme in "L'Illustration", 1915 (111) [Abb.]: Eine Kollektion deutscher Spione Zeichnung von L. Métivet in "Fantasio", 1915 (112) [Abb.]: Die Spionageangst auf einem deutschen Plakat Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig ( - ) [Abb.]: Typen deutscher Spione Pariser Straßenplakat zur Ankündigung eines Zeitungsromans über Spionage Archives photographiques d'art et d'histoire, Paris (113) [Abb.]: Das Schäferstündchen bei der Spionin Zeichnung (115) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ausschnitt aus der Wilnaer Armeezeitung Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (2)Warnung vor Spionen Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (117) [Abb.]: Der Kampf der deutschen Besatzungsbehörden gegen Spionage Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (118) [Abb.]: Mata Hari vom ritterlichen Frankreich hingerichtet Zeichnung von Trier (nach einem Gemälde von Manet) in "Lustige Blätter", 1916 (119) [Abb.]: Die Treuhänderin der Generalstabsgeheinisse Zeichnung (121) [Abb.]: Spionagepsychose Deutsches Plakat aus dem Jahre 1914 Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (122) [Abb.]: "Du warst vor dem Kriege Spion?" "Keine Spur, ich war Fräulein bei einem Generalstäbler in Verdun." Zeichnung von R. Joly in "Baionnette", 1916 (123) [Abb.]: Russische Strafjustiz an einer Spionin Zeichnung (125) [Abb.]: Sexus dominator Zeichnung (126) [Abb.]: Spionage und Liebe Zeichnung (127) [Abb.]: Französische Haß- und Hetzkarikatur anläßlich der Hinrichtung der Miss Cavell ( - ) [Abb.]: Die Töchter des französischen Generals: "O Papa, das neue Fräulein ist ein Wunder; sie hat ihre Augen überall!" (Die in Frankreich beschäftigten deutschen Erzieherinnen wurden nach Kriegsausbruch samt und sonders für Spioninnen erklärt) Zeichnung von Gerda Wegener in "La Baionnette", 1916 (129) [Abb.]: Die Bekanntmachung des Todesurteils der Miss Cavell Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (130) [Abb.]: Englische Soldaten verhaften in Frankreich einen Spion beim Signalgeben Zeichnung eines englischen Offiziers in "Illustrated London News", 1915 (131) [Abb.]: Der russische Militärattaché in Bern Oberst von Romejko-Gurko (x) im Dienst Aus Ronge, Kriegs- und Industriespionage, Amalthea-Verlag (133) [Abb.]: Die Spionin im Kurierabteil Zeichnung (135) [Abb.]: Brief des russischen Generalstabes an Oberst Redl Aus Ronge, Kriegs- und Industriespionage, Amalthea-Verlag (136) [Abb.]: Oberst Redl Photo aus M. Hirschfeld, Geschlechtskunde (137) [2 Abb.]: Russische Konfidentin (Ruthenin) (1)in der Stadt (2)an der Front Aus Ronge, Kriegs- und Industriespionage, Amalthea-Verlag (139) [Abb.]: Schnelljustiz gegen Spione in Galizien Photographische Aufnahme (140) [Abb.]: Ein Exempel wird statuiert Zeichnung (141) [Abb.]: Auch die Kenntnis des Aufenthaltes eines Spions kostet das Leben Plakat aus Russisch-Polen Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (143) [Abb.]: Damenduell in Paris 1916 Zeichnung aus "La Baionnette" ( - ) [Abb.]: Hinrichtung eines Südslaven Photographische Aufnahme (145) [2 Abb.]: (1)Irma Straub, die gefürchtetste deutsch Spionin des Weltkrieges Photographische Aufnahme (2)Augustine - Joséphine A., eine in Nantes hingerichtete Spionin (146) [Abb.]: Deutsche Bekanntmachung im besetzten Nordfrankreich Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (147) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eugéne T . in Gesellschaft eines ihrer Liebhaber (wahrscheinlich deutscher Spion) (2)Der deutsche Geheimkrieg gegen Frankreichs Armee Das deutsche Fräulein: "Merk dirs, Kleine, Kinder zur Welt zu bringen ist eine Dummheit - du wirst das später verstehen!" Zeichnung von P. Portelette in "La Baionnette", 1916 (148) Siebzehntes Kapitel Der Drill Sadismus und Masochismus im Drill - Erotik in Verbrechen und Strafe - Hinrichtung zur Kriegszeit - Psychologie der Fahnenflucht - Vorgesetzte und Untergebene (149) [Abb.]: Kriegsgreuel einst wie jetzt Aus "Los desastres de la Guerra" von Francisco Coya (1746 - 1828) (149) [Abb.]: Manneszucht Zeichnung (150) [Abb.]: Offiziers- und Mannschaftsdienst Zeichnung (151) [3 Abb.]: (1)(2)Gestörtes Rendezvous oder die stramme Ehrenbezeigung Zeichnung von Puttkammer in "Lustige Blätter", 1917 (3)Äh, bei Etappenbelichtung, Krieg jöttliche Einrichtung Hurra, bei Lieb und Suff immer feste druff!! Aus "Hallo! Die große deutsche Revue", Bilderbuch zur Reichstagswahl 1924 (152) [Abb.]: Der deutsche Militarismus Russische Karikatur von J. Griselli in "Solnze Rossij" 1915 (153) [Abb.]: "Wie soll ich ihn nur aufmerksam machen, daß die Frau nicht standesgemäß ist?" Zeichnung von Rajki in "Le Rire rouge",1916 (154) [Abb.]: Willies letztes Aufgebot Aus dem Bilderbuch "The sad experience of big and little Willie", London (155) [Abb.]: Erziehung zum Blutdurst im englischen Heer - "Hau hin! Bring ihn um! Du kitzelst ihn ja nur!" Zeichnung von F. Reynolds in "Punch", 1918 (156) [Abb.]: "Wenn die Soldaten nicht solche Dummköpfe wären, würden sie mir schon längst davongelaufen sein" (Fridericus Rex) Zeichnung von George Grosz in "Abrechnung folgt" (157) [Abb.]: Erziehung zur Wehrhaftigkeit Zeichnung (158) [Abb.]: Die Offiziere trinken - die Mannschaft draußen zitterte vor Kälte Zeichnung (159) [Abb.]: Das Kriegsgericht Kupferstich von Jacques Callot (1594 - 1635) (160) [Abb.]: Blutrausch und Geschlecht Zeichnung von P. Nanteuil, Pairs 1916 ( - ) [Abb.]: Der Sturmangriff Zeichnung von Ch. Fouqueray in "L'Illustration", 1915 (161) [Abb.]: Moderne Sklaverei Zeichnung von R. Herrmann in "Bilder aus dem Alltagsleben" (162) [Abb.]: Die Frau des Majors und ihre Zofe Zeichnung (163) [Abb.]: Aus "Sourire de France", 1917 (164) [Abb.]: Französische "Nettoyeurs" an der Arbeit Zeichnung (165) [Abb.]: Aus großer Zeit . und die, denen die Verbindungen zur Kirche, Militarismus und Kapital fehlten, die nahm der Herr zu sich Zeichnung von J. Danilowatz in "Faun", 1919 (166) [Abb.]: Angebunden! Zeichnung (167) [Abb.]: Der Feldherr in der Kaserne und zu Hause Zeichnung (168) [Abb.]: Lustmord im Bilde Aus der Kriegsmappe des französischen Zeichners J. S. Domergue "Die deutschen Greuel" (169) [Abb.]: Aus großer Zeit - Verdiensttauglich! Zeichnung (170) [Abb.]: Wie die Kriegspropaganda arbeitet Dem auf dem Bilde ersichtlichen russischen Unteroffizier sollen die Deutschen die Ohren abgeschnitten haben. (!) Wenigstens wurde das Bild mit diesem Kommentar in einer Anzahl Ententezeitschriften veröffentlicht. Aus "The Graphic", 1915 (171) [Abb.]: Das Spielzeug für brave Kriegskinder (172) [Abb.]: Notzucht Zeichnung von H. Paul, Paris 1916 (173) [Abb.]: Ein französischer Soldat zeigt den Deutschen drüben sein auf Bajonett aufgespießtes Brot Zeichnung eines englischen Soldaten 1916 (174) [2 Abb.]: Kriegslüge und Photographie (1)Die Originalaufnahme, in einer englischen Zeitung veröffentlicht, zeigt den russischen Einfall in Ungarn. (2)Die retouchierte Wiedergabe in der "Wiener Illustrierten Zeitung" soll bereits den Zusammenbruch der Russen in Galizien darstellen. Aus "L'Illustration", 1915 (175) [Abb.]: "Um Gotteswillen, was treibt ihr hier?" - "Wir machen einen Gasüberfall" Aus "Punch", 1916 (176) [Abb.]: Die Streichholzkrise Zeichnung von G. Léonnec, Paris 1917 ( - ) [Abb.]: Knüppelpost, durch die französische Truppen die Deutschen zur Übergabe aufforderten Photographische Aufnahme (177) [Abb.]: Die Rednerkunst im Kriege Holzschnitt (178) [Abb.]: Ist der Krieg schon zu Ende? - Hausfassade mit Kriegsgreueln in Leipzig Photographische Aufnahme, Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (179) [Abb.]: Der Zensor Zeichnung von R. Herrmann in "Glühlichter", Wien 1915 (180) [Abb.]: Vor der Schändung Aus der sadistischen Mappe von J. S. Domergue, "Les Atrocités Allemandes", 1915 (181) [Abb.]: Der Herr hat's gegeben, das Volk hat's genommen Zeichnung von Roland in "Faun", 1919 (182) Achtzehntes Kapitel Die Propaganda Die zwei Kategorien der Haß- und Lügenpropaganda - Haß und Sadismus in Literatur, Kunst und Pornographie - Wie Frauen und Kinder hassen - Die unbeabsichtigte Lüge im Weltkrieg - Massenpsychose in den Franktireurkämpfen - Einige sado-erotische Kriegslügen - Sexuelle Anwürfe gegen den Feind: die "deutsche" Päderastie und die "französischen" Perversitäten (183) [Abb.]: Der Sadismus in Kriegszeichnungen Das Blatt, der Mappe "Les Atrocités Allemandes" von J. S. Domergue entnommen, zeigt die Hinrichtung eines belgischen Soldaten, dem drei Deutsche den Halswirbel brechen. Der Bericht und seine Darstellung sind gleichermaßen bezeichnend für die sadistische Phantasie der Zeit (183) [Abb.]: Die Presse im Kriege Holzschnitt (184) [4 Abb.]: Vier Blätter aus der italienischen Mappe "Danza macabra". Die vor Italiens Kriegseintritt veröffentlichten, gegen alle Kriegsteilnehmer gerichteten Zeichnungen sind ausgesprochen sadistischer Art (185) [Abb.]: Deutsche Gedenkmünze - der Haßgesang in Metall Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (186) [Abb.]: Der Triumph des Hasses Zeichnung von Gordon M. Forsyth in "Labour Leader", 1915 (187) [Abb.]: Eine typische deutschfeindliche Hetzkarikatur Zeichnung von Emilio Kupfer in "Critica", Buenos Aires, 1915 (188) [2 Gedichte]: (1)Richard Dehmel wird nicht leugnen können, daß er einmal ein Gedicht geschrieben hat "An mein Volk": (2)Heute ist er Freiwilliger geworden und seine Begeisterung entzündet sich an dem Bersten des Schrapnells, an dem Zerschmettern des Fendes: (188) [Abb.]: "Wie sie Krieg führen!" Hetzgemälde (189) [Gedicht]: So kommt Arno Holz zu seinem "deutschen Schnadahüpfel": (189) [Gedicht]: Erwähnt sei noch H. Vierordts Aufruf "Deutschland, hasse"! (190) [Abb.]: Beitrag zur Franktireurpsychose: In Nordfrankreich werden Geiseln ausgehoben Plakat aus der Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (190) [Lied]: So, Sudermann, der über Nacht zum Bänkelsänger geworden war, mit einem Lied, das, von Humperdinck vertont, im Berliner Theater des Westens unter lebhafter Beteiligung des Publikums vorgetragen wurde: (190) [Abb.]: Neun Deutsche und eine Französin Aus der sadistischen Kriegsmappe "Les Atrocités Allemandes" (191) [Lied]: Das Lied, als dessen Herausgeber die "Vereinigung der Kunstfreunde" zeichnet, lautet: (191) [Gedicht]: Alfons Petzold schreibt: (191) [3 Gedichte]: (1)So feuerte ein dichtfroher französischer General, der wahrscheinlich niemals in der Kampflinie war, dafür aber allem Anschein nach als Sadist anzusprechen ist, seine Soldaten mit folgenden Versen zum Kampfe an: (2)Und in einem anderen "Chanson de route" überschriebenen Gedicht: (3)Der Choral der Gepeitschten. (192) [Abb.]: Flieger über Paris Zeichnung von A. Vallée in "La Vie Parisienne", 1918 ( - ) [Abb.]: Wie sie sich begeilen Zeichnung aus der sadistischen Hetzmappe von J. S. Domergue "Die deutschen Greuel", Paris 1915 (193) [Abb.]: Die Schreckensnacht in Löwen Französische Propagandapostkarte (194) [Abb.]: Die französische Propaganda gegen deutsche Waren. "Der Boche, der gemordet und geplündert hat und der Geschäftsvertreter, der seine Ware anbietet, sind ein und dieselbe Person" Nach dem Original im "Musée Leblanc", Paris (195) [Abb.]: Unterhaltung in Mußestunden Hetzkarikatur aus dem italienischen Kriegsalbum "Gli Unni e gli altri", Mailand 1915 (196) [Gedicht]: Wir zitieren als Beispiel ein Gedicht von Pierre Chapelle aus dem Jahre 1917 "L'horrible conception": (197) [Abb.]: Ein Beitrag zum Stahlbadhumor: Eine als Postkarte verbreitete Todesanzeige (198) [Abb.]: Das französische Mobilisierungsplakat in der Pariser Straße. Darunter gleich ein Plakat der Hetzpropaganda Archives photographiques d'art et d'histoire, Paris (199) [Abb.]: Die Stunde des Morgenhasses bei einer deutschen Familie Aus "Punch", 1915 (200) [Abb.]: Serbischer Knabe als Soldat Photo aus "La France héroique", Éd. Larousse, Paris (201) [Abb.]: Wie Kinder hassen! Zeichnung eines achtjährigen griechischen Mädchens. Der niedergestochene Feind ist ein Bulgare Aus "Fantasio", 1916 (202) [Abb.]: Helden fern vom Schuß "Haltet stand, ihr tapferen Soldaten - wir verspritzen begeistert unsere beste Tinte - tut ihr dasselbe mit eurem Blut!" Zeichnung von R. Herrmann, 1915 (203) [Lied]: Fast alle von uns hatten Frauen oder Geliebte, die zu Hause auf uns warteten, und es war ergreifend, eine Schar von Männern, deren Leben neun Pence von einem Pfund wert war, die Ballade singen zu hören: (203) [Lied]: Im übrigen stehe hier das unbestritten beliebteste und meistgesungene Lied der amerikanischen und englischen Soldaten des Weltkrieges, eine prächtige Blüte der Friedenssehnsucht: (203) [Abb.]: Englische Unschuld "O Mutter, ich möchte so gerne ein Engel sein!" - "Warum?" - "Weil ich dann fliegen und Bomben auf die Germans werfen könnte!" Aus "Punch", 1915 (204) [Abb.]: Von Pferden zerrissen Die Zeichnung, aus der sadistischen Hetzmappe von J. S. Domergue, "Die deutschen Greuel", zeigt die Hinrichtung eines französischen Offiziers, die zwar gemeldet wurde, aber natürlich niemals stattfand (205) [Abb.]: Russische Kinder spielen Soldaten Photo aus "Solnze Rossij", Petrograd 1915 (206) [Abb.]: Pariser Straßenplakat für einen deutschfeindlichen Roman aus den ersten Kriegswochen, von Abel Truchet Nach dem Original im Musée Leblance, Paris (207) [Abb.]: Die Französin zum französischen Offizier: Bring mir einen neuen Gummibusen aus Paris - der alte ist kaputt." - Der Offizier: "Ich schicke ihn ins Kriegsmuseum - es heißt ohnedies, die Deutschen schneiden unseren Frauen die Brüste ab!" Zeichnung (208) [Abb.]: Der erotische Kitsch in der Kriegspostkarten-Industrie der Entente ( - ) [Abb.]: Wo die Kriegsgreuel erfunden wurden Zeichnung (209) [Abb.]: Mit den Augen des italienischen Kriegskarikaturisten Zeichnung von Cesare Piris, 1916 (210) [4 Abb.]: Indische Kriegskarikaturen (1)Deutschland wird erdrosselt (2)Der britische Löwe und der Hunne (3)Indien betet für Englands Sieg (4)Indien und England einig Aus dem Witzblatt "The Hindi Punch", Bombay 1916 (211) [Abb.]: Feuilletonisten an die Front! "Behalten werden sie uns gewiß nicht. Wie könnten wir denn die Psychologie des Schützengrabens täglich beschreiben, wenn wir sie einmal selbst erleben müßten?" Zeichnung von Carl Josef in "Muskete", 1915 (212) [Abb.]: Anzeige einer Ausstellung über die "deutschen Verbrechen" in Paris (1917) Archives photographiques d'art et d'histoire, Paris (213) [Abb.]: D'Annunzios Manuskript zu seinem beim Flug über Wien abgeworfenen Flugzettel (214) [Abb.]: Der englische Schauspieler Salisbury als Wilhelm II. in einer englischen Kriegsposse, 1915 in London aufgeführt Phot. Foulshalm & Bonfield (215) [Abb.]: Die niedliche Marneschlacht Zeichnung von Hansi, 1915 (216) [Abb.]: Die Vergewaltigung Serbiens Nach einem Gemälde (217) [3 Abb.]: Das Hinterland soll Tabak, Zucker und Leder sparen! Plakatentwürfe französischer Schulkinder (218) [Gedicht]: Auch ein französisches, in einem Schulbuch abgedrucktes Gedicht von Flament berichtet in schlichten Worten: (218) [Abb.]: Der Haßgesang! Zeichnung von David Winar, London 1915 (219) [Abb.]: Plakat einer Ausstellung des begabten Kriegszeichners und Deutschenhassers Louis Raemaekers in Paris (1916) Archives photographiques d'art et d'histoire, Paris (221) [Abb.]: Französisches Plakat gegen den Ankauf deutscher Waren Nach dem Original im Musée Leblance, Paris (223) [Gedicht]: Ponsonby zitiert ein patriotisches Gedicht aus einem erst kürzlich erschienenen Band, worin die Leistungen des englischen Heeres im Kriege also gefeiert werden: (224) [Abb.]: Eine Kundgebung englischer Kinder zugunsten des freiwilligen Eintritts in die Armee - (Auf der Tafel "Mein Papa ist an der Front!") Aus "Illustrated London News", 1915 (224) [Abb.]: Erotische Karikatur auf die Entente Der Lord-Ober des Nachtcafés zum Viererverband: "Meine Herren, verhalten Sie sich nicht gar so neutral. Die Damen verlangen kein Geld, sondern bezahlen sogar ihre Liebhaber." Zeichnung von G. Stieborsky in "Muskete", September 1915 ( - ) Neunzehntes Kapitel Die Verrohung Regression als Kriegsfolge - Das Verhältnis der kriegsführenden Menscheit zum Tode - Schmutz und Laus im Schützengraben - Alkohol und Nikotin im Kriege - Verbrecher und Psychopathen in den Heeren - Religiöse Wiedergeburt oder Hochkonjunktur im Aberglauben? - Die erotische Verrohung (225) [Abb.]: Verrohung im Bilde Französische Karikatur auf die Fleischnot in Deutschland. Aus "La Baionnette", 1916 (225) [Abb.]: Englisches Familienidyll zur Kriegszeit - Die Damen wetteifern in der Herstellung von Dumdumgeschossen Aus dem "Simplicissimus", 1914 (226) [Abb.]: Kosaken verfolgen deutsche Soldaten, die in einem polnischen Dorf - Gänse requiriert haben Zeichnung von J. Waldimirow in "The Graphic", 1916 (227) [Abb.]: Der Papst und das Diplomatenkorps aller Länder beten in Rom für den Frieden Photographische Aufnahme (1915) (228) [Abb.]: Die beiden Geschlechter im Kriege Zeichnung von D. R. André in "Glühlichter", Wien 1915 (229) [Abb.]: Battisti und seine Henker Eine berühmte Aufnahme, die in Italien zu Ehren Battistis, in Österreich zur Abschreckung vor Landesverrat massenhaft als Postkarte verbreitet wurde (230) [Abb.]: "Herr Huber, n'Großvater haben's g'halten!" Zeichnung von D. R. André in "Glühlichter", Wien, 1915 (231) [Abb.]: So gebet dem Kaiser, was des Kaisers ist - und Gott, was Gottes ist Zeichnung (232) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Segen Zeichnung (2)Nenette und Rintintin, die wundertätigen Fetische der französichen Soldaten Aus "La Baionnette", 1918 (233) [Abb.]: Ein italienischer Priester segnet die Kanone Photographische Aufnahme, in "The Graphic", 1916, mit folgendem Zitat aus einer Rede Salandras veröffentlicht: "Ein atavistischer Rückfall in primitive Barbarei ist viel schwerer für uns, die wir zwanzig Jahrhunderte Kultur mehr hinter uns haben, als unsere Gegner" (234) [Abb.]: Eisernes Kreuz als Verzierung überall Eine kleine Kollektion von Kriegsgeschmacklosigkeiten (235) [Abb.]: Weihnachtsverbrüderung zwischen französischen und deutschen Soldaten Zeichnung eines französischen Frontsoldaten (1915) (236) [Abb.]: Russische Popen besprengen die Truppen vor dem Abgang an die Front mit Weihwasser Zeichnung von A. Garratt in "The Graphic", 1915 (237) [Abb.]: Der Feldkurat Zeichnung (238) [Abb.]: Die Kirche im Krieg Holzschnitt (239) [Abb.]: Kriegsannonce einer Wiener Likörfabrik (240) [Abb.]: Kriegskinder spielen Bilderbogen von Raphael Kirchner, Paris 1916 ( - ) [Abb.]: "Der Weg des Ruhmes" Französische Greuelkarikatur auf die Trunksucht im deutschen Heer. Aus "Le Rire Rouge", 1915 (241) [Abb.]: Läuse fraßen im Schützengraben den Soldaten auf - im Hinterland boten sie Anlaß zu solchen Spässen (242) [Abb.]: Gesellschaftsspiel bei der Kriegsmarine Zeichnung eines Kriegsteilnehmers in der Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (243) [Abb.]: Granatformen zum Hausgebrauch Photo aus "Geschichte des Völkerkrieges", Verlag Müller Nachf., Soest (244) [Abb.]: Mensch, Gott und Gaskrieg Szene aus dem russischen Film "Der Mann, der sein Gedächtnis verlor" (245) [Abb.]: Fronleichnamsgebet in einer deutschen Bomben beschädigten Kirche Zeichnung von J. Simont in "L'Illustration", 1918 (246) [Abb.]: Das Spiel mit Leichenteilen im Schützengraben Kriegsphantasie von L. Gedö 1916 (247) [Abb.]: Kriegsreklame einer ungarischen Bierbrauerei Plakat in der Sammlung der Nationalbibliothek, Wien (248) [Abb.]: Der Tschiksammler - ein Typus aus der Zeit der Tabaknot im Hinterland Zeichnung von R. Herrmann, 1917 (249) [Abb.]: Kinder hinter der französischen Front werden mit Gasmasken ausgerüstet (250) [Abb.]: Seite aus einem von Bédier in Faksimile veröffentlichten deutschen Soldatentagebuch, deren Inhalt sich auf Vergewaltigung bezieht Aus Bédier, Les crimes allemandes, Paris 1915 (251) [Abb.]: Einzug in eine polnische Stadt Zeichnung (252) [Abb.]: "Wie stolz sie einmal in der Heimat auf ihren Sieg sein werden!" Zeichnung aus "La Baionnette", 1916 (253) [Abb.]: Das Begräbnis zweier von Zeppelins getöteter Kinder Photographische Aufnahme (254) [Abb.]: Eine Strecke des Weges der deportierten Armenier, in der Nähe von Angora Sammlung des Mechitaristenstiftes, Wien (255) [Werbung]: Setzen wir also die Original-Anzeige hierher: (255) [Abb.]: Frauenraub Zeichnung (256) [Abb.]: Wilhelm II. in der russischen Karikatur. (Man beachte das Überwiegen des tierisch-satanistischen Elementes!) Fünf Blätter aus der Mappe "Wojna russkich s njemzami", Petrograd 1915 ( - ) [Abb.]: Worüber der Klerus sich ausschweigt: die Armeniergreuel Zeichnung (257) [Abb.]: "'s war so a zwölf vom 36 er Regiment" Zeichnung (258) [Abb.]: Szene aus dem Balkankrieg Zeichnung aus der Bildermappe "Balkangreuel" (259) [Abb.]: Der "Koltschaksche Handschuh" Koltschaksche Truppen zogen Gefangenen die Haut von den Händen und ließen ihre Oper verbluten. Originalphotographie (260) [Abb.]: "Bordell und Notzuchtslegende" Zeichnung (261) [Abb.]: "Die will ich haben!" Aus "Los desastres de la guerra" (262) Zwanzigstes Kapitel Grausamkeit und Sadismus im Weltkrieg Moderne und historische kriegsgreuel - Mordlust, Lustmord und Verstümmelung - Die primitiven Völker - Südslawische Kriegsbräuche - Die Armeniergreuel - Die Notzucht im Weltkrieg und die Frauen - Das Kapitel der Kriegskinder (263) [Abb.]: Der Zeppelin kommt! Pariser Straßenszene aus dem Kriege. Zeichnung von H. Lanos in "The Graphic", 1915 (263) [Abb.]: "Siehst du, Jumbi, zu uns kommen diese weißen Leite und predigen Nächstenliebe und sie selber töten hundertmal mehr, als sie auffressen können" Zeichnung von R. Herrmann in "Glühlichter", Wien 1915 (264) [Abb.]: In London lehrt man die Kinder, wie sie sich bei Zeppelinüberfällen zu verhalten haben Photographische Aufnahme (265) [Abb.]: Krieg! Zeichnung aus dem Balkankriege. Sammlung Prof. Fr. S. Krauss, Wien (266) [Abb.]: Serbien 1915 Nach einem Gemälde (267) [Abb.]: Der Neger mit der Zahnbürste Federzeichnung eines französischen Soldaten (268) [Abb.]: Vergast Zeichnung von Steven Spurrier in "The Graphic", 1915 (269) [Abb.]: Opfer des Ruhmes: Mangels Kohlen wirft Frankreich seine 17 jährigen ins Feuer Aus "Lustige Blätter", 1917 (270) [Abb.]: Die Zeppelins im Anzug! Zeichnung von David Wilson in "The Graphic", 1915 (271) [Abb.]: Gasvergiftete Soldaten, halb wahnsinnig, winden sich auf dem Boden vor dem Feldlazarett Photographische Aufnahme, Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (272) [Abb.]: Zimmer in einem belgischen Schloß Photographische Aufnahme, Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (273) [Abb.]: "Kolossal! Auch Frauen und Kinder gibt's darunter!" Französische Propagandapostkarte, Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (274) [Abb.]: Der Zukunftskrieg Zeichnung (275) [Gedicht]: dann leistete er aber auch noch ein übriges: (275) [Abb.]: Eine Frau in Verdun Aus "The Graphic", 1916 (276) [Lied]: fing laut zur allgemeinen Erheiterung seiner Kampf- und Leidgenossen folgendes Lied zu singen an. Es ist eigentlich eine Verhöhnung des Krieges. (277) Sonstiges (277) [Abb.]: Der Sohn des Grauens Zeichnung von Michael Gábor, 1915 (278) [Abb.]: Mord aus der Luft Zeichnung (279) [Abb.]: Kreuzland, Kreuzland über alles: Die Waisen Zeichnung (280) [Abb.]: Wenn Deutschland Bulgarien als Verbündeten weiterhaben will, so muß es sich in die Rolle Salomos versetzen und entscheiden, ob das Kind (Dobrutschka) entzweigeschnitten werden soll, wie die Türkei es will, oder lebendig seiner wahren Mutter übergeben werden soll Aus einem bulgarischen Kriegsbilderbogen, Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (281) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französisches Plakat Zur Ankündigung bombenfester Keller (2)Der Krieg mordet die Symbole des Friedens Kundmachung der deutschen Kommandantur in Kowno Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (282) [Abb.]: Der frisch-fröhliche Gaskrieg Zeichnung (283) [Abb.]: Stilleben in Schabatz nach Abzug des österreichischen Heeres Aus "L'Illustration", 1915 (284) [Lied]: ein altes Lied, das über die meuchlerische Ermordung des Cengic Smailaga durch die Schwarzenbegler berichtet. Da heißt es: (284) [Abb.]: Ein Kriegskind von Soldaten in den Trümmern eines abgebrannten Hauses aufgefunden Belgische Postkarte, Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (285) [Abb.]:"Sie gehen schon wieder von Wien fort?" - "O ja, und wie gern! Sie müssen nämlich wissen, daß die wienerische Gemütlichkeit jetzt in Galizien ist." Zeichnung von Willy Stiborsky in "Muskete", 1915 (286) [Abb.]: Wie die "wienerische Gemütlichkeit" in Galizien aussah Wegen angeblicher Spionage gehenkte Frauen Photographische Aufnahme (287) [Abb.]: Der deutsche Olymp: Mars in neuer Rüstung Karikatur auf den Gaskrieg von J. Kuhn-Régnier in "Fantasio", 1916 (288) [5 Abb.]: Plakate der ungarischen Revolution und Gegenrevolution Obere Reihe: (1)1. Gegen den k. u. k. Stadtkommandanten von Budapest, Lukacsics, der knapp vor dem Umsturz eine große Anzahl Deserteure hinrichten ließ. (2)2. "Zu den Waffen!" Aufruf zum Eintritt in die Rote Armee der Räteregierung. - Untere Reihe: (3)1. Wahlplakat der Sozialdemokraten unter der Károlyi-Regierung. (4)2. "Schufte! Habt ihr das gewollt?" Plakat zur Proklamation der Räteregierung. (5)3. "Sie waschen sich." Plakat der Reaktion nach dem Sturz der Räteregierung. ( - ) [Abb.]: Armenische Bäuerinnen auf dem Weg zur arabischen Wüste Sammlung des Mechitaristenstiftes, Wien (289) [Abb.]: Deportierte armenische Kinder in der Wüste, dem Hungertod entgegenharrend Sammlung des Mechitaristenstiftes, Wien (290) [Abb.]: Auf dem Wege zur Deportation verhungerte Armenier Sammlung des Mechitaristenstiftes, Wien (291) [Abb.]: Die Armeniergreuel Englische Karikatur aus "Punch", 1916 (293) [Abb.]: Eine armenische Mutter, die mit ihren zwei Kindern verhungert am Wege liegen lieb Aufnahme deutscher Soldaten in der Türkei, 1915 Sammlung des Mechitaristenstiftes, Wien (295) [Abb.]: Die Kinder hungern Zeichnung (297) [Abb.]: "Wer ist der Vater?" Zeichnung (299) [2 Gedichte]: (1)Ein französisches Gedicht sagt: (2)So jung die Wissenschaft der Sexualpsychologie, so alt ist diese Erkenntnis, die schon vor zweitausend Jahren den Liebeslehrer Ovid seine Jünger den Rat erteilen läßt: (300) [Abb.]: Die "deutsche Notzucht" Zeichnung in "Le Mot",1915 (301) [Abb.]: "Mir scheint, du bist nur ein Kaffehaus-Schwarzer - Herzklopfen könnte man bei dir auch nicht bekommen" Zeichnung (302) [Abb.]: Liebesszene Zeichnung (303) [Abb.]: Tröste dich Kleine, wir werden sagen, ein Deutscher hätte dich vergewaltigt!" Zeichnung ( - ) [Abb.]: U-Boot-Ungeheuer Zeichnung von H. Lanos in "The Graphic", 1915 (305) [Abb.]: Die Opfer eines deutschen Fliegerüberfalles im Dezember 1914: ein Hirt und zwei Lämmer Photographische Aufnahme (306) [Abb.]: Die Nacht des Urlaubers - Zeppelinalarm in Paris Zeichnung von C. Hérouard in "La Vie Parisienne", 1918 (307) Einundzwanzigstes Kapitel Die Erotik der Umsturzzeit Die Frauen in der Revolution - Russische Liebesleben im Krieg und Bürgerkrieg - Der Sadismus in der Gegenrevolution - Prostitution und Liebesleben im besetzten Rheinland - Schwarze Schmach und Reparationskinder (309) [Abb.]:Ordnung und Ruhe Zeichnung (309) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Revolution ist der Friede Zeichnung von R. Minor, New York (2)Verbrüderung zwischen deutschen und russischen Soldaten an der Dünaburgfront, während Miljukow den Krieg bis zum Siege fortsetzen will ("A. I. Z.") (310) [Abb.]: Der letzte Strich des Zensors Zeichnung von Trier in "Lustige Blätter", 1919 (311) [Abb.]: Feindliche Flugblätter ermutigen zur Revolution Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (312) [Abb.]: Feindliche Flugblätter ermutigen zur Revolution Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (313) [Abb.]: Illegale deutsche Zeitungen während des Krieges (314) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Fetzen Papier Aus "Lustige Blätter", 1919 (2)Postkarte aus dem ersten Nachkriegswochen Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (315) [2 Abb.]: (1)Aus den Januartagen Berlins Photographische Aufnahme (2)Berlin, Januar 1919 Photographische Aufnahme (316) [Abb.]: Berliner Straßenbild aus den Tagen der Bürgerkrieges Photographische Aufnahme (317) [Abb.]: Der Bürgerkrieg Aus "Die Pleite", Zürich 1923 (318) [2 Abb.]: (1)Szene aus dem Bürgerkrieg in Mitteldeutschland Photographische Aufnahme (2)Im Zweifel "Mein Gott, wenn ich nur wüßte, ob das eine Filmaufnahme oder ein Putschversuch ist." Aus "Lustige Blätter", 1919 (319) [Abb.]: Arbeitslos durch die Revolution Zeichnung von S. Heilemann in "Lustige Blätter", 1918 (320) [Abb.]: Die Dame und der Rotarmist Zeichnung ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ansichtskarte aus München 1918 Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (2)Auf dem Strich der Verfassung Politische Karikatur aus dem Jahre 1919 (321) [2 Abb.]: (1)Krieg und Frieden Karikatur (2)Auf dem österreichischen Aussterbeetat Zeichnung von F. Goebel in "Faun", 1919 (322) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Ententemission in Wien arbeitet Zeichnung von K. Benedek in "Faun", 1919 (2)Plakat gegen das Frauenwahlrecht Zeichnung (323) [Abb.]: "Nach uns der Kommunismus!" Zeichnung von George Grosz in "Die Pleite", 1924 (324) [2 Abb.]: (1)"Jetzt soll s' kommen, die Volksehr, ich bin gewappnet." Zeichnung von F. Goebel in "Faun", 1919 (2)Deutsches Wahlplakat Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (325) [2 Abb.]: (1)Clémenceau:"Wie, Sie gehen mit der neuen Gesellschaft schwanger? Die werde ich Ihnen schon abtreiben!" Aus "L'Assiette au Beurre", 1919 (2)Der Friede, eine Idylle Zeichnung (326) [Abb.]: Der Friedensathlet Russische Karikatur (327) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Kommunist "Laßt sie doch sozialisieren, Kinder, laßt sie doch sozialisieren! Ich besitze nichts weiter im Überfluß wie Gallensteine, und die teil' ich gerne!" Zeichnung von F. Jüttner in "Lustige Blätter", 1919 (2)Das französische Siegesplakat "Clémenceau und Foch haben sich um das Vaterland verdient gemacht." Archives photographiques d'art et d'histoire, Paris (328) [Abb.]: Dublin nach sieben Tagen Revolution Aus "Illustrated London News", 1916 (329) [Abb.]: Der Zeichner als Prophet Die Stimme Ludwig XVI.: "Sie froh, Romanow! Kerenski ist kein Robespierre!" Zeichnung von Trier in "Lustige Blätter", 1917 (330) Nach Rasputins Tod Die Petersburger Fürstinnen 1 bis 6: "Ja, ja, mein Kind, nun hast du keinen Vater mehr!" Zeichnung von G. Müller-Schulte in "Lustige Blätter",1917 (331) [Abb.]: Zar Nikolaus II. im russischen Hauptquartier Aus "L'Illustration", 1917 (332) [Abb.]: Wenn der russische Bär Angst kriegt Aus "Glühlichter", 1915 (333) [Abb.]: In Petersburg Der Adjutant: "Majestät, wozu hier diese Fortifikationen? Nach Petersburg wird doch die deutsche Armee nicht kommen." Der Zar: "Die deutsche nicht, aber die russische." Zeichnung aus "Labour Leader", 1915 (334) [2 Abb.]: (1)General Wrangel wäscht sich die Hand Zeichnung von George Grosz in "13 Jahre Mord" (2)Von Koltschak ermordete russische Bauern Aus "An Alle", 10 Jahre Sowjetunion (335) [Abb.]: Der Auftakt zur russischen Revolution: Das Volk Petersburgs plündert Lebensmittelgeschäfte ("A. I. Z.") (336) [2 Abb.]: Bilder aus den Tagen der gegenrevolutionären Ausschreitungen in Ungarn Zeichnungen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ein Typus aus dem Todesbataillon Kerenskis Aus dem russischen Film "10 Tage, die die Welt erschütterten" (2)Auf der Strecke des russischen weißen Terrors Russische Zeichnung (337) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eine Tapfere aus Kerenskis Frauenbataillon Aus dem russ. Film "10 Tage, die die Welt erschütterten" (2)Der russische Bourgeois: "Die Arbeiter essen Kaviar, denen geht's gut!" Aus der russischen Zeitschrift "Krassnaja Niwa" (Rote Wiese) (338) [Abb.]: Starkes und schwaches Geschlecht in der russischen Revolution Zeichnung (339) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Budapester Ententemissionen melden: "In Ungarn gibt es keinen weißen Terror." Zeichnung von Vértes, 1919 (2)Transdanubische Landschaft 1919 Zeichnung von Vértes in "Bilder aus der ungarischen Hölle" (340) [4 Abb.]: Köpfe aus der russischen Revolution (1)Lenin (2)Lunatscharski (3)Tschitscherin Zeichnungen von Paul Robert in ""L'Illustration", 1918 (4)Plakat mohammedanischer Frauen in Taschkent für die Gleichberechtigung Aus "Das neue Rußland", 1927 (341) [2 Abb.]: (1)Titelblatt einer Broschüre über den Fall der Frau Hamburger, die nach dem Sturz der Budapester Räteregierung Opfer des gegenrevolutionären Sadismus wurde (2)Antisemitisches Plakat der ungarischen Gegenrevolution nach dem Sturz der Räteregierung. Die Figur auf dem Bilde soll Szamuely darstellen. Die Aufschrift lautet: "Haben wir dafür gekämpft?" Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (342) [Abb.]: Liebesszene aus den Tagen der ungarischen Gegenrevolution Zeichnung (343) [Abb.]: Propagandapostkarte von Matejko Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (344) [Abb.]: Rheinland 1919 Zeichnung (345) [Abb.]: Titelseite eines im besetzten Rheinland von Deutschen herausgegebenen französischen Witzblattes Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (346) [4 Abb.]: (1)(2)Die Ruhrbesetzung Französisches Plakat und deutsche Antwort Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (3)(4)Erotischer Notgeldschein, sogenannte Ruhrtaler Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (347) [Abb.]: Gebet des Besatzungskommandanten: "Lieber Gott, gib, daß die Deutschen möglichst lange nicht zahlen!" Aus "Le Rire du Poilus", 1923 Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (348) [Abb.]: Offiziere und Gemeine im französischen Besatzungsheer am Rhein Zeichnung von Jacquement in "Le Rire du Roilus", 1923 (349) [Abb.]: Lorelei: "Jetzt weiß ich, was soll es bedeuten, daß ich so traurig bin!" Aus "Lustige Blätter", 1919 (350) [2 Abb.]: (1)"Und die deutschen Frauen am deutschen Rhein, Sie haben den Schwarzen zu Willen zu sein." Aus einem Flugblatt zu den preußischen Landtagswahlen 1921 (2)Nach dem Abzug der Engländer aus dem Rheinland "Unser Vaterland kann mit uns zufrieden sein. Wir haben dafür gesorgt, daß die Reparationszahler in Deutschland nicht alle werden." Zeichnung von Faludy in "Der Götz von Berlichingen", Wien 1930 (351) [Abb.]: Titelseite des deutschen Flugblattes "Notruf" gegen die schwarze Schmach Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (352) [Abb.]: Der schwarze Sturm Zeichnung ( - ) [Abb.]: Postkarte gegen die schwarze Schmach Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (353) [Abb.]: Jumbo, der Frauenfresser Zeichnung (355) [Abb.]: Postkarte gegen die schwarze Schmach Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (356) [Abb.]: Plakat gegen die schwarze Schmach Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (357) Zweiundzwanzigstes Kapitel Die Inflations- und Nachkriegsjahre Der Sinnestaumel: Heiratswut, Tanzepidemie, Rauschgiftseuche, Prostitution und Mädchenhandel nach dem Kriege - Erotische Straßenliteratur - Die Sexualreform und ihre Verwirklichung in Rußland - Die neuen Frauentypen: Flapper, Garçonne und die Frau von morgen (359) [Abb.]: Die Heimkehr der Vertriebenen Radierung (359) [Abb.]: Zweierlei Arbeitslose: Drinnen und draußen Zeichnung von J. Danilowatz in "Der Götz von Berlichingen", Wien 1919 (360) [Abb.]: Das Valuta-Mädel "Mein Schwede ist abgereist - nun kann ich mir zehn Deutsche suchen" Aus "Lustige Blätter", 1920 (361) [Abb.]: Nachkriegsidyll Zeichnung (362) [Abb.]: Das Morphium Zeichnung (363) [Abb.]: "Kindertransport" nach Rumänien (zum Thema: Mädchenhandel in der Nachkriegszeit) Zeichnung von F. Bayros, 1919 (364) [Abb.]: Der ertüchtigte Frauenkörper "Ihre Schwächen zeigt sie natürlich nicht öffentlich" Zeichnung von V. Weixler, 1920 (365) [Abb.]: Der Tanz auf dem Vulkan "Der Tanz ist wunderbar, bloß der Boden ist etwas heiß" Zeichnung von Lutz Ehrenberger in "Lustige Blätter", 1919 (366) [8 Abb.]: Der neue Anzug - eine Inflationstragödie (1)Bei noch so wenig Körperfülle bracht man dafür doch eine Hülle. (2)Der Anzug paßt von vornherein nicht gut in das Budget hinein. (3)Zu Ankaufszwecken meistens wir ein Pump und Vorschuß kombiniert. (4)Doch auch beim sorgsamsten Kalkül trifft heut kein Vorschuß in das Ziel. (5)Die Audienz beim "Kleiderkönig" ergab: das Geld ist viel zu wenig. (6)Man spart und wird beim Sparen reifer, doch auch der Kurs wird täglich steifer. (7)Die Kronen türmen sich zuhauf, doch nie langt's für den Kleiderkauf (8)Der neue Anzug blieb ihm fremd 's langt nicht mal mehr aufs Sterbehemd. Zeichnungen von L. Kmoch, Text von F. J. Gribitz, in "Faun", 1920 (367) [Abb.]: Soziale Umschichtung Der ehemalige Kriegslieferant auf der Heimfahrt von der Auktion: "Ja. den Galawagen hab ich gut gekauft, Rosalinde - ich fürchte bloß, sie wern uns mal für Wilhelm und Auguste halten!" Aus "Lustige Blätter", 1919 (368) [Abb.]: Rassenmischer Krieg Zeichnung ( - ) [Abb.]: Auch die Revolution hat ihr Gutes Der Kriegsgewinner in der Hofloge: "Laura, das Publikum guckt her, verneige dich huldvoll!" Zeichnung von Lutz Ehrenberger in "Lustige Blätter", Dezember 1918 (369) [Abb.]: Rassenmischung Von der Verbrüderung der Rassen halt' ich nichts. Höchstens die Babys hätten als Zebras eine schöne Varietézukunft Zeichnung (370) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Geheimnis Aus einer Mappe der Nachkriegserotik (2)Der Tanz der Gonokokken "Womit jemand sündigt - damit wird er geplagt" Zeichnung von Rob im "Faun" 1919 (371) [Abb.]: Freut euch des Lebens! Zeichnung von George Grosz in "Abrechnung folgt" (372) [Abb.]: Umsturzphilosophie "Heute müssen wir uns einen Rausch antrinken, daß wir die vielen Heimkehrer ein bißchen vergessen" Zeichnung (373) [Abb.]: Im Wartezimmer des Spezialisten Zeichnung (374) [Abb.]: Der Krieg geht in den Familien fort Zeichnung (375) [Abb.]: Der Triumphzug der Jazz Zeichnung (376) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kinderfürsorge in den Sowjetstaaten Die Moskauer Sammelstelle für Muttermilch, wo die säugenden Mütter ihren Überfluß an Milch abgeben (2)Frauensport in Sowjetrußland Russische Athletinnen trainieren zur Spartakiade ("A. I. Z.") (377) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die russische Propaganda gegen die kirchliche Trauung Zeichnung (2)Die russische Bäuerin verheizt die Ikone Zeichnung von Deni in "Bezboschnik" 1926 (378) [Abb.]: Frau Schesterkina vom Stamme der Mordwinen als Delegierte auf einem Sowjetkongreß (379) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Orientalin verhöhnt den alten Muselmann Karikatur von Deni in "Bezboschnik" 1924 (2)Mutterschaftsfürsorge in der Sowjetunion Aus "Mahnruf" 1930 (380) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die russische Schriftstellerin Sejfullina Aus "Das neue Rußland", 1927 (2)Eine berühmte russische Militärfliegerin: Nadeshda Sumarokowa Aus "Mahnruf" 1930 (381) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Arbeiterin lernt mit dem Gewehr umgehen Photographische Aufnahme (2)Die Sowjetdiplomatin und Schriftstellerin Kollontaj Karikatur von Paul Robert (Moskau, 1918) (382) [3 Abb.]: (1)Kinderfürsorge in Sowjetrußland Plakat gegen "schmutzige Kleidung, schlechte Ammen, dunkle Räume, schlechte Luft" (2)Russisches Fürsorgeplakat. "Warum trinkst du meine Milch ? Nährt dich denn deine Mutter nicht ?" (3)Säuglingsrevolution auf einem Sowjetplakat. "Wir verlangen: Schutz vor Fliegen, trockene saubere Windeln, Muttermilch, frische Luft und Sonnenlicht, gesunde Eltern!" Aus Rußland, Neuer Deutscher Verlag (383) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die muselmannische Frau auf dem Wege aus dem Harem Zeichnung von Deni aus "Bezboschnik" 1924 (2)Die antireligiöse Propaganda in Rußland Der Zeichner macht sich über das jüdische Osterzeremoniell lustig Zeichnung von Deni in "Bezboschnik" 1925 (384) [Abb.]: Tanzwut Zeichnung ( - ) [Abb.]: Die Frauenemanzipation in Rußland Samojedische Delegierte aus dem äußersten Norden der Sowjetunion auf einem Moskauer Parteikongreß Aus "Das neue Rußland" (385) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die Befreiung der Orientalin Russische Zeitung (2)Den Schleier nieder! Die Befreiung der Orientalin Zeichnung von Deni in "Bezboschnik" 1926 (3)Die russische Kirche und die Frauen Russische Karikatur (386) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Mutter zapft sich Milch für darbende Säuglinge ab. Die so gewonnene Muttermilch wird von der Moskauer Sammelstelle in Flaschen abgeliefert (2)Bäuerin in Turkestan mit ihrer primitiven Kornhandmühle Aus "Das neue Rußland" 1928 (387) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die Sowjetpropaganda gegen Taufe und Beschneidung Zeichnung von Deni in "Bezboschnik" 1924 (2)Die Russin politisiert Zeichnung von Ikoneikow in "Bezboschnik", 1924 (3)Der Pope und die abtrünnige Bäuerin Karikatur von Deni in "Bezboschnik", 1926 (388) [2 Abb.]: (1)Zur Vermännlichung der Frau in der Nachkriegszeit: Amerikanische Universitätshörerinnen in Männerkleidung Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (2)Frau Valerie Smith, genannt Captain Barker eine Frau, die, als Mann verkleidet, jahrelang als Führer des englischen Faschismus tätig war Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (389) [Abb.]: Genießertum in der Nachkriegszeit Zeichnung (390) [Abb.]: Der Feinschmecker Aus einer Mappe der Nachkriegserotik (391) [2 Abb.]: (1)Früh um 5 Uhr. Zeichnung von Gorge Groß in "Das Gesicht der herrschenden Klasse" (2)Plakat gegen die Tanzwut Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (392) [2 Abb.]: (1)Frühlingserwachen Zeichnung (2)Nachkriegsprostitution: "Kommen Sie mit, Onkel, ich bin minderjährig" Zeichnung (393) [Abb.]: Moderner Akt Zeichnung von Egon Schiele, 1918 (394) [Abb.]: Nachkriegsmoral "Ich würde meiner Tochter nie erlauben, abends alleine auszugehen, wenn sie mir nicht versichert hätte, daß sie unter polizeilicher Aufsicht stehe" Zeichnung von Vértes, 1919 (395) [Abb.]: Französische Soldaten haben in Palaipolis im zweiten Kriegsjahr eine antike Statue entdeckt. Die Statue stellte den Liebesgott des Griechen Eros dar. Gleich wie der Liebe im Kriege die echte Zuneigung und Vergeistigung fehlte, war auch dieser Eros ein Torso ohne Arme und Kopf aus "L'Illustration", 1915 (397) [Gedicht]: Diese Zukunft spricht zu uns aus den schönen Versen des Dichters Hermann Claudius, in denen unsere Sittengeschichte des Weltkrieges ausklingen möge: (398) Anhang (399) I. Verbotene erotische Literatur im Kriege (399) [Abb.]: Kriegertraum Zeichnung von E. Hérouard in "La Vie Parisienne", 1917 (399) [Abb.]: Auf dem Friedhof von Ypern "Wofür haben wir uns gegenseitig ermordet?" Zeichnung von Rudolf Herrmann in "Bilder aus dem Alltagsleben" (400) [3 Abb.]: Kriegsnächte (1)Die blaue Nacht (2)Die weiße Nacht (3)Die rote Nacht Zeichnungen von C. Hérouard, Paris 1918 ( - ) [Abb.]: Zu den Waffen! Zeichnung von Alfred Roll, Paris (401) [Abb.]: Anstehen nach Kohlen, 1917 Zeichnung von H. Zille in "Kriegsmarmelade" (Die Veröffentlichung des Blattes war während des Krieges verboten) Mit freundl. Genehmigung des Neuen Deutschen Verlages (402) [Abb.]: Frankreich läßt die afrikanischen Untertanen Kriegsanleihen zeichnen Aus"L'Illustration", 1916 (403) [Abb.]: Wein, Weib und Gesang im Kriege Zeichnung (404) [Abb.]: Kriegsgreuel Zeichnung (405) [2 Abb.]: (1)Der Sieger Holzschnitt (2)Etappenmädel Zeichnung (406) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schlachtvieh für das Kanonenfutter Französische Aufnahme (2)Abgesandte der Skupschtina setzen über den See von Skutari Aus "L'Illustration", 1916 (407) [3 Abb.]: (1)Schwarzweiße Liebe Aus "La Baionnette", 1916 (2)Exotische Gäste in Paris Aus "La Baionnette", 1916 (3)Japaner und Pariserin Zeichnung von A. Valès in "La Vie Parisienne", 1997 (408) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Ernte der Geschosse Szene aus dem russischen Antikriegsfilm "Der Mann, der sein Gedächtnis verlor" (2)Saal eines Schlosses in Guè-a-Tresme mit dem für deutsche Offiziere bereiteten Mahl, das von einem feindlichen Überfall unterbrochen wurde Aus "L'Illustration", 1914 (409) [Tabelle]: Es entfielen (in Prozenten ausgedrückt) von den dauernder Prüfung unterworfenen Druckschriften auf (409) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Kellnerin der Offizierskasinos Französische Karikatur (2)Chaplin im Kriege "Warum geht der Mann nicht an die Front? Dort würde er stark und gesund werden." Zeichnung von Reynolds in "Punch", 1917 (410) [Tabelle]: Wegen des gleichen Delikts wurden 1924/25 bestraft in: (410) [Abb.]: Aber die Liebe Die Kriegshunde erwiesen sich im Nachrichtendienst als sehr nützlich. Oft aber werden sie, durch Liebe verblendet, zu Vaterlandsverrätern Zeichnung von E. O Petersen in "Simplicissimus", 1915 (411) [Abb.]: Titelseite einer französischen Schützengrabenzeitung, von der nur die erste, konfiszierte Nummer erschien Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (412) [Abb.]: Aus großer Zeit Zeichnung von U. Zille Mit freundl. Genehmigung des Neuen Deutschen Verlags, aus "Für alle!" (413) II. Die Kriegserotik in der Literatur. (414) [Gedicht]: Aus Herbert Lewandowski, "Der lachende Soldat". Geschrieben 1915. Bezüglich der Zahl der Kriegsopfer habe ich mich allerdings damals erheblich (zugunsten der Diplomatie) geirrt. (414) [Abb.]: Der Tod und das Mädchen (frei nach dem Lied von Schubert) Politische Zeichnung von Jordaan in "De Notenkraker", 1915 (414) [Abb.]: Reicht es? Reichte es nicht? Zeichnung (415) [2 Abb.]: (1)Frohes Wiedersehen (2)Estaminet hinter der Westfront Französische Frontzeichnung, 1915 (416) [2 Abb.]: (1)Traurige Trennung Zeichnung von E. Herouard in "Fantasio", 1916 (2)Windgeblähte Phantasien Zeichnung von A. Guyon in "Le Courire de France", 1918 (417) [Abb.]: Feldbräute rechts und links Zeichnung (418) [Abb.]: Geschlechtsnot Zeichnung (419) [Abb.]: Die Menschheit im Kriege Zeichnung (420) [Abb.]: Die Flucht des serbischen Stabschefs Putnik Albanien Aus "L'Illustration", 1916 (421) [Abb.]: Im Olymp "Fix Laudon, jetzt wird's mir schon selber zu dumm. Jeden Tag an einer neuen Front - da soll ein anderer Kriegsgott sein!" Zeichnung von D. R. André in "Glühlichter", 1915 (422) [2 Abb.]: (1)Brandstifterkollegium Gedenkmünze von K. Goetz, die Außenminister der Entente darstellend Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (2) Paris feiert den 14. Juli im letzten Kriegsjahr Titelzeichnung von J. Simont in "L'Illustration", 1918 (423) [Abb.]: Kriegsliebe "Nur mang mit de Ruhe, Kinna - Krawutschka, der Nächste!" Zeichnung (424) [Abb.]: Englisch-französisches Bündnis Zeichnung (425) [Abb.]: Die Schauspielerin Mlle. Chenal singt in der Pariser Opéra-Comique die Marseillaise Zeichnung (426) [Abb.]: Deutsche Soldaten bewundern den Manneken piss in Brüssel Photo aus der Sammlung des Instituts für Sexualwissenschaft, Berlin (427) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rußland stellt sich schützend vor Serbien Italienische Karikatur auf den Kriegsausbruch (2)Die erotische Revolution nach dem Kriege Titelseite eines Berliner Kolportageblattes (428) [Abb.]: Zeichnung von H. Zille Mit freundl. Genehmigung des Neuen Deutschen Verlags, aus "Für Alle" (429) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vorbereitungen zum Sturmangriff Karikatur von J. Priselli in "Solnze Rossij", 1915 (2)Scherz, Ironie und Bedeutung auf einer Postkarte. Umgekehrt gehalten ergeben die Ziffern im Spiegel eine drastisch-knappe Kritik der Reparationsforderungen) Sammlung A. Wolff, Leipzig (430) [Gedicht]: Über die Kriegsprostitution möge hier ein Gedicht vom Schreiber dieser Zeilen Aufnahme finden: (430) [Abb.]: Russische Kriegslandkarte Sammlung A. Woff, Leipzig (431) [Abb.]: Der Elefant und das Nest der kleinen Nationen Eine englische Kaiserkarikatur von B. Partridge in "Punch", 1917 (432) [Abb.]: die gallische Henne hätte die Eier der Friedenstaube ausbrüten können - aber es sind doch nur deutsche Pickelhauben! Zeichnung von F. Bayros, 1919 ( - ) [Abb.]: "Für ein paar Bissen, Herr Oberoffizier!" Zeichnung (433) [Abb.]: "Ja, mein Kind! So ist unser ganzes Leben!" Zeichnung von H. Zille in "Kriegsmarmelade". Mit freundl. Genehmigung des Neuen Deutschen Verlags (435) [Gedicht]: Die Knaben im Krieg. (435) Schlusswort (437) Literaturangaben (439) Dreizehntes Kapitel (439) Vierzehntes Kapitel (439) Fünfzehntes Kapitel (440) Sechzehntes Kapitel (440) Siebzehntes Kapitel (441) Achtzehntes Kapitel (441) Neunzehntes Kapitel (442) Zwanzigstes Kapitel (443) Einundzwanzigstes Kapitel (444) Zweiundzwanzigstes Kapitel (445) Inhalt des zweiten Bandes ( - ) Illustratoren-Verzeichnis zu den zwei Bänden "Sittengeschichte des Weltkrieges" ( - ) Verzeichnis der Farbentafeln ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

Arendt, Hannah. 1951. The Origins of Totalitarianism. New York: Harcourt Brace.
Bahlcke, Joachim. 1996. Schlesien und die Schlesier (Ser.: Studienbuchreihe der Stiftung Ostdeutscher Kulturrat, Vol 7). Munich: Langen Müller.
Barcz, Jan. 1996. Klauzule dotyczące ochrony mniejszości narodowych w nowych dwustronnych traktatach Polski z państwami sąsiedzkimi. Przegląd Zachodni. No 2.
Bauer, Otto. 1924 [1906]. Die Nationälfrage und die Sozialdemokratie. Vienna: Volksbuchhandlung.
Bělina, Pavel et al. 1993. Dějiny zemí Koruny české (2 vols). Prague: Paseka.
Berdychowska, Bogumiła. 1994. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce w 1993 roku. Warsaw: Biuro do Spraw Mniejszości Narodowych przy Ministerstwie Kultury i Sztuki.
Berdychowska, Bogumiła et al., eds. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Informator 1994. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sejmowe.
Bielak, F. 1990. Niemiecka grupa narodowa w Polsce. Warsaw: PWN.
Blumenwitz, Dieter. 1989. What is Germany? Exploring Germany's Status After World War II. Bonn: Kulturstiftung der deutschen Vertriebenen.
Breytenbach, Willie. 1997 [1996]. Democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa: Transitions, Elections and Prospects for Consolidation. Pretoria: African Institute of South Africa.
Brubaker, Rogers. 1992. Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Byczkowski, Józef. 1976. Mniejszości narodowe w Europie. Wybrane zagadnienia. Opole: Instytut Śląski.
Cała, Alina. 1998. Mniejszość żydowska (pp. 245-289). In: Piotr Madajczyk, ed. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Warsaw: PAN ISP.
Chałupczak, Henryk and Tomasz Browarek. 1998. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce 1918-1995. Lublin: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej.
Dallinger, Gernot, ed. 1997. Datenreport 1997. Zahlen und Fakten über die Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung.
Datner, Helena and Małgorzata Melchior. 1997. Żydzi we współczesnej Polsce – nieobecność i powroty (pp. 63-82). In: Zbigniew Kurcz, ed. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego.
Davies, Norman. 1991 [1981]. God's Playground: A History of Poland. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Derrida, Jacques. 1995. Moscou aller-retour. Paris: Éd. de l'Aube.
Dixon, Simon. 1990. The Russians: The Dominant Nationality (pp. 21-38). In: Graham Smith, ed. The Nationalities Question in the Soviet Union. London: Longman.
Dzhyuba, Ivan. 1998. Internatsionalizm chi rusifikatsya. Kiev: KM Academia.
Dziennik Ustaw RP. 1921. No 44, item 267 and no 52, item 334.
Dziennik Ustaw RP. 1935. No 30, item 267.
European Union Enlargement: A Historic Opportunity. 2000. Brussels: European Commission.
Finkielkraut, Alain. 1999 [1996]. Zagubione człowieczeństwo [Polish translation of l'Humanité perdue. Essai sur le XXe siècle]. Warsaw: PIW.
Franck, Thomas M.. 2001. Are Human Rights Universal? (pp. 191-204). Foreign Affairs. No 1.
Gellner, Ernest. 1983. Nations and Nationalism. Oxford: Blackwell.
Gellner, Ernest. 1997. Nationalism. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson.
Gregorovius, Ferdynand. 1991 [1848]. Idea polskości. Dwie księgi martyrologii polskiej [Polish translation of Die Idee des Polentum's. Zwei Bücher Polnischer Leidensgeschichte]. Olsztyn: Borussia.
Herzig, Edmund M. 1990. Armenians (pp. 146-162). In: Graham Smith, ed. The Nationalities Question in the Soviet Union. London: Longman.
Hild, Helmut. 1994. Jakie było oddziaływanie Memoriału Niemieckiego Kościoła Ewangelickiego (EKD)? (pp. 106-117). In: Friedbert Pflüger and Winfried Lipscher, eds. Od nienawiści do przyjaźni. O problemach polsko-niemieckiego sąsiedztwa. Warsaw: PAN ISP.
Hroch, Miroslav. 1985. Social Preconditions of National Revival in Europe: A Comparative Analysis of the Social Composition of Patriotic Groups Among the Smaller European Nations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Huntington, Samuel P. 1991. The Third Wave: Democratization in the Late Twentieth Century. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press.
Huntington, Samuel P. 1996. The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Jakimczyk, Jarek and Dariusz Kos. 1998. Ślązak to nie narodowość (pp. 1 and 3). Życie. No 66.
Jastrzębski, Włodzimierz. 1995. Ludność niemiecka i rzekomo niemiecka na ziemiach polskich włączonych do Rzeszy Niemieckiej (1939-1945) (pp. 11-26). In: Włodzimierz Jastrzębski, ed. Ludność niemiecka na ziemiach polskich w latach 1939-1945 i jej powojenne losy. Bydgoszcz: WSP.
Kamusella, Tomasz. 1999. 'Musisz być albo Niemcem, albo Polakiem'. Polityka ennacjonalizacji a retoryka wielokulturowości na Górnym Śląsku po 1989 roku (pp. 113-124). Sprawy Narodowościowe. No 14-15.
Kamusella, Tomasz. [Forthcoming]. Language as an Instrument of Nationalism in Central Europe. Nations and Nationalism. No 2.
Kapuściński, Ryszard. 1999 [1982]. Szachinszach. Warsaw: Czytelnik.
Kersten, Krystyna. 1992. Polacy, Żydzi, komunizm. Anatomia półprawd 1939-1968. Warsaw: PWN.
Kinsky, Ferdinand. 1995 [1986]. Föderalismus: ein gesamteuropäisches Modell. Bonn: Europa Union Verlag.
Kohn, Hans. 1946 [1944]. The Idea of Nationalism. New York: Macmillan.
Kohn, Hans. 1962. The Age of Nationalism: The First Era of Global History. New York: Harper & Row.
Konstytucja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. 1997. Warsaw: Prezydent Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej.
Kowalski, Janusz. 1997. Głos z Kaszub (p. 37). Dziennik Zachodni. No 148.
Kulak, Teresa. 1996. Jan Ludwik Popławski – twórca i popularyzator myśli zachodniej przełomu XIX i XX wieku. Ze studiów nad genezą 'idei piastowskiej' Narodowej Demokracji (pp. 43-53). In: Wojciech Wrzesiński, ed. Twórcy polskiej myśli zachodniej (Ser.: Rozprawy i Materiały, Vol 153). Olsztyn: Ośrodek Badań Naukowych im. W. Kętrzyńskiego.
Kymylicka, William. 1989. Liberalism, Community and Culture. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Kymylicka, William. 1995. Multicultural Citizenship: A Liberal Theory of Minority Rights. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
Lemberg, Hans. 1996. Unvollendete Versuche nationaler Identitätsbildungen im 20. Jahrhundert im östlichen Europa: die 'Tschechoslowaken', die 'Jugoslawen', das 'Sowjetvolk' (pp. 581-605). In: Helmut Berding, ed. Nationales Bewußtsein und kollektive Indentität. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.
Lieven, Anatol. 2000/2001. Against Russophobia. World Policy Journal. Winter (cf. www.east-west-research.ac.uk).
Lipski, Jan Józef. 1996. Powiedzieć sobie wszysto... Eseje o sąsiedztwie polsko-niemieckim/Wir müssen uns alles sagen... Essays zur deutsch-polnischen Nachbarschaft. Gliwice: Wokół nas and Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Polsko-Niemieckie.
Łodziński, Sławomir. 1998. Przekroczyć własny cień. Prawne, instytucjonalne oraz społeczne aspekty polityki państwa polskiego wobec mniejszości narodowych w latach 1989-1997 (pp. 11-82). In: Bogumiła Berdychowska, ed. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Praktyka po 1989 roku. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Sejmowe.
Łodziński, Sławomir. 1999. Problem ochrony Romów (Cyganów) jako mniejszości narodowej (etnicznej) w Europie w latach dziewięćdziesiątych. Perspektywa międzynarodowa i krajowa (pp. 103-134). In: Ewa Nowicka, ed. Sytuacja Romów w Polsce. U nas dole i niedole. Cracow: Nomos.
Łodziński, Sławomir. 1999a. 'Obcy krajowcy'. Perspektywy polityki wobec imigrantów w Polsce (pp. 173-212). In: Sławomir Łodziński and Jan. J. Milewski, eds. Do stołu dla zamożnych. Ruchy migracyjne w Afryce oraz ich znaczenie dla Polski. Warsaw: Instytut Krajów Rozwijających się, Wydział Geografii i Studiów Regionalnych, Uniwersytet Warszawski.
Łodziński, Sławomir. 2000. Kwestia ochrony mniejszości narodowych w dyskursie publicznym w Polsce w latach dziewięćdziesiątych. Wstępne rozważania (pp. 351-375). In: Bernard Linek and Kai Struve, eds. Nacjonalizm a tożsamość narodowa w Europie Środkowo-Wschodniej w XIX i XXw./Nationalismus und national Identität in Ostmitteleuropa im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert. Opole: Instytut Śląski and Marburg: Herder-Institut.
Louis, Jean-Victor. 1995. The Community Legal Order. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities.
Mac, Jerzy Sławomir and Dorota Macieja. 1997. Kiełbasa śląska (pp. 26-27). Wprost. Jul 13.
Madajczyk, Piotr. 1994. Na drodze do pojednania. Wokół orędzia biskupów polskich do biskupów niemieckich z 1965 roku. Warsaw: PWN.
Madajczyk, Piotr. 1998. Niemcy (pp. 66-109). In: Piotr Madajczyk, ed. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Warsaw: PAN ISP.
Magocsi, Paul Robert. 1995 [1993]. Historical Atlas of East Central Europe. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press.
Martín Estébanez, María Amor. 1995. The Protection of National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (pp. 133-164). In: Nanette A. Newuwahl and Allan Rosas, eds. The European Union and Human Rights (Ser.: International Studies in Human Rights, Vol 42). The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers.
Matelski, Dariusz. 1996. Koncepcja narodowościowa niemieckiej Europy w 1943 roku (pp. 153-192). Sprawy Narodowościowe. No 1 (8).
Matelski, Dariusz and Andrzej Sakson. 1995. Od II do III Rzeczypospolitej. Niemcy i mniejszość niemiecka w Wielkopolsce (1939-1995) (pp. 93-132). In: Włodzimierz Jastrzębski, ed. Ludność niemiecka na ziemiach polskich w latach 1939-1945 i jej powojenne losy. Bydgoszcz: WSP.
Michna, Ewa. 1995. Łemkowie. Grupa etniczna czy naród. Cracow: Nomos.
Mielczarek, Dariusz, ed. 1996. Subsydiarność. Warsaw: Centrum Europejskie Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego.
Mirga, Andrzej and Nicolae Gheorghe. 1997. The Roma in the 21st c. Princeton, NJ: Project on Ethnic Relations.
Mironowicz, Eugeniusz. 1998. Białorusini (pp. 11-65). In: Piotr Madajczyk, ed. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Warsaw: PAN ISP.
Misztal, Jan. 1990. Weryfikacja narodowościowa na Ziemiach Odzyskanych. Warsaw: PWN.
Naumann, Friedrich. 1917 [1915]. Central Europe [English translation of Mitteleuropa]. London: P. S. King & Son.
Nodia, Ghia. 1998. The Conflict in Abkhazia: National Projects and Political Circumstances (pp. 14-48). In: Bruno Coppieters et al., eds. Georgians and Abkhazians: The Search for a Peace Settlement. Cologne: Bundesinstitut für ostwissenschaftliche und international Studien.
Obracht-Prondzyński, Cezary. 2001. 'Pomerania' – kaszubsko-pomorskie zwierciadło (pp. 151-162). Przegląd Zachodni. No. 1.
Ociepka, Beata. 1994. Niemcy na Dolnym Śląsku w latach 1945-1970 (Ser.: Niemcoznawstwo, Vol 1). Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego.
Offe, Claus. 1994. Der Tunnel am Ende des Lichts. Erkundungen der politischen Transformation in Neuen Osten. Frankfurt am Main.
Offe, Claus. 1996. Designing Institutions in East European Transitions (pp. 199-226). In: R. E. Goodin, ed. The Theory of Institutional Design. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Olejnik, Leszek. 1997. Polityka państwa polskiego wobec Rosjan po II wojnie światowej (pp. 75-92). Sprawy Narodowościowe. No. 2 (11).
Osękowski, Czesław. 1994. Społeczeństwo Polski Zachodniej i Północnej w latach 1945-1956. Zielona Góra: WSP.
Osmańczyk, Edmund. 1946. Sprawy Polaków. Katowice.
Polonsky, Antony. 1975. The Little Dictators: The History of Eastern Europe Since 1918. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
Porter, Brian. 2000. When Nationalism Began to Hate: Imagining Modern Politics in Nineteenth-Century Poland. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Przeworski, Adam. 1991. Democracy and the Market: Political and Economic Reforms in Eastern Europe and Latin America. New York: Cambridge University Press.
Pudło, Kazimierz. 1997. Uchodźcy polityczni z Grecji w Polsce (1948-1995) (pp. 149-152). In: Zbigniew Kurcz, ed. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego.
Reichling, Gerhard. 1986. Die deutschen Vertriebenen in Zahlen (Vol I: Umsiedler, Verschleppte, Vertriebene, Aussiedler 1940-1985). Bonn: Kulturstiftung der deutschen Vertriebenen.
Sakson, Andrzej. 1991. Mniejszość niemiecka na tle innych mniejszości narodowych we współczesnej Polsce (pp. 1-24). Przegląd Zachodni. No 2.
Sakson, Andrzej. 1998. Stosunki narodowościowe na Warmii i Mazurach 1945-1997. Poznań: Instytut Zachodni.
Smith, Graham. 1990. Nationalities Policy from Lenin to Gorbachev (pp. 1-20). In: Graham Smith, ed. The Nationalities Question in the Soviet Union. London: Longman.
Stalin, Joseph. 1973. Marxism and the National Question. In: Bruce Franklin, ed. The Essential Stalin: Major Theoretical Writings 1905-1952. London: Croom Helm.
Synak, Brunon. 1998. Kaszubska tożsamość. Ciągłość i zmiana. Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego.
Thornberry, Patrick and Maria Amor Martin Estebanez. 1994. The Council of Europe and Minorities. Strasbourg: Council of Europe.
Tismaneau, Vladimir, ed. The Revolutions of 1989: Rewriting Histories. London: Routledge.
Tomaszewski, Jerzy. 1985. Ojczyzna nie tylko Polaków. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce w latach 1918-1939. Warsaw: MAW.
Törnquist-Plewa, Barbara. 2000. Contrasting Ethnic Nationalisms: Eastern Central Europe (pp. 183-220). In: Stephen Barbour and Cathie Carmichael, eds. Language and Nationalism in Europe. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Traktaty polsko-niemieckie/Die deutsch-polnischen Verträge. 1991. Bonn: Auswärtiges Amt.
Urban, Thomas. 1994. Deutsche in Polen. Geschichte und Gegenwart einer Minderheit. Munich: C H Beck.
Vallely, Paul, ed. 1998. The New Politics: Catholic Social Teaching for the Twenty-First Century. London: SCM Press.
Wapiński, Roman. 1994. Polska i małe ojczyzny Polaków. Z dziejów kształtowania się świadomości narodowej w XIX i XX wieku po wybuch II wojny światowej. Wrocław: Ossolineum.
Watzal, Ludwig, ed. 1995. Menschenrechte. Dokumente und Deklarationen. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung.
Wilson, Kevin and Jan van der Dussen, eds. 1995 [1993]. The History of the Idea of Europe. London: Routledge.
Zaremba, Marcin. 2001. Symbol obrotowy (pp. 68-70). Polityka. No 5.
Zientara, Benedykt. 1996. Świt narodów europejskich. Powstawanie świadomości narodowej na obszarze Europy pokarolińskiej. Warsaw: PIW.
Żołędowski, Cezary. 1997. Polacy za granicą. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce (pp. 25-38). In: Antoni Rajkiewicz, ed. Społeczeństwo Polskie w latach 1989-1996/96. Zagadnienia polityki społecznej. Warsaw: Fundacja im. Friedricha Eberta.
Żukowski, Włodzimierz. 1999. Ideologia i polityka wielokulturowości w epoce dojrzewania nacjonalizmu australijskiego u schyłku XX wieku (pp. 169-182). Sprawy Narodowościowe. No 14-15.
Żurko, Jerzy. 1997. Łemkowie – między grupą etniczną a narodem (pp. 51-62). In: Zbigniew Kurcz, ed. Mniejszości narodowe w Polsce. Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego.

Es waren Antifaschist:innen, die die italienische Verfassung ausgearbeitet haben. Sie trat 1948 in Kraft und sollte sicherstellen, dass niemand jemals wieder die Kontrolle über die Republik übernehmen konnte, ähnlich wie dies der Diktator Benito Mussolini die Jahre zuvor vollbracht hatte. Seitdem hat Italien bereits 67 Regierungen erlebt, doch die aktuelle Regierung, Nummer 68, ist auch für Italien besonders (Siefert, 2023). Sie wurde mehrfach als "gefährlichste Frau Europas" betitelt (Brandl & Ritter, 2022). Die Rede ist von Giorgia Meloni, die am 22. Oktober 2022 als Vorsitzende der nationalistischen, konservativen und postfaschistischen Partei Fratelli d'Italia (FDI) als Ministerpräsidentin vereidigt wurde.Mit dem Wahlsieg der italienischen Postfaschistin ist ein weiterer Schritt in Richtung einer politischen Entwicklung vollzogen worden, die den autoritären Rechtspopulismus als Regierung zu einem sichtbaren Bestandteil der politischen Realität macht. Ihre politische Gruppierung wird weithin als populistisch, postfaschistisch und weit rechts im politischen Spektrum positioniert, was in weiten Teilen der europäischen Öffentlichkeit zur Kenntnis genommen wurde. Die folgende Seminararbeit versucht nach mehr als einem Jahr an der Macht eine Bilanz zu ziehen, die Auswirkungen der Wahl zu analysieren und die Besonderheiten der italienischen Rechten näher zu beleuchten.Melonis Aufstieg in der politischen Landschaft Italiens: Vom Engagement in der Jugendpolitik über die MSI zur Gründung der Fratelli d'Italia Die am 15. Januar 1977 in Rom geborene Meloni ist nicht nur die erste Frau, die das Amt ausübt, sondern auch die erste Regierungschefin, deren politische Karriere in der postfaschistischen Ära Italiens begann. Sie kandidierte bereits in ihren Jugendjahren für politische Ämter in Italien. Im Jahr 2006 wurde sie zur jüngsten Ministerin Italiens ernannt. Heute ist die Vorsitzende der von ihr mitbegründeten rechtsextremen Partei Fratelli d'Italia (Brüder Italiens, benannt nach der ersten Zeile der Nationalhymne, mit Wurzeln in der postfaschistischen Bewegung) die erste weibliche Premierministerin.Vor 31 Jahren, im Juli 1992, begann Giorgia Meloni ihr politisches Engagement in Rom mit dem Beitritt zur Jugendorganisation des Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI, Italienische Soziale Bewegung), einer von Faschist:innen gegründeten Partei (Ventura, 2022, S. 8 ). Die italienische Ministerpräsidentin unterstreicht häufig, dass sie aus bescheidenen Verhältnissen stammt und in einer Familie von Angestellten aufgewachsen ist. Dabei verschweigt sie allerdings gerne die Tatsache, dass ihre Mutter, Anna Paratore, der MSI damals angehörte (Feldbauer, 2023, S. 15).Die am 26. Dezember 1946 gegründete Italienische Soziale Bewegung entstand unmittelbar nach Ende des Zweiten Weltkrieges. Die Gründer:innen der Partei waren politisch in der Italienischen Sozialen Republik (Repubblica Sociale Italiana, RSI) aktiv, einem Satellitenstaat, der während der deutschen Besatzung von 1943 bis 1945 von Mussolini regiert wurde. Ideologisch bezog sich die Partei auf den "sozialen Faschismus" der RSI (Ventura, 2022, S. 2). Die MSI zeichnete sich nicht nur durch ihre antikapitalistische und antiliberale Ideologie mit korporatistischer Entscheidungsfindung aus, sondern auch durch ihren ausgeprägten Antikommunismus und ihre scharfe Kritik an den etablierten Parteien. Obwohl es innerhalb der MSI von Anfang an eine konservative und pro-westliche Minderheit gab, blieb die Partei bis Anfang der 1990er Jahre unfähig, sich wesentlich zu reformieren und konnte daher keinen nennenswerten Einfluss auf das politische System Italiens ausüben (ebd.).Im Januar 1995 wurde die Partei kurz nach dem Beitritt Melonis aufgelöst und in die "Alleanza Nazionale" (AN, Nationale Allianz) umgewandelt. Die AN fusionierte 2009 mit der Partei "Forza Italia" (FI, Vorwärts Italien) von Silvio Berlusconi zur Partei "Il Popolo della Libertà (PdL, Das Volk der Freiheit). Der damalige Parteivorsitzende Gianfranco Fini wollte den von der AN eingeleiteten liberal-konservativen Rechtsruck erfolgreich zu Ende führen, was jedoch einigen ehemaligen Aktivist:innen und Führungskräften aus den Reihen der MSI missfiel. Diese Unzufriedenheit machte sich später Meloni zunutze. Im Jahr 2006 wurde Meloni ins Parlament gewählt und zwei Jahre später wurde sie die jüngste Ministerin (Jugend und Sport) in der Geschichte Italiens. Die einzige Regierungserfahrung hat sie auf nationaler Ebene (ebd.).Verhältnis zum (Post)Faschismus Eine Woche vor dem hundertsten Jahrestag von Mussolinis "Marsch auf Rom", der Machtübernahme durch den "Duce", übernahm Meloni ihr Amt. Ihr Kabinett, welches hauptsächlich aus Anhänger:innen Mussolinis besteht, wurde in linken Medien als eine Regierung von "reuelosen Faschisten" beschrieben (Feldbauer, 2023, S. 38f). Meloni war im Jahr 2012 Mitbegründerin der Partei FdI, die in der Tradition des italienischen Faschismus steht, und gehört somit zur dritten Generation des Partito della Fiamma (Livi & Jansen, 2023, S. 173). Das Symbol der faschistischen Flamme, das in der Vergangenheit der MSI vorbehalten war, ist im Parteilogo vertreten (Feldbauer, 2023, S. 16f).Im Jahr 1929 wurde das Wort "Faschismus" zum ersten Mal in den Duden aufgenommen. Dies geschah sieben Jahre, nachdem die italienische Partito Nazionale Fascista (PNF) unter Benito Mussolini 1922 in die Regierung Italiens eingetreten war. 1926 entwickelte sie sich zu einer diktatorischen Staatspartei, bevor sie 1943 aufgelöst wurde. Der Begriff "Faschismus" wurde von der PNF als Selbstbezeichnung verwendet und entstammt dem italienischen Wort "fascio", dessen Bedeutung dem Begriff "Bund" gleichgestellt ist (Schütz, 2022). Im heutigen Sprachgebrauch bezeichnet der Terminus eine nationalistische, antidemokratische und rechtsextreme Ideologie, die nach dem Führerprinzip ausgerichtet ist. Seit den Parlamentswahlen in Italien im vergangenen Jahr sind vermehrt Artikel zum Thema "Postfaschismus" verfügbar. Dies hängt mit dem Sieg bei der Parlamentswahl und der FdI zusammen, welche als "postfaschistisch" bezeichnet wird (ebd.).Gianfranco Fini distanzierte sich 2003 offiziell vom Faschismus und bezeichnete ihn als "absolut böse" (Tagesschau, 2022). Giorgia Meloni hat es jedoch bis heute vermieden, eine so eindeutige Aussage über die Wurzeln ihrer Partei zu tätigen. Meloni erhob sogar Vorwürfe gegen Gianfranco Fini, das Erbe der italienischen Rechten zu zersplittern (Ventura, 2022, S. 6). Im Jahr 2014 wurde Meloni zur Vorsitzenden der FdI gewählt. Sie konnte den harten Kern der Faschist:innen um sich versammeln, indem sie sich auf Mussolini bezog. Aufgrund der möglichen Verluste eines Teils ihrer Wählerschaft an die Lega kann sie die Flamme nicht aus dem Parteilogo entfernen. Sie hob wiederholt hervor, wie stolz sie auf das Wappen mit der italienischen Trikolore sei, bezeichnete Mussolini sogar als einen "guten Politiker" (Feldbauer, 2023, S. 16).Froio (2020) stellt fest, dass die FdI ein "emotionales" Verhältnis zu ihrer faschistischen bzw. postfaschistischen Vergangenheit pflegt, mit der sie sich nie wirklich kritisch auseinandergesetzt hat. Dies wird durch die Statements von Giorgia Meloni sowie durch die Aussagen und Handlungen von Vertreter:innen und Führungskräften der FdI deutlich. So trat Meloni am Tag vor der Wahl 2018 bei einer Wahlkampfveranstaltung in Latina, einer von Mussolini gegründeten Stadt südlich von Rom, in Begleitung seiner Enkelin Rachele Mussolini auf. Dabei kündigte sie die Absicht ihrer Partei an, dem Symbolort den ihm gebührenden Platz in der Geschichte der italienischen Rechten wieder zu verschaffen (Latza Nadeau, 2018). Bei ihrem Versuch, sich in ihrer Ansprache vor der Abgeordnetenkammer am 25. Oktober 2022 trotz ihrer früheren Bekenntnisse zum Faschismus Mussolinis zu distanzieren, stieß Meloni angesichts der genannten Tatsachen auf Widerstand. Mit ihrer Partei verkörpert Meloni nach wie vor die "Kontinuität des Faschismus" (Feldbauer, 2023, S. 16f).Auch Tronconi und Baldini (zit. nach POP, 2023) erkennen die Identitätswurzeln der FdI im Neofaschismus, der in Italien jahrzehntelang durch die MSI verkörpert wurde. Ihrer Meinung nach sei es jedoch falsch, die FdI als neofaschistische Partei zu bezeichnen, da wesentliche Merkmale wie die Akzeptanz von Gewalt als Mittel des politischen Wettbewerbs fehlen würden. In der öffentlichen Debatte und in den offiziellen Dokumenten der Partei würden tatsächlich die für die europäische radikale Rechte typischen Themen wie Islamophobie und eine allgemeine Feindseligkeit gegenüber der Einwanderung betont, die als potenzielle Verwässerung der Identität der italienischen Nation angesehen werden.Der Weg einer "Frau, Mutter, Italienierin und Christin" an die MachtMeloni präsentiert sich gerne als Frau, Mutter, gläubige Christin und als hilfsbereite Vertreterin aller Italiener:innen (Feldbauer, 2023, S.70). Diese Worte passen zum allgemeinen Slogan "Gott, Heimat und Familie" (Dio, patria e famiglia), welcher von Melonis Partei und anderen radikalen Rechtsparteien in der Vergangenheit übernommen wurde (De Giorgi et. al, 2022).Im Jahr 2022 wurden mehr als 70 Prozent der parlamentarischen Parteien in den EU-Mitgliedsstaaten von männlichen Führungskräften geleitet (Openpolis, 2022, zit. nach De Giorgi et. al, 2022). In Italien wurde bis zum Jahr 2013 keine Partei, weder aus dem politischen Establishment noch aus dem rechten Spektrum, von einer Frau geführt (De Giorgi et. al, 2022). Studien, die sich auf das weibliche Führungsverhalten konzentrieren, betonen oft, wie Frauen Führungspositionen erreichen können, wenn sie von einem "Legacy Advantage", also sozusagen von einem Vorteil ihres Erbes profitieren, wie als Ehefrau, Witwe, Tochter oder eine andere enge Verwandte eines Schlüsselakteurs in der Politik (Baker & Palmieri, 2021). Diese Praxis ist auch bei rechtsextremen Parteien üblich. Ein bekanntes Beispiel ist Marine Le Pen, die die Führung des Front National (jetzt Rassemblement National) von ihrem Vater übernommen hat. Auch in Italien gibt es rechtsgerichtete Politikerinnen mit starken familiären Bindungen zu ehemaligen Staatsoberhäuptern und prominenten politischen Persönlichkeiten, wie Alessandra Mussolini, die Enkelin des ehemaligen Diktators, die mehrmals als Abgeordnete für die AN gewählt wurde (De Giorgi et. al, 2022). Giorgia Meloni hebt sich von diesem Weg ab. Ihr politisches Engagement begann 1992, als Meloni der Jugendorganisation der MSI beitrat. Im Unterschied zu anderen Oppositionsführer:innen, welche dazu neigen, ihre politische Außenseiterposition zu betonen, hebt Meloni oft ihren beruflichen Werdegang sowie ihr politisches Know-how hervor und verbindet dies mit der Idee der "Kompetenz". Darüber hinaus gibt es in Italien keine weitere politische Partei, die von einer Frau geführt wird, wodurch Meloni zweifellos eine beachtliche Medienpräsenz in dieser Hinsicht erreicht hat (Feo & Lavizzari, 2021).Angesichts der politischen Geschichte Italiens sei der Erfolg der FdI nicht verwunderlich. Die italienischen Rechten sind mit ihren traditionellen Anliegen seit Jahrzehnten erfolgreich. Der Gesamterfolg der FdI-FI-Lega-Koalition im Jahr 2022 kam daher weder überraschend noch sei er außergewöhnlich (POP, 2023). Der Erfolg kann auf die langjährige Dominanz der wechselnden Mitte-Rechts-Koalitionen um Berlusconi zurückgeführt werden, die in den letzten drei Jahrzehnten die Mehrheit der Wahlen gewinnen konnten. Trotz der langen Präsenz der größten kommunistischen Partei des Westens in Italien seit mehr als 50 Jahren war das Land mit Ausnahme einer kurzen Periode in den 1970er Jahren immer strukturell rechts orientiert (Livi & Jansen, 2023, S. 178f).Die Mehrheit der italienischen Gesellschaft war antikommunistisch, prokapitalistisch, katholisch und von konservativen Vorstellungen über die Familie, Geschlechterrollen und soziale Ordnung geprägt. Die Christlich-Demokratische Partei (DC, Democrazia Cristiana), die in der Ersten Republik dominierte, integrierte eine breite konservative Mittelschicht, die sich als antikommunistisch verstand und einem autoritären traditionellen Katholizismus anhing. Diese Schicht bildete die Grundlage für Berlusconis Aufstieg in den 1990er Jahren. So entstand eine neue konservative Rechte. Berlusconi mobilisierte eine bis dahin politisch unsichtbare konservative Strömung in der Gesellschaft, die im Hintergrund agierte (ebd.).Mit 43 Prozent der Stimmen ist die Koalition nicht weit von ähnlichen Prozentsätzen entfernt, die Mitte-Rechts-Koalitionen in den neunziger Jahren oder bei den Wahlen 2001, 2006 und 2008 erzielt haben. Die konservativen Parteien genießen in Italien mehr Unterstützung als die progressiven, und wenn diese aus allgemeinen Wahlen als Sieger hervorgehen, dann vor allem infolge von Spaltungen innerhalb der rechtsgerichteten Parteien (POP, 2023).Neben ihrer eigenen Partei, die bei den Wahlen 26 Prozent der Stimmen erhielt, gehören zur Regierungskoalition der Premierministerin zum einen die Lega, Matteo Salvinis Partei, die mit fremdenfeindlichen und separatistischen Ansichten bis 2018 als Lega Nord bekannt war. Zum anderen die liberal-populistische Partei von Ex-Premier Silvio Berlusconi, Forza Italia. Die Lega kam auf 8,8 Prozent, gefolgt von der Forza Italia mit 8,1 Prozent (Feldbauer, 2023, S.7). Aufgrund der besonderen Regeln des italienischen Wahlrechts verfügen diese drei Regierungsparteien über breite Mehrheiten in beiden Kammern des Parlaments, der Camera und dem Senato (Livi & Jansen, 2023, S.169). Neben der Berufung ihres Schwagers hat die italienische Ministerpräsidentin auch ihre Schwester in die Führungsebene ihrer Partei geholt. Melonis ältere Schwester, Arianna, ist nun verantwortlich für das politische Sekretariat. Ihr Ehemann, Francesco Lollobrigida, Landwirtschaftsminister und Mitglied der FdI, gilt als enger Vertrauter von Meloni (Ventura, 2022, S. 3).Laut Tronconi und Baldini (zit. nach POP, 2023) liegt der interessante Aspekt darin, dass sich die FdI innerhalb der rechten Parteien durchsetzte. Dies könnte vor allem damit begründet werden, dass die Forza Italia eine schon lange schwindende Partei sei, während die Positionen von FdI und Lega in den wesentlichen Punkten übereinstimmen. Dazu gehören feindselige Haltungen gegenüber Migration, die Verteidigung traditioneller Werte, die Unterstützung der wirtschaftlichen Interessen zahlreicher italienischer Kleinunternehmen, der Schutz der traditionellen Familie vor einer angeblichen "Gender-Theorie", die darauf abziele, die Unterschiede zwischen den Geschlechtern zu verwischen oder auszulöschen, und die vertikale Abgrenzung zur EU in Form von Skepsis bzw. offener Feindseligkeit gegenüber dem europäischen Integrationsprojekt. Allerdings habe die Persönlichkeit von Giorgia Meloni im Vergleich zu Matteo Salvinis abnehmender Führungsstärke sowie die Glaubhaftigkeit und Beständigkeit der Partei der FdI 2022 den entscheidenden Vorteil gebracht. Salvini habe sich im Vergleich zu Meloni in der Vergangenheit auf Koalitionen, wie zum Beispiel mit der Fünf-Sterne-Bewegung eingelassen, die nicht besonders gut bei den rechten italienischen Wähler:innen ankamen. Meloni war und ist jedoch innerhalb des Rechts-Bündnisses eine überzeugte Hardlinerin (Feldbauer, 2023).WählerschaftDie Partei von Giorgia Meloni übte vor allem eine Anziehungskraft auf ehemalige Lega-Wähler:innen aus, aber auch Wähler:innen der Forza Italia bekundeten Interesse an der FdI. In soziodemografischer Hinsicht ist festzustellen, dass FdI-Anhänger:innen in der Altersgruppe von 50-64 Jahren überrepräsentiert, in der jüngsten Altersgruppe (18-34 Jahre) unterrepräsentiert waren. Dies könnte darauf zurückzuführen sein, dass jüngere Wähler:innen ihre Proteststimme eher der Fünf-Sterne-Bewegung ohne postfaschistische Vergangenheit gaben. Die Partei erhielt Unterstützung von verschiedenen Berufsgruppen wie Handwerker:innen, Händler:innen, Selbstständigen sowie Angestellten und Lehrkräften, also weitgehend der (unteren) Mittelschicht.Die geografische Verteilung der Wählerschaft der FdI zeigt nicht nur - wie anfangs in der Parteigeschichte - eine starke Präsenz im Süden Italiens, sondern auch eine landesweite Verbreitung. Die Wählerschaft weist migrationsfeindliche und europaskeptische Tendenzen auf, insbesondere bei langjährigen Anhänger:innen. Neu gewonnene Wähler:innen zeigen eine populistische und anti-elitäre Haltung, bei der die Ablehnung von Migration eine große Rolle spielt (Ventura, 2022, S. 5).Migrationspolitik als Kernthema Bei den Parlamentswahlen stand die Migrationspolitik im Fokus. Es bestanden Bedenken, die neue Regierung unter der Führung der FdI könne in der Asyl- und Migrationspolitik einen äußerst restriktiven und sogar illegalen Weg einschlagen. So hatte Meloni für ihr Amt mit dem Ziel kandidiert, der "illegalen" Einwanderung nach Italien Einhalt zu gebieten. Es wurde auch über die mögliche Errichtung einer Seeblockade vor Nordafrika sowie die Einrichtung von Hotspots auf afrikanischem Territorium diskutiert (Angeli, 2023, S. 4f). Durch ihre Forderungen in der Opposition konnte sie das Thema Migration für sich gewinnen. Dennoch ist die Verwirklichung politischer Versprechen im Wahlkampf und ihre Umsetzung in konkrete Politik keineswegs als selbstverständlich anzusehen. Im Zuge der sogenannten "Flüchtlingskrise" bestimmten nativistische und souveränistische Motive die Haltung der Partei zur Migration. Die auf dem Parteitag 2017 verabschiedeten programmatischen "Thesen von Triest für die patriotische Bewegung" stellten die Migration als existenzielle Bedrohung für den Fortbestand der europäischen Nationalstaaten dar. In diesem Zusammenhang fand auch die Verschwörungstheorie vom "großen Austausch" Eingang in das Parteiprogramm (Baldini et. al, zit. nach Angeli, 2023, S. 6). Die Partei warf der EU vor, aus demografischen Gründen ein "multikulturelles Prinzip" zu verfolgen, woraus angeblich eine Zustimmung zur unkontrollierten Einreise von Menschen aus anderen Kontinenten abgeleitet wurde (FdI, 2017, zit. nach Angeli, 2023, S. 6). Die Partei befürwortete restriktive Maßnahmen im Zusammenhang mit legaler Zuwanderung. Diese sollten nur für Staatsangehörige möglich sein, die sich problemlos integrieren könnten, ohne Sicherheitsprobleme zu verursachen. Dabei wurde die Bedeutung des Grenzschutzes besonders betont, der mit dem Schutz des "Vaterlandes" gleichgesetzt wurde. Die FdI schlugen drastische Maßnahmen, wie eine internationale "Landmission" vor, die Kontrolle über die Häfen übernehmen sollte, sowie die Möglichkeit einer Seeblockade. Der Schwerpunkt lag dabei auf Nationalitäten, die weniger bereit seien, die Gesetze und die Kultur zu akzeptieren, insbesondere wurden damit Muslim:innen gemeint. Darüber hinaus wurde zum ersten Mal die Einrichtung von Hotspots in Nordafrika zur Prüfung von Asylanträgen vorgeschlagen, verbunden mit der Absicht, das Recht auf "humanitären Schutz" abzuschaffen. Die programmatische Entwicklung der Partei im Bereich der Migrationspolitik war von zwei konträren Tendenzen geprägt. Einerseits stand die Partei unter dem Druck, sich dem Mitte-Rechts-Bündnis anzupassen, was zu einem einheitlichen Programm für die Parlamentswahlen 2018 führte, welches jedoch nicht die radikalsten migrationspolitischen Positionen enthielt. Andererseits sorgte die Konkurrenz innerhalb des Rechtsbündnisses für einen Differenzierungsbedarf insbesondere in der Migrationspolitik. Hier konkurrierten die FdI und die Lega darum, sich als die restriktivere und migrationsfeindlichere Partei zu präsentieren (Angeli, 2023, S. 6f).Die FdI hob zunehmend ihr Alleinstellungsmerkmal durch die kompromisslose Verteidigung der italienischen Interessen hervor, insbesondere durch die häufige Verwendung von "Italians first". Dieser Slogan implizierte einen Wettbewerb zwischen Italiener:innen und Menschen mit Migrationshintergrund und wurde zur Rechtfertigung diskriminierender Maßnahmen verwendet (Ventura, 2022). Im Wahlprogramm für die Europawahl 2019 wurde der Vorrang der italienischen Bevölkerung hervorgehoben und normativ untermauert (ebd.). Das Wahlprogramm für die Parlamentswahlen 2022 markierte eine Abkehr von der Radikalisierung der Partei in der Migrationspolitik, die in den vergangenen Jahren zu beobachten war. Stattdessen kehrte die FdI zu einer sicherheitspolitisch motivierten Migrationsskepsis zurück, ähnlich wie im Wahlmanifest von 2013. Im Gegensatz zu früheren Positionen betonte das Manifest nicht mehr den Grundsatz "Italians first", der das Primat der italienischen Identität und Interessen in der Migrationspolitik hervorhob. Stattdessen verfolgte das Programm einen nüchternen Ansatz zur Migration, ohne aggressive oder aufrührerische Sprache. Dies deutet darauf hin, dass die Partei realistische und machbare Ansätze für eine geregelte Einwanderung und soziale Integration formulieren wollte (Angeli, 2023, S. 6f). In ihrer ersten Regierungserklärung schlug Meloni einen versöhnlichen Ton an, auch in Bezug auf das Thema Migration. Es gab kaum nativistische Elemente. Zwar betonte sie die strategische Rolle Italiens im Mittelmeerraum, doch die Verhinderung irregulärer Einwanderung wurde vor allem mit juristischen oder humanitären Gründen gerechtfertigt, etwa um Schiffbrüche oder Menschenhandel zu verhindern (ebd.).Melonis migrationspolitische Maßnahmen und Entscheidungen in den letzten 12 Monaten könnten auf einen pragmatischen Umschwung hindeuten. Diese Annahme ist jedoch mit Vorbehalten behaftet. Die Entwicklung des migrationspolitischen Programms der FdI zeigte bereits vor den letzten Parlamentswahlen eine Mäßigung bzw. "Entradikalisierung" (Angeli, 2023, S. 9). Das Wahlprogramm 2022 betonte die Förderung der legalen Migration und verstärkte diplomatische Bemühungen mit Herkunfts- und Transitländern irregulärer Migranten. Dennoch hat Meloni wenig getan, um der Kriminalisierung von NGOs entgegenzuwirken, die Rettungsschiffe für Asylsuchende betreiben. Sie argumentiert, diese Schiffe seien ein "Pull-Faktor", der die illegale Migration begünstige. Meloni hat sogar strenge Bedingungen für Rettungsaktionen von NGOs eingeführt, um die Ressentiments ihrer Anti-Migrations-Wählerschaft zu befriedigen. Es bleibt abzuwarten, ob die steigende Zahl von Geflüchteten, die das Mittelmeer überqueren, Meloni dazu veranlassen werden, radikalere Maßnahmen zu ergreifen, um sich die Unterstützung ihrer Anti-Migrations-Wählerschaft zu sichern. Erste Anzeichen für einen Umschwung gab es Mitte September, als Melonis Kabinett unter dem Druck negativer Schlagzeilen eine Verschärfung der Maßnahmen beschloss, darunter die Erhöhung der Höchstdauer der Abschiebehaft und die Einrichtung spezieller Abschiebegefängnisse durch das Militär in dünn besiedelten Regionen des Landes (Angeli, 2023, S. 10).Die politikwissenschaftliche Forschung hat in jüngerer Zeit wiederholt die Diskrepanz zwischen rechtspopulistischen Migrationsdiskursen und der tatsächlichen Migrationspolitik untersucht (Lutz, 2021). Demnach komme es öfters zu Mäßigungen, sobald Rechtspopulisten an der Regierung beteiligt seien. Die Ausprägung dieser Mäßigung kann jedoch stark variieren und von vielen Faktoren beeinflusst werden. Unter anderem sind sie als Regierungspartei institutionellen Zwänge unterworfen, die ihr politisches Agieren limitieren. Aber auch die Notwendigkeit, die bestehenden Verfassungsorgane zu bewahren, veranlasst sie oft dazu, sich von ihren radikalsten Ansätzen im Bereich der Migrationspolitik zu distanzieren. Darüber hinaus stehen rechtspopulistische Parteien vor der Aufgabe, neben ihren eigenen Anhänger:innen auch breitere Gesellschaftsschichten und die Eliten für ihre Ziele zu gewinnen. Aus diesem Grund könnten sie ihre Migrationspolitik entsprechend umgestalten, um weitere wichtige Interessengruppen zu erreichen. Schließlich kann auch internationaler Druck zu einer Kursänderung rechtspopulistischer Parteien führen. Bei der italienischen Regierung betrifft dies vor allem die EU, die finanzielle Hilfe als Druckmittel zur politischen Einflussnahme nutzen kann (Angeli, 2023, S. 4). Das Thema Migration war für die FdI von Anfang an ein zentrales Wahlkampfthema. Allerdings ist diesem Thema nur einer von insgesamt 25 Abschnitten im Wahlprogramm von 2022 gewidmet. Dennoch sollte die Bedeutung dieses Abschnitts keineswegs unterschätzt werden. Die "Gefahr" der irregulären Migration hat der Partei zu politischer Sichtbarkeit verholfen, insbesondere aufgrund des gestiegenen Interesses der italienischen Öffentlichkeit am Thema Migration seit 2013. Der Umgang der Partei mit dem Thema spiegelt somit die Radikalisierungs- und Mäßigungstendenzen wider, welche sie während der letzten zehn Jahre erfahren hat (Angeli, 2023, S. 5f). In einem Artikel mit dem Titel " Das schwarze Jahr " kritisierte die Zeitung "La Repubblica" die Migrationspolitik von Giorgia Meloni als gescheitert. Meloni selbst gab in einem Interview mit der RAI zu, dass die erzielten Ergebnisse nicht den Erwartungen entsprechen. Daraufhin kündigte sie erneut härtere Maßnahmen an, darunter die Verlängerung der möglichen Abschiebehaft auf die EU-Höchstdauer von 18 Monaten und den Bau weiterer Abschiebezentren. Sie forderte die Vereinten Nationen auf, den Menschenhändler:innen einen "globalen Krieg" zu erklären (ZEIT ONLINE, 2023).Wirtschafts- und SozialpolitikBesonders frauenpolitische Themen spielten eine wichtige Rolle in und für Melonis Partei. Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass die Parteivorsitzende Meloni eine wichtige Rolle für die weibliche Wählerschaft spielt. Sie setzt sich für einen Imagewandel der männerdominierten Partei ein und engagiert sich insbesondere für Frauen und Mütter, zumindest im Hinblick auf den Schutz vor potenziellen "Bedrohungen", wie dem Zuwachs an Migration, der Islamisierung und sozialer Unsicherheit, wie von der Kommilitonin Schmidt bereits beschrieben wurden (Feo & Lavizzari, 2021, S. 13). Zusätzlich engagiert sie sich entschlossen in der Verteidigung der Frauenrechte, wobei der Fokus jedoch auf anti-immigrationspolitischen Zielen liegt. In Bezug auf frauenrelevante Themen hat Giorgia Meloni niemals ihre anti-abtreibungsorientierten Überzeugungen verschleiert. Diese basieren auf ihrem katholischen Glauben sowie persönlichen Erfahrungen. In ihrer Biografie wird dargelegt, dass ihre Mutter in Erwägung zog, die Schwangerschaft abzubrechen (Meloni, 2021, zit. nach De Giorgi et. al, 2022). Meloni strebt vor allem eine breite Unterstützung in katholischen Kreisen an, indem sie sich gegen Abtreibung und Leihmutterschaft aussprach. Nachdem sie dort jedoch auf erheblichen Widerstand stieß, versuchte sie ihre Position zu mildern, indem sie betonte, das Recht auf Abtreibung nicht abschaffen zu wollen. Im Unterschied dazu blieb sie gegenüber Homosexuellen und sexuellen Minderheiten unverändert kompromisslos (Feldbauer, 2023, S. 70)."Wir wollen eine Nation, in der es kein Skandal mehr ist, zu sagen, dass – unabhängig von legitimen Entscheidungen und Neigungen jedes einzelnen – wir alle geboren sind durch einen Mann und eine Frau. Eine Nation, in der es kein Tabu mehr gibt. Es heißt, dass es die Mutterschaft nicht zu kaufen gibt, dass die Gebärmutter nicht zu mieten ist, dass Kinder keine Produkte sind, die man aus dem Regal kauft, als wäre man im Supermarkt. Wir wollen neu beginnen beim Respekt der Würde." (Meloni, 2022, zit. nach Seisselberg, 2023)Wie aus dem Zitat hervorgeht, betont die Politikerin ausdrücklich ihre Unterstützung der sogenannten natürlichen Familie, um die traditionellen Werte zu bewahren. Mit der Verteidigung dieser Werte und dem klassischen Vater-Mutter-Kind-Bild erfolgt eine Ablehnung der LGBTQ+-Gemeinschaft, die von Meloni als "LGBT-Lobby" bezeichnet wird (De Giorgi et. al, 2022). Die Ministerpräsidentin zeigt kein Interesse an einer feministischen Agenda, sondern strebt weiterhin ein traditionelles Familienmodell an (POP, 2023). Frauenrechte und Geschlechtergleichheit wurden von Meloni und ihrer Partei mehr für femonationalistische Argumente instrumentalisiert (De Giorgi et. al, 2022).In wirtschaftspolitischer Hinsicht herrscht in Italien eine Unzufriedenheit, da verschiedene Wahlversprechen nicht umgesetzt wurden. Dies ist auf das Schrumpfen der italienischen Wirtschaft im zweiten Quartal sowie der hohen Inflation zurückzuführen. Zudem wurde noch kein Mindestlohn eingeführt. Die Regierung unter Giorgia Meloni wurde auch dafür kritisiert, dass knapp 170.000 Menschen per SMS darüber informiert wurden, dass sie ab sofort keinen Anspruch mehr auf die Sozialleistung reddito di cittadinanza, auch Bürgergeld genannt, haben. Dies wurde von Gewerkschaften als "soziale Bombe" bezeichnet (ZEIT ONLINE, 2023). Es sei jedoch absehbar gewesen, dass die Umstrukturierung des Staatshaushalts wesentlich auf Kosten der ärmeren Bevölkerung erfolgen würde. Dennoch glaubten die meisten Menschen, dass die postfaschistische Regierung in den Augen der Weltöffentlichkeit nicht so weit gehen würde, wie ihre Rhetorik des "Runter vom Sofa" suggerierte, mit der sie ihren Geldgebern in Industrie, Landwirtschaft und Tourismus billige Arbeitskräfte zur Verfügung stellen wollten (Seeßlen, 2023).EU und Außenpolitik Der Zuwachs an Migration wurde von Meloni vor allem dazu genutzt, um das Thema der irregulären Migration auf die europäische Tagesordnung zu setzen. Sie war auch maßgeblich am Zustandekommen des Europäischen Migrationspaktes beteiligt, gegen den Widerstand ihrer einstigen Verbündeten aus Polen und Ungarn. Durch diese diplomatischen Bemühungen wird Meloni nun nicht mehr als internationale Außenseiterin in Bezug auf die europäische Migrationspolitik betrachtet. Im Gegensatz zu einigen früheren Verbündeten, wie Viktor Orbán, steht sie nicht mehr auf der Seite der Visegrád-Staaten (Angeli, 2023, S. 8f). Melonis Wandlung zu einer gemäßigten Politikerin findet nicht nur national, sondern auch im internationalen Kontext innerhalb und außerhalb der EU statt. Trotz ihrer Position als Präsidentin der EU-Parlamentsgruppe der Europäischen Konservativen und Reformer (ECR) hat Meloni ihre frühere euroskeptische Haltung zurückgefahren. Die Entscheidung, von der Leyen in Rom zu empfangen, wird als Versuch der Anbahnung einer Zusammenarbeit zwischen der ECR (unter Melonis Führung) und der Europäischen Volkspartei (EVP) bewertet. Die FdI hat einen moderaten Kurswechsel von radikalen Positionen gegenüber der EU hin zur Mitte vor den Wahlen 2022 vollzogen. Ziel dieses Kurswechsels sei der Aufbau eines guten Rufs im Ausland und die Sicherung vorteilhafter internationaler Abkommen (Griffini, 2023). Giorgia Meloni hat ihre gemäßigte politische Ausrichtung durch das Einhalten ihres Wahlversprechens im Hinblick auf Atlantizismus und Unterstützung für die Ukraine gegenüber dem russischen Eindringling weiter gestärkt. Ihre diplomatischen Beziehungen zur Ukraine und das Treffen mit dem ukrainischen Präsidenten Wolodymyr Selenskyj in Kiew untermauern dies. Im Gegensatz zu Salvini, der im Bezug auf die russische Invasion in der Ukraine uneindeutige Standpunkte vertrat, zeigte sich Meloni klar positioniert. Der Unterschied in ihrer Haltung zum Krieg in der Ukraine führte zu Spannungen innerhalb der Regierungskoalition und betonte Melonis gemäßigte Position in dieser Angelegenheit (ebd.). Manche sagten für Italien einen heißen Herbst voraus, aber nicht in Hinblick auf die außenpolitische Lage. Meloni verfolgte in diesem Bereich einen äußerst pragmatischen Ansatz. Der schrille Ton des Wahlkampfes, in dem sie die EU für fast alle Probleme verantwortlich gemacht hat, ist vorbei. Das hat auch mit der prekären Finanzlage des Staates zu tun, denn Italien braucht dringend die fast 200 Milliarden Euro, die ihr von der EU zur Bewältigung der Folgen des Coronavirus versprochen wurden (ZEIT ONLINE, 2023).Meloni in den Medien"Melonis Politik, anders als die einiger ihrer Vasallen, besteht auch darin, die innere Faschisierung nicht allzu sehr als ein internationales lesbares Bild zu präsentieren. Die Giorgia Meloni, die erscheint, wo man unter sich ist, und die Giorgia Meloni, die vor internationalen Kameras spricht, unterscheiden sich gewaltig" (Seeßlen, 2023).Durch die Stärkung des Kerns der Partei ist es Meloni gelungen, mit einem breiteren Publikum zu interagieren, wobei ihr geschickter Einsatz von Social-Media-Plattformen eine Schlüsselrolle spielte. Dies führte dazu, dass sie als das neue Gesicht der italienischen Politik wahrgenommen wird. Ihre einzigartige Position als erste weibliche Ministerpräsidentin in Italien hat zweifellos dazu beigetragen. Außerdem hat sie bewiesen, dass sie in der Lage ist, die Herausforderungen zu meistern, mit denen populistische Politiker:innen konfrontiert sind (POP, 2023).Der Erfolg der FdI wäre ohne die entschlossene und konsequente Führungsperson, die dem Volk sehr nahe steht, unvorstellbar. Durch ihre Ansprachen an das Volk im römischen Dialekt kommt sie den Italiener:innen sehr nahe. Schon kurz nach der Gründung und dem Vorsitz der FdI war die charismatische Führerin ein gern gesehener Gast in den wichtigsten Talkshows. Sie zeichnete sich durch Jugend, Attraktivität, Selbstbewusstsein, außergewöhnliche Eloquenz und eine kompromisslose Haltung aus und scheute keine Konfrontation. Man kann behaupten, Meloni brachte frischen Wind ins Fernsehen und erfreut sich auch heute noch großer Beliebtheit in diesem Medium (Ventura, 2022, S.6).Im Laufe der Zeit hat ihre Medienpräsenz stetig zugenommen, insbesondere in den letzten Jahren, als sie eine immer bedeutendere Funktion im Mitte-Rechts-Lager einnahm. Meloni macht ausgiebigen Gebrauch von sozialen Medien wie Facebook, Twitter und Instagram, in denen sie ihre politischen Inhalte darstellt und gleichzeitig ihr öffentliches Image zu pflegen versucht. Unter den italienischen Politiker:innen war sie Vorreiterin bei der Einrichtung eines Instagram-Profils. Darauf veröffentlichte sie in erster Linie Bilder, die Botschaften von Stärke und Entschlossenheit vermitteln und in der Popkultur verwurzelt sind. Parallel dazu zieht sie informative, institutionelle und ereignisbezogene Nachrichten vor (Moroni, 2019).Bis vor wenigen Jahren versuchte Meloni, ihr Privatleben aus der Öffentlichkeit weitestgehend herauszuhalten. Doch in letzter Zeit begann sie damit, ihr Privatleben zu inszenieren und sehr persönliche Einblicke zu gewähren, was auch als "intimate politics" beschrieben werden kann. Vor allem in ihrer 2021 erschienenen Autobiografie präsentiert sie sich als Tochter, Mutter und Partnerin. Diese Inszenierung wird von den Medien in zahlreichen Interviews und im Fernsehen aufgegriffen, wobei vor allem Infotainment- und Unterhaltungssendungen erneut die Aufmerksamkeit auf Melonis Pop- und Privatseite lenken. Dabei geraten viele der eigentlichen politischen Botschaften des Buches in den Hintergrund (Ventura, 2022, S. 6).Auf ihrem Popkanal präsentiert Giorgia Meloni ein attraktives Bild von sich selbst, das ihre kulturellen und politischen Ansichten in den Hintergrund drängt. Diese Ansichten spiegeln u.a. ein ambivalentes Verhältnis zum italienischen Faschismus und Postfaschismus wider. Laut Ventura (2022, S. 6) propagiert sie die Idee einer illiberalen und organisierten Gesellschaft, die auf einer reaktionären Auslegung der individuellen Rechte beruht, wobei das Individuum stets der Familie und der Gemeinschaft verpflichtet ist. Sie vertritt auch einen essentialistischen und ethnozentrischen Nationalismus und relativiert die Werte, die nach dem Sieg über den nationalsozialistischen Totalitarismus entstanden sind. Trotz ihres reaktionären Weltbildes, welches einen stark vereinfachenden Gegensatz zwischen Volk und Elite sowie eine verschwörungstheoretische Interpretation der Realität beinhaltet, kann ihre Kommunikation als erfolgreich bewertet werden (ebd.).Die laufende Legislaturperiode erstreckt sich über weitere vier Jahre, was normalerweise keine typische Amtszeit für italienische Regierungschefs ist. Diese Ausdauer wird der Rechtsnationalistin jedoch zugute gehalten. Berichte über die verschiedenen Angriffe der Regierung auf die Pressefreiheit zeigen auf, dass es Verleumdungsklagen und Versuche gibt, die öffentliche Rundfunkanstalt RAI auf Linie zu bringen, indem sie ihre eigenen Leute in der Leitung beruft und kritische Programme streicht (Braun, 2023). Sie habe den staatlichen Fernsehsender RAI weitgehend unter ihre Kontrolle gebracht. Einige Leute würden bereits über "Tele-Meloni" spotten, allerdings stellen Privatsender keine große Bedrohung dar, da viele von ihnen der Familie von Silvio Berlusconi gehören (ZEIT ONLINE, 2023). Ein weiteres Beispiel dafür ist die Streichung des Programms des prominenten Anti-Mafia-Journalisten und Aktivisten Roberto Saviano (Braun, 2023).Melonis Umgestaltung hat für die Frage nach der Kontinuität, Mäßigung oder Radikalisierung der Partei in der Regierung eine doppelte Bedeutung. Einerseits zeigt Meloni ihre "Nähe zum Volk", was ein typisches Merkmal populistischer Parteien ist. Auf diese Weise betont sie ihre anti-elitäre und volkszentrierte Haltung, die seit der Gründung der FdI besteht. Auf der anderen Seite zeichnet sich ihre Rhetorik durch eine bürgerliche Aura aus, die durch Werte wie den Respekt vor der EU, der Rechtsstaatlichkeit, der nationalen Sicherheit und den Rechten der Frauen unterstrichen wird. Diese Betonung von Gewöhnlichkeit und Bürgersinn verbirgt jedoch radikalere ideologische Aspekte der neuen Regierung unter Meloni. Es handelt sich um eine Strategie, die darauf abzielt, eine bürgerliche Fassade zu schaffen. Diese Strategie ist von radikalen populistischen Rechtsparteien in Europa als Versuch bekannt, Ideologie und Politik zu mäßigen und sich selbst in führende Machtpositionen zu bringen (Griffini, 2023).Deutlicher Rechtsruck?"Es hätte schlimmer kommen können" – so lautete nicht nur der Titel eines Beitrags im Deutschlandfunk Kultur über das erste Jahr von Giorgia Meloni als Regierungschefin in Italien. Dieser Tenor stand im Mittelpunkt vieler Analysen zu ihrem Jahrestag als Ministerpräsidentin. In zahlreichen Medien wurde bezeugt, dass sie sich in ihrem ersten Amtsjahr weitaus gemäßigter verhalten hat als erwartet. "Die gefährlichste Frau Europas" sei sie keinesfalls (Seisselberg & Kolar, 2023, zit. nach Galetti, 20230). Die Grundaussage war, dass die Faschisten nicht so besorgniserregend seien wie befürchtet. Es scheint, als hätte Giorgia Meloni den inneren Frieden in Italien bisher nicht gefährdet und als bleibe das Land eine "stabile" parlamentarische Demokratie mit intakten Institutionen. Insbesondere in grundlegenden Bereichen wie der Außenpolitik und der Wirtschaft wird betont, dass Melonis Regierung nicht als Bedrohung für die Europäische Union gesehen wird. Die bisherige Amtszeit Melonis wird als eher konventionelles Regieren bezeichnet (Reisin, 2023). Sie sei "gekommen, um zu bleiben" und innerhalb weniger Monate zu einer "festen Größe" geworden (ZEIT ONLINE, 2023).Andere Journalist:innen sind jedoch der Meinung, dass die Gefahr in den Details liege. Sie argumentieren, dass Meloni sehr geschickt agiere und es fraglich sei, ob sich ihre politische Haltung überhaupt geändert habe (Reisin, 2023). Seeßlen (2023) warnt davor, Italien als eine Demokratie mit einer rechten Regierung zu betrachten. Stattdessen beschreibt er das Land als einen Ort, an dem die Verbindung von neoliberaler Postdemokratie und funktionalem Postfaschismus exemplarisch erprobt werde. Die Gesamtheit dieser Transformation könnte übersehen werden, da es der Regierung unter Meloni noch gelingt, nicht alle Aspekte ihrer Machtübernahme deutlich erkennbar zu machen. Die Rhetorik von Populisten ist bekanntermaßen darauf ausgerichtet, extreme Positionen vor der allgemeinen Öffentlichkeit zu verbergen. Auch das kommunistische Online-Portal Contropiano (zit. nach Feldbauer, 2023, S. 81) hat vor der Gefahr gewarnt, Meloni zu unterschätzen, da sie ihr reaktionäres Weltbild mit rechtsextremen, nationalistischen, fremdenfeindlichen und homophoben Positionen gegenüber der EU mit der Inszenierung als vernünftige und verantwortungsbewusste Politikerin kaschiere. Die Frage nach einem möglichen Rechtsruck in Italien wird kontrovers diskutiert. Auf der einen Seite wird der Wahlsieg Melonis als Teil einer allgemeinen europäischen Tendenz hin zum rechten Spektrum gedeutet. Auf der anderen Seite wird betont, dass die Regierung unter Meloni eine gewisse Kontinuität mit den politischen Entwicklungen der letzten 30 Jahre in Italien aufweist und somit nicht als radikaler Neuanfang zu interpretieren ist. Melonis Erfolg wurde vor allem auch durch die Enttäuschung über etablierte politische Figuren begünstigt (Livi & Jansen, 2023).FazitAls Giorgia Meloni mit ihrer postfaschistischen Partei Fratelli d'Italia die Wahlen gewann, stellte sich in ganz Europa die Frage, wie mit ihr umgegangen werden sollte. Ob diese Frage nun vollständig geklärt ist, erscheint ungewiss. Für viele macht Meloni bisher jedoch einen relativ gemäßigten Eindruck. Die Zusammenarbeit mit der EU wirkt jedoch eher zweckorientiert als von tiefer Überzeugung getragen. Obwohl Meloni eine pro-europäische Haltung einnimmt, kann man sie nicht uneingeschränkt als überzeugte Verfechterin der EU bezeichnen. Während sie eine gemäßigte Außenpolitik verfolgt, engt sie im Inneren die Freiheit der Medien ein, limitiert die Rechte von Minderheiten und stellt die Elternschaft gleichgeschlechtlicher Eltern in Frage. Trotz der Befürchtungen über eine mögliche Radikalisierung der FdI deuten die gegenwärtigen Anhaltspunkte in eine andere Richtung. Angesichts dieser Erkenntnisse lässt sich ableiten, dass die FdI zweifellos als populistisch-radikale Rechtspartei agiert, die zur Mäßigung tendiert. Weite Teile zeigen die Kontinuität der Partei mit den Wahlaussagen von 2022, obwohl einige Schwankungen in Richtung Radikalisierung erkennbar sind. Es bleibt abzuwarten, ob sie diesen gemäßigten Ansatz in der Migrationsdebatte langfristig beibehalten wird, oder ob sie angesichts der steigenden Zahlen von Geflüchteten zu einer aggressiveren Rhetorik und Politik zurückkehrt. Obwohl eine Legislatur auf dem Papier fünf Jahre dauert, liegt die durchschnittliche Dauer italienischer Regierungen bei 18 Monaten (Siefert, 2023). Die Prognosen bezüglich Melonis politischer Zukunft sind vorsichtig optimistisch, wobei einige spekulieren, dass sie eine längere Amtszeit haben und sogar zur Galionsfigur der "neuen Rechten" in Europa werden könnte. Die Vergangenheit hat jedoch gezeigt, dass sich solche Vorhersagen als irreführend erweisen können (ZEIT ONLINE, 2023).Insgesamt scheint es, als fehle es in Italien an Diskursen und Ideen sowie Kraft für Widerstand. Die italienische Gesellschaft, die aus widersprüchlichen Lagern der Linken und der katholischen Gemeinschaft sowie aus den nördlichen, mittleren und südlichen Teilen besteht, ist zersplittert. Von der Opposition kommt wenig Kritik an der aktuellen Regierung und es scheint, als ob ihr die Herausforderungen, vor denen Italien steht, noch weniger zugetraut werden. Bei vielen sozialen Fortschritten der letzten Jahre, einschließlich der Errungenschaften im Kampf gegen die Mafia, der Bekämpfung von Steuerhinterziehung oder auch Maßnahmen gegen Verfall von Bildung und Infrastruktur deutet sich ein Rückschritt an. Der Weg in Richtung einer offenen und toleranten Gesellschaft wird unter Melonis Führung stark gehemmt. Mit der Postfaschistin an der Macht wird in Italien eine rückwärtsgerichtete Umkehr angestrebt, ganz im Sinne eines reaktionären Katholizismus.  Literatur Angeli, O. 2023: Giorgia Meloni und die Migrationsfrage. Rückblick auf ein Jahr Regierung, MIDEM-Policy Paper 2023-4, Dresden. Baker, K. & Palmieri, S. (2023). Können weibliche Politiker die gesellschaftlichen Normen der politischen Führung stören? Eine vorgeschlagene Typologie des normativen Wandels. International Political Science Review, 44(1), 122–136. https://doi.org/10.1177/01925121211048298 Brandl, L. & Ritter, A. (2022). Wenn Italien wackelt, schwankt die EU: Darum ist Giorgia Meloni die gefährlichste Frau Europas. https://www.stern.de/politik/ausland/wahlen-in-italien--ist-giorgia-meloni-die-gefaehrlichste-frau-europas--32742572.html De Giorgi, E., Cavalieri, A. & Feo, F. (2023). Vom Oppositionsführer zum Premierminister: Giorgia Meloni und Frauenfragen in der italienischen radikalen Rechten. Politik und Governance, 11(1). https://doi.org/10.17645/pag.v11i1.6042 Feo, F. & Lavizzari, A. (2021): Fallstudie Italien; in: Triumph der Frauen? Das weibliche Antlitz des Rechtspopulismus und -extremismus in ausgewählten Ländern, Heft 06, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung (FES) - Forum Politik und Gesellschaft, online unter: https://www.fes.de/themenportal-gender-jugend-senioren/ gender-matters/artikelseite/fallstudie-italien. Finchelstein, F. (2017). Populismus als Postfaschismus – Essay. BPB.de. https://www.bpb.de /shop/zeitschriften/apuz/257672/populismus-als-postfaschismus-essay/ Griffini, M. (2023). Auf dem Grat zwischen Mäßigung und Radikalisierung: Die ersten 100 Tage der Meloni-Regierung. Quaderni dell Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES. https://doi.org/10.36253/qoe-14413 Latza Nadeau, B. (2018): Femme Fascista: Wie Giorgia Meloni zum Star der extremen Rechten Italiens wurde, in: World Policy Journal, 35, 2, 2018. Livi, M. & Jansen, C. (2023). Giorgia Meloni und der Rechtsruck in Italien: Eine Analyse fünf Monate nach der Wahl. Leviathan, 51(2), 169–185. https://doi.org/10.5771 /0340-0425-2023-2-169 Lutz, Philip (2021): Neubewertung der Gap-Hypothese: Hartes Reden und schwaches Handeln in der Migrationspolitik? In: Party Politics, 27(1), S. 174–186. Verfügbar unter: https://doi. org/10.1177/1354068819840776Moroni, C. (2019): La politica si fa immagine: la narrazione visual del Leader politico, in: H-ermes. Zeitschrift für Kommunikation, 15. 2019.Oliviero, A. (2023). Giorgia Meloni und die Migrationsfrage. Rückblick auf ein Jahr Regierung (MIDEM-Policy Paper 2023-4). https://www.stiftung-mercator.de/content/uploads/2023/10 /TUD_MIDEM_PolicyPaper_2023-4_Giorgia-Meloni-und-Migrationsfrage.pdf (POP) Politisches Observatorium für Populismus. (2023). Brüder und Schwestern Italiens: Von den faschistischen Wurzeln zur Normalisierung – ein Doppelinterview. https://populismobserver.com/2023/07/11/brothers-and-sisters-of-italy-a-double-interview/ Reisin, A. (2023). Italien.Medien schreiben sich das erste Amtsjahr von Giorgia Meloni schön. https://uebermedien.de/89003/wie-sich-medien-das-erste-amtsjahr-von-giorgia-meloni-schoenschreiben/ Roio, C. (2020). Prefazione. La grande trasformazione dell'ultradestra, in: C. Mudde: Ultradestra. Rom: Luiss University Press. Schütz, D. (2022). Begriff "Postfaschismus". Italienischer Sonderweg. TAZ.de. https://taz.de/Begriff-Postfaschismus/!5880112/ Seeßlen, G. (2023, 17. August). Giorgia Melonis Kürzung der Sozialhilfe als faschistischer Krieg gegen die Armen Italiens. Gesellschaft als Beute Italien: Ein Lehrstück der Faschisierung in Europa. Jungle.World, Hintergrund (2023/33). Seisselberg, J. (2023). Ein Jahr Meloni in Italien – Neue Schale, rechter Kern (04.10.2023; NDR Info Hintergrund). https://www.ndr.de/nachrichten/info/epg/Ein-Jahr-Meloni-neue-Schale-rechter-Kern,sendung1384714.html Siefert, A. (2023). Italien. Meloni und ihre "Mutter aller Reformen". https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2023-11/italien-giorgia-meloni-verfassungsreform Tagesschau. (2022). Porträt. Giorgia Meloni. "Zuallererst Italienerin". Tagesschau.de https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/italien-meloni-107.html ZEIT ONLINE. (2023, 25. September). Gekommen um zu bleiben: Ein Jahr Giorgia Meloni. https://www.zeit.de/news/2023-09/25/gekommen-um-zu-bleiben-ein-jahr-giorgia-meloni

Ha transcurrido un poco más de un siglo desde que se realizó el esfuerzo más significativo en la recuperación de la memoria histórica y documental del Caribe colombiano, esa empresa se debió, en buena parte, a la iniciativa de Manuel Ezequiel Corrales y José P. Urueta, quienes iniciaron un proceso sistemático de organización de los documentos que existían sobre la Provincia de Cartagena y sobre su ciudad capital que hasta ese momento, y pese a su poco desarrollo económico, era la ciudad con mayor influencia política de la región. Si bien este proyecto se consolidó con el apoyo decidido de Rafael Núñez, primero como presidente del Estado Soberano de Bolívar y luego como mandatario de la República de Colombia, durante el periodo conocido como la Regeneración, lo cierto es que desde la primera mitad del siglo XIX se venían impulsando una serie de medidas para promover la reconstrucción de un relato histórico que permitiera el reconocimiento de los sucesos de la independencia de Cartagena como hechos fundacionales de la nación colombiana. Paralelamente, con este objetivo se impulsaba la reconstrucción simbólica de los héroes de la independencia de Cartagena como actores decisivos de la formación de la República y del Estado-nación. En efecto, en 1839, Juan José Nieto publicó la Geografía Estadística de la Provincia de Cartagena, que incluyó un análisis de la población a partir del censo de 1836, Administ p1-65 ener12.indd 9 18/01/11 20:41 Johannie James Cruz 10 Raúl Román Romero e hizo carrera como la narrativa más completa sobre la ciudad de Cartagena y su provincia. Esta obra ofrece una panorámica de la historia de la ciudad, inicia con su fundación, sigue con el periodo colonial, los sucesos de la independencia y termina con los años inmediatamente posteriores a la emancipación política y definitiva de España. En 1855 se desarrolló una nueva etapa de reelaboración del relato y de la memoria sobre la independencia con el objeto de reconocer como únicos héroes de la emancipación a un grupo de distinguidos miembros de la aristocracia criolla de la ciudad de Cartagena que, a finales del periodo colonial, habían jugado un papel central en la administración local. Para materializar esa iniciativa, el Concejo Municipal emitió el Acuerdo núm. 55 que en su artículo primero declara "digno de gratitud del pueblo de Cartagena y del glorioso título de fundadores de la independencia, a los esforzados varones que el 11 de noviembre de 1811 proclamaron solemnemente en esta ciudad la emancipación política de la monarquía española, erigiendo en Estado soberano, libre e independiente el territorio que en aquella época formaba la provincia de Cartagena". Con este acuerdo municipal se designaron como fundadores de la independencia de la ciudad a Manuel Rodríguez Torices, José María García de Toledo, Antonio José de Ayos, Miguel Díaz Granados, Manuel del Castillo Rada, Pantaleón Germán Ribón, Amador, Miguel Anguiano y José María Portocarrero.1 En 1872, la Asamblea Legislativa del Estado Soberano de Bolívar aunó esfuerzos en la misma dirección y creó una junta encargada de adquirir el acta original de la independencia de 1812 del Estado de Cartagena con las firmas autografiadas de los patriotas que las suscribieron.2 Dos años después, el director de Instrucción Pública del Estado, Mauricio Verbel, impuso a todos los directores de las escuelas públicas la participación en la elaboración de la historia especial del Estado de Bolívar con pena de multa para quien no cumpliera.3 Manuel Ezequiel Corrales jugó un papel fundamental en todo este proceso, sin duda fue uno de los intelectuales de la ciudad que mostró mayor interés por escribir la historia oficial del Estado Soberano de Bolívar y por recuperar la documentación que permitiera su elaboración. Desde la ciudad de Bogotá, como Senador Plenipotenciario en representación del Estado Soberano de Bolívar, envió una carta al secretario del Estado solicitando el permiso del presidente del Estado Soberano para publicar varios documentos referentes al proceso de independencia, que sólo se encontraban en la biblioteca del Gobierno.4 1 Biblioteca Bartolomé Calvo, en adelante (BBC), «Un decreto Incumplido». El Porvenir, Cartagena, 2 de marzo de 1979. 2 (BBC). Gaceta de Bolívar, Cartagena, 6 de diciembre de 1872. 3 (BBC) Diario de Bolívar, Cartagena, 7 de julio de 1875. 4 (BBC) Gaceta de Bolívar, Cartagena, 10 de octubre de 1874. Carta con la cual se remitieron al Gobierno varios documentos importantes. Administ p1-65 ener12.indd 10 18/01/11 20:41 A d m i n i s t r a c i ó n p ú b l c a , d e s a r r o l lo e c o n ó m i c o y c o r r u p c i ó n e n e l a r c h i p i é l ag o 11 Años más tarde Corrales logró recopilar una importante colección de documentos históricos sobre la ciudad de Cartagena, el primero de ellos salió a la luz en 1877 con el título Documentos para la historia de la Provincia de Cartagena de Indias y fue publicado nuevamente cinco años más tarde en la ciudad de Bogotá. Otra publicación de significativa importancia en el proceso de recuperación de la memoria histórica de la ciudad y del entonces Estado Soberano de Bolívar es Efemérides y anales del Estado Soberano de Bolívar, esta obra fue difundida inicialmente por medio de una serie de artículos en la prensa oficial y fue publicada como obra completa en 1889. Corrales, mientras escribía sus efemérides, aprovechó la prensa oficial para hacer una "excitación patriótica" al pueblo cartagenero y "publicar una lista lo más completa posible de todas las personas que contribuyeron a la defensa de Cartagena en el memorable sitio de 1815, y otra lista de las que, corriendo los mayores peligros, emigraron con sus familias el día en que la plaza no tuvo medios para seguir resistiendo. Suplicamos que se nos comuniquen los nombres de estas personas, para librarlos del olvido y apuntarlos para que la historia los inscriba en el escalafón de los inmortales".5 Manuel Ezequiel Corrales no estuvo solo en esa ardua tarea, a su lado estuvo otro distinguido abogado de la ciudad, José P. Urueta, quien sería nombrado en la década de los ochenta como historiógrafo del departamento de Bolívar. Urueta contribuyó también a la recuperación de la memoria histórica de la ciudad de Cartagena, en especial con su publicación de 1886, que llevó por título Cartagena y sus cercanías, guía descriptiva de la capital del Estado Soberano de Bolívar, en los Estados Unidos de Colombia. Esta publicación fue comentada por Corrales ese mismo año y sus notas y correcciones aparecieron en la segunda edición de esta obra que se realizó un año después. Con la misma tendencia de Corrales, José P. Urueta destacó las actuaciones de los patricios de la ciudad en el proceso de emancipación de España y en el sitio de 1815, con la circulación de su libro Los Mártires publicado también en 1886, y donde compilaba todas las biografías y documentos referentes a las acciones de este grupo de criollos aristócratas en el proceso de la independencia. Unos años más tarde se editó otra obra en esta dirección, realizada en honor al almirante José Prudencio Padilla, en ella se compilaron una serie de biografías en las que se destacó el papel de este militar en la independencia definitiva de la ciudad de Cartagena y la región Caribe. Buena parte de lo que se conoce sobre Cartagena, su provincia y el posterior departamento de Bolívar, se debe a la magistral labor de estos dos intelectuales cartageneros, quienes lograron compilar y asegurar una documentación tan valiosa que hoy se mantiene como fuente imprescindible en el proceso de construcción de la historia de la ciudad y de la región. Sin duda, estas compilaciones documentales tienen un valor inconmensurable para efectos de la preservación de la memoria 5 (BBC) El Porvenir, Cartagena. 20 de julio de 1879. Rollo núm. 3525. Administ p1-65 ener12.indd 11 18/01/11 20:41 Johannie James Cruz 12 Raúl Román Romero histórica de la región; sin embargo, esta abrumadora empresa quizá se concentró casi de manera exclusiva en la ciudad de Cartagena y su antigua provincia debido a la limitación de recursos, de tiempo o por el poco entusiasmo para realizar esfuerzos similares en otras localidades de la costa Caribe. Lo que dejó por fuera de este esfuerzo a otras municipalidades de importancia regional. Si bien a finales del siglo XIX José P. Urueta libró contra los intereses norteamericanos una de las primeras defensas de los cayos de Roncador y Quitasueño como integrantes de la República de Colombia, son muy pocas las referencias que aparecen en sus compilaciones documentales sobre el archipiélago de San Andrés y Providencia. Como consecuencia, este territorio, que estuvo ligado político- administrativamente a Cartagena durante buena parte del periodo republicano, quedó prácticamente al margen de esta recopilación sobre la memoria documental del Caribe colombiano y, por supuesto, quedó ausente de los referentes del pasado común que se estaban elaborando de esta región como parte de la nación colombiana.6 No obstante los esfuerzos de muchos intelectuales cartageneros por demostrar la centralidad de Cartagena y el papel de sus habitantes en la formación de la nación colombiana, la frágil historia compartida entre la costa Caribe y el centro de Colombia mantiene hoy su vigencia. En razón a lo anterior, es apenas lógico que en el archipiélago, cuyo pasado no fue incluido ni como referente de la costa Caribe colombiana ni en la representación del pasado que se hace del país, sus habitantes enfrenten el dilema de reconocer una memoria histórica que, siendo ajena, se ha impuesto como propia. Sin embargo, esta compleja identidad con la nacionalidad colombiana, notoria en los habitantes ancestrales de las islas, no sólo se debe a la ausencia de un pasado compartido, sino también al proceso mismo de construcción e imposición de una memoria histórica del país que seleccionó de manera conveniente los hechos del interior andino, por ejemplo, los ocurridos el 20 de julio y el 7 de agosto, como acontecimientos exclusivos en la construcción de la nación y la República de Colombia, dejando por fuera los hechos y los esfuerzos que en favor de la independencia sucedieron en otras regiones. Pese a todos los preparativos y conmemoraciones que han tenido lugar en la actualidad colombiana para hacer posible una celebración del bicentenario de la Independencia desde una óptica plural, la tradición excluyente que se instauró para la celebración de los primeros cien años de la emancipación, mantiene su peso fundacional en esta fase bicentenaria. 6 A finales de la década de los noventa del siglo XX tuvo lugar un emprendimiento de recuperación de la memoria documental de Cartagena por parte del Instituto Internacional de Estudios del Caribe y la Gobernación de Bolívar. Algunas de las obras recuperadas fueron Diccionario histórico-geográfico de Bolívar, de Dimas Badel; una selección de documentos de Efemérides y Anales del Estado Soberano de Bolívar, de Manuel Ezequiel Corrales; Notas de la expedición Fidalgo (1790-1805); El General Burgos, de Remberto Burgos Puche y El río Cesar de Luis Estrriffler. Pero éste aún fue un intento de recuperación del Bolívar grande que excluyó al archipiélago del corpus documental. Administ p1-65 ener12.indd 12 18/01/11 20:41 A d m i n i s t r a c i ó n p ú b l c a , d e s a r r o l lo e c o n ó m i c o y c o r r u p c i ó n e n e l a r c h i p i é l ag o 13 A dos años de cumplirse el primer centenario de la creación de la Intendencia Nacional de San Andrés y Providencia, este libro tiene un doble propósito; el primero es continuar con un proceso de reconstrucción de la historia del archipiélago de San Andrés que, en muchos de sus aspectos, aún sigue inacabada; y el segundo es contribuir con los esfuerzos de preservación documental de las islas que han realizado otros autores como Juan Carlos Eastman, quien reconstruye el proceso de colombianización basando su análisis principalmente en informes de funcionarios públicos. Entre sus obras se destacan, Las amenazas a la Arcadia feliz y deseada: El Archipiélago de San Andrés y Providencia en 1927. Visiones desde las Islas y Memoria de un visitante: aproximación al Archipiélago de San Andrés y Providencia a fines de 1913.7 Martha Cecilia Cortés (1988), quien a través del informe de don Santiago Guerrero, delegado del Ministerio de Gobierno para visitar las islas de San Andrés y Providencia, narra la situación del archipiélago antes de su designación como intendencia en 1912. Martín Eduardo Vargas (1988) describe al archipiélago entre 1921 y 1922, a través del informe enviado por el intendente Manuel M. Leal al ministro de Gobierno en 1922. Por su parte, Carlos Andrés Charry (2002), en su estudio titulado En el trasfondo de la colombianización: el archipiélago de San Andrés visto por funcionarios del Estado colombiano (1888-1924) analiza varios informes que lo llevan a formular conjeturas respecto al verdadero interés del Estado en el proceso de colombianización. Por tanto, esta publicación no sólo retoma los esfuerzos de preservación del patrimonio documental de las islas, sino que pretende constituirse en un documento de consulta pública, sin la amenaza de que el deterioro al que se exponen los documentos en el Caribe, por las condiciones climáticas, el efecto destructor de repentinos incendios y la capacidad devoradora del comején y los roedores, aniquilen por siempre la memoria documental de las islas y de paso la posibilidad de construir su propia historia. Es preciso recordar en este punto que en el mes de mayo de 1964 un inexplicable y voraz incendio destruyó el Palacio Intendencial, y con él una buena cantidad de los documentos históricos que hubieran podido ayudar a reconstruir la historia del archipiélago. Este hecho ha resultado ser un obstáculo para la elaboración de la historia de las islas, en especial de la época de la intendencia. Félix Díaz Granados, en su libro Monografía del Archipiélago de San Andrés8 (1978) explica el caos que se vivió en la isla luego de este suceso, y enfatiza en la importancia de empezar a escribir la historia de las islas por el temor de que un hecho de esta 7 Eastman, J. (1987). Ponencia: "Sobre historia y el archipiélago de San Andrés y Providencia". En IV Congreso de Antropología. Popayán, octubre 8 al 12 de 1987. (1988). "Memoria de un visitante aproximación al Archipiélago de San Andrés y Providencia a fines de 1913." En Boletín Historia Bogotá- v. 5 N° 9-10 Enero-Diciembre. (1990). El Archipiélago de San Andrés y providencia, 1886-1930: Sociedad, integración y conflicto en el proceso de la "Colombianización". VII Congreso de Historia de Colombia. Universidad del Cauca, Popayán, noviembre 19 a 23 de 1990. (1992). "Creación de la Intendencia de San Andrés y Providencia. La cuestión nacional en sus primeros años." En Credencial Historia. San Andrés y Providencia. Edición núm. 36. Diciembre. 8 Díaz Granados, Félix. Monografía del archipiélago de San Andrés. Bogotá: Ediciones Medio Pliego, 1978. Administ p1-65 ener12.indd 13 18/01/11 20:41 Johannie James Cruz 14 Raúl Román Romero magnitud volviera a suceder y que con él, se lleve todos los antecedentes de una historia sin contar: Por tal vez cien años se fueron acumulando en los cuarenta locales de esa casa [el Palacio Intendencial] los archivos correspondientes a la intendencia, la secretaría de gobierno, la de Hacienda, la de educación, la aduana, el tráfico, la policía, juzgados, notaría y oficina de registro, a pesar de haber determinación precisa para que estas dos oficinas nunca funcionen en la misma casa; el catastro, pagaduría y otras tantas dependencias, cada una con toneladas de papeles que iban amontonando en legajos amarrados con cuerdas en cada uno de los cuatro rincones de la oficina y en estantes desvencijados que no resistían ni un telegrama más. Allí estaba la historia del Archipiélago desde Jesucristo hasta nuestros días. Después del incendio no quedó nadie casado porque habían desaparecido los comprobantes respectivos, nadie era propietario de su casa o lote porque las escrituras habían volado en cenizas por los tejados, nadie era ciudadano porque los kardex de identificación desaparecieron en llamas, hubo que desocupar las cárceles por falta de denuncio o pruebas; los carros quedaron sin propietarios por falta de documentos. Deudores y acreedores quedaron en blanco por desaparición de comprobantes. El registro civil no tenía ni un solo registrado. Quedó el Archipiélago como el día anterior al de la creación y en estado de inventar todo, inclusive a los ciudadanos, conseguirles padres e hijos, y todo el ambiente daba la sensación de un limbo en el que deambulaban seres anónimos. (Díaz Granados, pp. 83-84). Por lo anterior, reiteramos que esta publicación cumple un doble objetivo, el de aportar nuevas luces sobre algunos hechos acontecidos en las islas y el de preservar documentos valiosos para seguir interpretando ese pasado del que poco conocemos. Esta edición está compuesta por dos partes, una integrada por dos capítulos y la segunda por una compilación de documentos de 1926 y 1927. En el primer capítulo se analizan las conflictivas relaciones entre los funcionarios enviados por el Gobierno central desde la región andina y los habitantes de las islas por el manejo de los asuntos públicos, y en el segundo se analizan las condiciones económicas del archipiélago y su desarrollo en el marco de la administración intendencial en 1927, así mismo se evalúan las principales implicaciones de la aplicación de la Ley 52 de 1912, conocida como Ley Orgánica de la Intendencia. A estos dos capítulos se anexan dos informes del intendente Jorge Tadeo Lozano en 1927 y los anexos concernientes a estos informes. También incluimos correspondencia, informes y documentos referidos a un escándalo por el desfalco que se hizo a la administración de hacienda de la intendencia. Estos documentos ofrecen una gran información para entender el pasado de las islas, las dificultades en los procesos administrativos, las relaciones entre el centro del país y los habitantes del archipiélago y al mismo tiempo los planes para el progreso y desarrollo de esta zona del país.

LINZER HESSEN Linzer Hessen ( - ) Einband ( - ) Impressum ( - ) [Abb.]:Kaiser Franz Josef I. ( - ) [Abb.]: Kaiser und König Karl I. ( - ) Titelseite ([1]) Impressum ([2]) [Begleitworte]: ([3]) [Begleitworte]: ([4]) [Begleitworte]: ([5]) Vorwort des Verfassers ([6]) [Gedicht]: ([7]) [Abb.]:Ernst Ludwig Großherzog von Hessen und bei Rhein ([8]) Aus der Geschichte der Hesseninfanterie vor dem Weltkrieg (9) Der Bestallungsbrief (9) [Abb.]: Kaiser Karl VI. (10) [Abb.]: Eugenio von Savoyen (11) Organisation, Besoldung, Fahnen. Höhere Führung und innere Ordnung (12) Pflichten und Strafen (12) [Abb.]: Österreichische Infanterie zur Zeit der Regimentsgründung 1733 (13) Kulturhistorisches um 1733 (14) Musterliste aus dem Jahre 1754 (15) [Abb.]: Offiziere und Grenadier um die Mitte des 18. Jahrhunderts (15) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Schlacht bei Kolin (2)Die Schlacht bei Kolin. Sturmangriff des Regiments Salm (16) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Leopold Graf Daun in der Schlacht bei Hofkirch (17) [Abb.]: Die Schlacht bei Landshut (18) [2 Abb.]: (1)Belagerung von Glatz (2)Gefecht bei Freyberg (19) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschall Gideon Freiherr von Laudon nimmt die Übergabe Belgrads entgegen (2)Die Schlacht bei Belgrad (20) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Nikolaus Fürst zu Salm-Salm ( - ) Erste Inhaber des Regimentes (21) [4 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschalleutnant Franz Graf Ferraris (1770 - 1775) (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Josef Freiherr von Tillier (1775 - 1788) (3)Feldzeugmeister Wilhelm Baron Kiebeck (1788 - 1811) (4)Kardinal Erzherzog Rudolf von Österreich (1811 - 1831) (21) [3 Abb.]: (1)Feldzeugmeister Franz Richter von Binnenthal (1832 - 1840) (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Johann Hrabovsky von Hrabova (1840 - 1848) (3)Feldmarschalleutnant Ludwig Freiherr von Wolgemuth (1849 - 1851) (22) Todesmutige Vierzehner an der bayrisch-salzburgischen Grenze 1805 (23) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ludwig III., Großherzog von Hessen und bei Rhein (1851 - 1877) (2)Ludwig IV., Großherzog von Hessen und bei Rhein (1877 - 1892) (23) Kämpfe auf heimatlichem Boden (25) [Abb.]: Das Gefecht bei Ebelsberg (25) Napoleon geschlagen (26) [Abb.]: Generalissimus Erzherzog Carl in der Schlacht bei Aspern (27) [Abb.]: Klebek-Infanterie im Sturm auf Aspern (28) Das Regiment der Befreiungskriege 1813 - 1815 (28) [Abb.]: Einzug der Verbündeten in Paris (31) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Carl Fürst Schwarzenberg meldet den verbündeten Monarchen - Kaiser Franz I. von Österreich, Zar Alexander I. von Rußland und König Friedrich Wilhelm III. von Preußen - den Sieg bei Leipzig ( - ) [Abb.]: Feldzeugmeister Franz Richter von Binnenthal mit seinem Stabe (35) [2 Abb.]: (1)Fahnenweihe beim k. k. Linien-Infanterieregiment Nr. 14 im Jahre 1841 am Linzer Hauptplatz (2)Major Johann Wanivenhaus Edler von Spangfeld (1805 - 1841) (Grenadier, Leutnant, Oberleutnant und Hauptmann im Regiment) (36) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Josef Graf Radetzky (37) [Abb.]: Leutnant Moritz Crammer erhielt 1848 die Goldene Tapferkeitsmedaille (38) Aus dem "Reiße-Büchl" meines Großvaters (38) [2 Abb.]: (1)Infanterist unter Feldmarschall Radetzky (2)General und Grenadier in der napoleonischen Zeit (39) [Abb.]: Hesseninfanterie im Sturme auf Ponte vecchio di Magenta ( - ) Rangliste der Offiziere 1859: (41) Magenta. Ponte-vecchio achtmal gestürmt (42) [Abb.]: Hessen im Kampf mit französischer Garde in der Schlacht bei Solferino (43) [Abb.]: Feldmarschalleutnant Ludwig Ritter von Benedek bei Solferino (45) [Abb.]: Oberleutnant Ludwig Pauli rettete in der Schlacht bei Magenta im Handgeemenge die Fahne des 1. Baons (46) [Abb.]: Heldentod des Obersten Ferdinand Mumb von Mühlheim bei Solferino (47) Solferino - Översee - Veile (48) [Abb.]: Feldmarschalleutnant Ludwig Freiherr von Gablenz begrüßt die Schwarzgelbe Brigade - I. R. 14 und I. R. 27 - bei Oeversee ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessen, die ersten in Veile (2)Hessengedenktafel in Böhmisch-Leipa (49) Königgrätz (50) [2 Abb.]: (1)Offiziers- und Mannschaftsgruppe 1866 (2)Gefreiter Johann Jax, nachmaliger Fabrikbesitzer, lebt 93jährig in Linz (50) [Abb.]: Bischof Franz Josef Rudigier weiht 1882 die Fahne des IV. Hessenbataillons im Linzer Dome ( - ) Lorbeeren im Süden (51) [Abb.]: Erzherzog Albrecht nach dem Siege bei Custozza (51) [Abb.]: Offiziers- und Mannschaftsgruppe vor dem Ausmarsch auf den italienischen Kriegsschauplatz im Jahre 1866 (53) Die Hessen in der Krivoschije 1882 (54) [Abb.]: Die Borche di Cattaro mit der Lovcengruppe (54) [Abb.]: Der Hessenobelisk am Friedhof von Cattaro (55) [3 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Karl Watzek † Mitkämpfer von 1866 und 1882 (2)Leutnant i. d. Res. Max Ritter v. Ulrich (1882) (3)Leutnant i. d. Res. Heinrich Taschauer Mitkämpfer von 1882 (56) [3 Abb.]: (1)Innsbruck (2)Innsbruck: Offiziers- und Mannschaftsgruppe der 8. Feldkompagnie (Sitzend: Feldwebel Anton Steinkellner, Oberleutnant Karl Zeller, Hauptmann Cölestin Kahler, Leutnant Viktor Grundner, Reserveunteroffizier Josef Stöhringer) (3)1901: Fünzigjähriges Hessen-Inhaberjubiläum in Bozen (57) [3 Abb.]: (1)Bregenz (2)Bodensee-Reunion in Bregenz 1907 General der Kavallerie Erzherzog Eugen beim Empfang der bayerischen und württembergischen Offiziere (3)S. M. Kaiser Franz Josef besichtigt das Regiment nach einer Manöverübung in Kärnten (58) [3 Abb.]: (1)1908: Empfang des Linzer Hausregiments am Franz-Josef-Platz (2)Offiziers- und Mannschaftsgruppe der 8. Feldkompagnie (Mitte: Leutnant Hermann Seif, Leutnant i. d. Res. Wilhelm Eppinger) (3)Linz 1911: Das Offizierskorps des Regimentes (Sitzend: Hauptmann Freiherr v. Saar, Hauptmann Freiherr v. Mayer, Hauptmann Walter, Hauptmann Heissig, Major v. Rizetti, Major Pöschmann, Major Lewandowski, Oberleutnant Michl, kaiserlich japanischer Major Hildekadzu Kashi, Oberst Edler v. Hinke, Oberstleutnant Rabatsch, Major Benesch, Major Markovic, königlich rumänischer Oberleutnant Parajanu, Major Vitzthum, Major Tenner, Stabsarzt Dr. Hubka, Hauptmann Malina) (59) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberst v. Hinke mit Offizieren in der Manöverstation Mayerhofen Zillertal (2)Regimentstambour Josef Bilek (1914 - 1918) (60) [4 Abb.]: (1)1911: Sand bei Bruneck (2)Die 8. Feldkompagnie nach Überquerung des Schwarzensteingletschers (3)Das Regiment bei Landro am Marsche nach Cortina d'Ampezzo (4)Plätzwiese mit Monte Cristallo (61) Oberste und Kommandanten des Regimentes: (62) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Ferdinand Mumb v. Mühlheim (2)Oberst Adolf Schütte Freiherr v. Waxensberg (62) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Hugo Ritter Taulow v. Rosenthal (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Ludwig Edler v. Cornaro (3)Generalmajor Gustav Scharinger Ritter v. Olósy (4)Oberst Oskar Negrelli Ritter v. Moldelbe (63) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Siegmund Klug Edler v. Klugenwald (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Wilhelm Lahousen Edler v. Vivremont (3)Oberst Heinrich Polaczek (4)Oberst Johann Linhart (64) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Alfred Edler von Hinke (2)Generalmajor Friedrich Edler von Löw (3)Oberst Artur von Pöschmann (ad interim) (4)Oberst Thomas Benesch (65) [Abb.]: Oberst Richard von Vittorelli (66) [Widmung]: (66) Kämpfe und regimentsgeschichtliche Ereignisse (1739 - 1882) (67) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberstleutnant Ing. Karl Heppner (ad interim) (2)Oberst August von Ontl (67) [Abb.]: General-Feldzeugmeister Christian Reichsritter von Vogelsang, kommandierender General in den Niederlanden, Gouverneur von Luxemburg (68) [Abb.]: Feldmarschalleutnant Alexander, Prinz von Hessen und bei Rhein, erwarb 1859 als Divisionär bei Solferino das Ritterkreuz des Militär-Maria-Thersia-Ordens (69) Theresien-Ordensritter vor dem Weltkriege (70) [Abb.]: Feldmarschalleutnant Maximilian Prinz zu Salm-Salm, als Major 1757 erster Ritter des Militär-Maria-Theresien-Ordens im Regiment (70) [Abb.]: Generalmajor Adam Freiherr Krammer von Obereck, als Oberst 1757 zweiter Ritter des Militär-Maria-Theresien-Ordens im Regimente (71) [Tabelle]: Verzeichnis der dem Regimente vor dem Weltkriege verliehenen Tapferkeistmedaillen (71) Die Garnisonen der Vierzehner (72 - 73) [2 Abb.]: (1)Garnisonsstadt Linz im Hintergrund die Alpenkette (2)Eidesleistung der Rekruten in der Schloßkaserne zu Linz 1902 (72 - 73) Hochgestellte Persönlichkeiten die im Regimente in Diesntleistung standen (74) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschall Joseph Fürst Lobkowitz (2)Feldzeugmeister Maximilian Graf Baillet de Latour, Hofkriegsratspräsident (74) [3 Abb.]: (1)Karl, regierender Fürst zu Ysenburg (2)Feldzeugmeister Franz Marquis Lusignan (3)Feldzeugmeister Franz Flliot de Crenneville, Oberstkämmerer Sr. Majestät des Kaisers Franz Josef (75) [4 Abb.]: (1)Oberst Erzherzog Ernst (2)General der Infanterie Franz Schaedler, Armeeinspektor, Inhaber des I.-R. 30 (3)Generaloberst Adolf Freiherr von Rhemen zu Bärenfeld, Generalgouverneur von Serbien (4)General der Infanterie Ludwig von Fabini (76) [2 Abb.]: Ferdinand I., Zar von Bulgarien, k. u. k. Feldmarschall (77) Das Hessen-Regiment Nr. 14 im Weltkrieg (78) Mobilisierung (78) [Abb.]: Titelbild der Kaiser-Manifeste (79) Manifest Kaiser Franz Josefs vom 28. Juli 1914. An meine Völker! (79) Armee- und Flottenbefehl Kaiser Franz Josefs. Kaiser Wilhelm. An das deutsche Heer und die deutsche Marine. (80) Die Kommandobesetzung zeigt folgendes Bild: (81) [Abb.]: Die Hessenfahne am Ausmarschtage des Regimentes (Fahnenträger Kadett i. d. R. Leidinger, rechts Oblt. v. Pospischil) (81) Heerführer und höhere Kommandanten im Weltkriege (82) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschall Erzherzog Eugen, Kommandant der Südwestfront (2)Feldmarschall Franz Graf Conrad von Hötzendorf, Chef des Generalstabes bis Februar 1917, sodann Kommandant der "Heeresgruppe Conrad" (82) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschall Erzherzog Friedrich, Armeeoberkommandant bis Februar 1917 (2)Feldmarschall Svetozar Boroevic von Bojna, Kommandant der Isonzoarmee, 1918 Kommandant der "Heeresgruppe Boroevic" (83) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generaloberst Erzherzog Josef Ferdinand Kommandant der IV. Armee (2)Generaloberst Alois Fürst Schönburg-Hartenstein, Kommandant des Edelweißkorps, 1918 Kommandant der VI. Armee (84) [2 Abb.]: (1)Generaloberst Viktor Graf Dankl, Landesverteidigungskommandant von Tirol, 1916 Kommandant der XI. Armee (2)Generaloberst Josef Freiherr Roth von Limanowa-Lapanów, Kommandant des XIV. Armeekorps, 1916 Landesverteidigungskommandant von Tirol (85) [2 Abb.]: (1)General der Infanterie Horsetzky Ernst Edler v. Hornthal Kommandant der 3. Infanteriedivision, 1918 Kommandant des XXVI. Armeekorps (2)Feldmarschalleutnant Heinrich Wieden von Alpenbach, Kommandant der Edelweißdivision (86) Der Feldzug gegen Rußland 1914 - 1915 (87) Ausmarsch und Aufmarsch (87) [Abb.]: Ausmarsch der Maschinengewehrabteilung II/14 (Hauptmann Agathon Kotschy) (88) Rangliste der Offiziere und der Offiziersaspiranten im Februar 1914 (88) [2 Abb.]: (1)Budapest: Oberleutnant Richard Tenner mit Offizieren des II. Feldbataillons (2)Menageverteilung am Bahnhof in Budapest (89) Die Feuertauf (91) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rudki bei Sambor (2)Kaiserfeier des 2. Feldbaons in Rudki östlich Sambor (91) [Karte]: 28. August 1914. (92) [Abb.]: Mittagsrast bei Oserdów (92) [Abb.]: Gefechtsentwicklung des Regimentes zur Weltkriegsfeuertaufe im Gefechte bei Oserdów-Przewadów (93) Lehrgeld im Bewegungskrieg (93) [Abb.]: Gefechtsstandpunkt des 3. Infanterie-Divisionskommandos (Feldmarschalleutnant Roth) bei Oserdów (93) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erste Feuerstellung des Feldkanonenregiments Steyr Nr. 14 bei Oserdów (2)Die ersten Kriegsgefangenen in Oserdów (94) [3 Abb.]: (1)Das russische Grenzwachhaus nördlich Liski (2)Die erste feldmäßigen Deckungen (Schützenlöcher) des Regimentes nach dem Gefecht bei Liski (3)Die ersten Schützengräben des Regimentes nach dem Gefecht bei Liski (95) [2 Karten]: (1)31. August 4 h früh (2)30. August 2 h 30 min - 31. August 3 h 30 min früh (96) Grauenvolles Erwachen (96) [Abb.]: Die Weltkriegs-Feuertaufe der Hessen bei Oserdów ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Regiment lagert nach dem Gefecht bei Liski (2)Regimentstrain bei Liski (97) Strapazenreicher Rückzug (98) Der Überfall bei Michalówka (98) Das erste Marschbaon (99) [Karte]: Wegskizze nördlich von Lemberg (99) Der vereitelte Finkenfang (100) [Abb.]: Sanitätspatrouille des 2. Feldbaons bei Lemberg (100) Heiße Kämpfe am San (101) Der rollende Rubel (102) [Abb.]: Ruthenische Bauern bringen Schlachtvieh (103) Der Vorstoß nördlich Krakau (103) [Abb.]: Krakau (104) Die Fahne in Gefahr (104) [Abb.]: Kloster Lezajsk am San (105) Aus Gefechtsberichten (105) Die Schlacht von Limanowa - Lapanów (107) [3 Abb.]: (1)Blick von Limanowa nach Norden (2)Umgebung von Limanowa (3)Höhen nordwestlich von Limanowa (107) [Abb.]: Esrtürmung eines russischen Schützengrabens bei Limanowa (108) Kriegsgeschichte im Telegrammstil (108) [3 Abb.]: (1)Westlich von Limanówa (2)Gelände um Lapanów (3)Sicht von der Stradomkahöhe gegen Südwest (109) Die Stradomka-Brücke (110) [Karte]: Buczyna (8. XII. 1914) und Grabina (9. XII. 1914) (111) [Abb.]: Die Gegend um Sobolów (112) Hessen-Weihnacht (112) Im Sicherungsdienst am Dunajec (113) [2 Karten]: (1)Radlów - Niwka 19. - 27. XII. 1914 (2)Wielka - Wies, Dunajec - Sicherung 1./I. - 18./I. 1915 (114) [Abb.]: Höhe 419 (115) [3 Abb.]: (1)Feldmarschalleutnant von Korsetzky im Schützengraben bei Janowice links Oberstleutnant Ontl (2)Maschinengewehrstand nördlich Janowice (3)Stellung der 16. Feldkompagnie bei Janowice (116) Der Durchbruch bei Tarnów (116) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bei Janowice. Sicht vom Maschinengewehrstützpunkt III/14 (2)Stellung mit Unterstand bei Janowice (117) [4 Abb.]: (1)Deckung des Regimentskommandos bei Janowice (2)Maschinengewehrstützpunkt III/14 bei Janowice (3)Baum-Beobachtungsstand in der Stellung bei Janowice (4)Stellung der 10. Feldkomapagnie bei Janowice (118) Der Sturm bricht los (119) [4 Abb.]: (1)Russischer Schützengraben (2)Stellungen am Lubinkabach (3)Schützengraben bei Lubinka (4)Eigene Stellung bei Lubinka (119) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Waldstellung bei Lubinka (2)Feindliche Stellung bei Lubinka (120) Hinter den Russen her (121) [3 Abb.]: (1)42-cm-Mörser vor Tarnów (2)Der Mörser feuerbereit (3)Laderaum des Mörsers (121) [3 Abb.]: (1)Trichter nach dem Einschlag eines 30.5-cm-Mörsergeschosses (2)Erbeutetes russisches Maschinengewehr (3)Heldengräber bei Tarnów (122) [2 Karten]: (1)Bildbaumhöhe- 456 (2)M. H. Woźniczna, Kłokowa (123) [2 Karten]: (1)Zdol 306 (2)Zawada (124) Der russische Zusammenbruch (124) Atempause am San (124) [2 Abb.]: (1)Russische Gefangenenkolonne nach dem Durchbruch bei Gorlice - Tarnów (2)Russische Schützengräben am San (125) [2 Abb.]: (1)Nachrichtenpatrouille am San (2)Mannschaftsgruppe in einem Gefechtsunterstand am San (links: Zugsführer Johann Reischl, rechts: Feldwebel Franz Weixelbaumer) (126) [2 Abb.]: (1)Gefechtsunterstände am San (2)Russische Gefangene werden beim Divisionskommando verhört (127) Zum zweitenmal über die Grenze (128) [Abb.]: Das Regiment überschreitet die russische Grenze - Vorbeimarsch an Obst v. Vittorelli (128) [Abb.]: Oberst v. Vittorello besichtigt die Gefechtsstellungen bei Letownia (129) Die Julikämpfe an der Bystrzyca (130) [Karte]: (130) [2 Karten]: (131) Kosaken attackieren (131) Letzte Reserve (132) [Abb.]: Abwehr der Kosakenattacke an der Bystrzyca (2. Schlacht bei Krasnik - Lublin). - Bildmitte: Hauptmann Ernst Eisner, rechts: Oberleutnant Walter Vogt ( - ) [Abb.]: Zuckerfabrik Zakrzówek (133) [Abb.]: Lublin (134) Direktion Lublin (134) Allein voraus (135) [Abb.]: Oberleutnant Burian überschreitet mit einem Nachrichtendetachement die Reste einer Brücke bei Turka (136) Marsch durch die russische Unendlichkeit (137) [2 Abb.]: (1)Im "Fuchsloch" (2)Eingang zum "Fuchsloch" (137) [2 Abb.]: (1)Infanteriebeobachtungsstand im Schützengraben (2)Wellblechunterschlupf (138) Fall der Festung Luck (139) [Abb.]: Luck (139) [2 Abb.]: (Eigener Fesselballon bei Luck (2)Verankerter Fesselballon bei Luck (140) Vor dem russischen Haustor (140) [Abb.]: Kompagnieküche bei Luck (140) [2 Abb.]: (1)Reservestellung vor Olyka (2)Stellung vor Olyka (141) [Abb.]: Postenunterstände bei Olyka (142) Halten bis zum letzten Mann (142) Schwankendes Kriegsglück (142) [3 Abb.]: (1)Stellung bei Krupy (2)Straßensperre vor Krupy (3)Hundegespann (143) [Abb.]: Von den Russen gesprengte Eisenbahnbrücke über den Styr, rechts eigen Kriegsbrücke (144) Winter im fernen Osten (144) Das Leben im Schützengraben. Hessenrobinsonade (145) [Abb.]: Kriegsbrücke über den Styr (145) [2 Abb.]: (1)Unterstand in der Reservestellung bei Pokalzczewo (2)Feldmesse im "Hessenwäldchen" bei Pokalzczewo (146) Post im Niemandsland (146) [Abb.]: Unterstand des Regimentskommandos in der Stellung bei Pokalzczewo (im Vordergrund Oberstleutnant v. Ontl und Hauptmann Eisner) (147) Das Abschiedsgefecht (147) [Abb.]: Kompagnie Hauptmann Vogel in der Stellung bei Pokalzczewo (147) Ins heilige Land Tirol (148) [Abb.]: Erzherzog-Thronfolger Karl Franz Josef beim Regimente in Chorlupy. Vor Seiner kaiserlichen Hoheit Oblt. i. d. Res. Adalbert Neuhauser (148) [Karte]: Russischer Kriegsschauplatz (149) Erlebnisse des Infanteristen Moser (150) Die ersten Gefechte Ende August 1914 (150) Das 1. Marschbaon des Infanterieregimentes Nr. 14 in der Schlacht bei Lemberg (152) Tapfere Vierzehner am San und nördlich von Krakau (153) Das Regiment in der Schlacht von Komarów (156) [Karte]: Lage der Gruppe Erzh. Josef Ferdinand (3., 8. ITD. und 41. HITD.) am 28. August 1914, ca. 5h nachm. (157) [Karte]: Feuertaufe, 28. VIII. 1914 1h nachm. Beginn der Entwicklung (158) [Karte]: Feuertaufe, 28. VIII. 1914 5h30 nachm. Einbruch, Verfolgung, Nächtigung. (159) [Karte]: Lage des IR. 14 am 30./8. 1914 als Divisionsreserve. (162) [Karte]:30.(8. 1914 4./14 Geschützbedeckung bei 2. Bt./GHD. 14, rückt in den Nachmittagsstunden ein und nimmt abends am Angriff des Rgts. teil. (163) [Karte]:Nächtigung des IR. 14 vom 30. auf den 31./8. (4h30 vorm. russischer Überfall). (165) Der erste Offensivtag bei Gorlice 1915 (166) [Abb.]: Drahtverhau vor eigenen Stellungen am russischen Kriegsschauplatz (167) Aus meinem Kriegstagebuch. Im Brückenkopf Krupy (169) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rundsicht von Luck (2)Oberleutnant Steffan mit der Fahnenkompagnie vor dem Empfang des Erzherzog-Thronfolgers Karl Franz Josef bei Chorlupy (170 - 171) Der italienische Feldzug 1915 - 1918 (172) Die Offensive auf der Hochfläche von Vielgereuth (172) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kastell Trient (2)Straße Calliano - Vielgereuth (Folgaria) (173) [2 Abb.]: (1)Etschtal bei Calliano (2)35-cm-Kanone (174) Der Monte Coston erstürmt (175) [3 Abb.]: (1)Gardolo im Etschtal (2)Typisches Etschtaler Bauerngehöft (3)30.5-cm-Mörser feuerbereit (175) [Abb.]: Vielgereuth (176) Ein harter Bissen (176) [Abb.]: Angriff auf den Monte Coston ( - ) [4 Abb.]: (1)Gefechtsvorrückung am Hang des Monte Coston (2)Am Monte Coston (3)Am Monte Coston erbeutete italienische Mitrailleuse (4)Einvernahme gefangener Alpini (177) [3 Abb.]: (1)Monte Coston, Coston d'Arsiero, Monte Campomolon (2)Italienisches Fort Campomolon (3)Erbeutetes Festungsgeschütz im Fort Campomolon (178 - 179) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die Tonezzaspitzen (2)Campana am Tonezzaplateau (180) Der Monte Cimone fällt (180) [Abb.]: Ladestation am Passo della Vena (180) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erbeutete italienische Minenwerfer (2)Motorisierte Fliegerabwehrkanone auf der Hessen-Rainerstraße (181) [Abb.]: Rio Freddotal. Links Monte Cimone, rechts Seluggio. Im Hintergrund Priofora und Novegnomassiv (182) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die "Zweifelsturmrippe im Rio Freddotal (2)Unterstand im Rio Freddotal. Vor der Deckung Leutnant Oskar Pöschl (3)Feldwache im Abschnitt Cimone-West (183) [Abb.]: Rundsicht: Monte Cengio, Monte Sumano, Monte Cimone, Monte Priafora (184 - 185) Der Gegner über die Maioffensive 1916 (184 - 185) Coston und Coston d'Arsiero (184 - 185) Monte Cimone d'Arsiero (184 - 185) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberleutnant Panitschka beschießt vorgehenden Feind am Osthang des Monte Cimone (2) Am Monte Cimone erbeutetes italienisches Langrohrgeschütz (186) [Abb.]: Die Priafora (187) Im Becken von Arsiero (187) [Abb.]: Beim Konservenabkochen (187) [Abb.]: Arsiero (188) [Abb.]: Posinatal und Priafora (189) [2 Abb.]: (1)Werk Lusern nach heftiger Beschießung (2)38-cm-Haubitze auf der Hochfläche von Lafraun (Lavarone) (190) Halt vor der Poebene (190) [Abb.]: Werk Verle. Im Hintergrund die Tonezzaspitzen (191) [Abb.]: Das Coe-Lager (192) Das 3. Baon in der Hölle des Karstes (193) [2 Abb.]: (1)30.5-cm-Mörser am Borcolopaß (2)Häuser in Opachiasella (193) [Abb.]: Das Pasubio Massiv (194 - 195) Am Heldenberg der Kaiserjäger (194 - 195) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldwache am Pasubio (2)Proviantträger am Pasubio (196) Der Grabenkrieg geht weiter (196) [4 Abb.]: (1)Vallestellung mit Tonezzaspitzen (2)Cima Pajle (3)Feldmarschall Erzherzog Friedrich besichtigt das 25. Marschbaon (Divisionsreserve) bei San Sebastiano. Rechts Hauptmann Jkawetz (4)Feldmarschall Graf Conrad besichtigt Teile des Regiments bei der Malga Fratte d'Arsiero. Links Edelweißdivisionär Feldmarschalleutnant Ernst von Horsetzky (197) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bischof Dr. Johannes Maria Gföllner erteilt den Segen nach der Feldmesse bei Malga secondo posto (2)Menageausgabe in der Stellung Cimone-West (198) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deckung in der Stellung Cimone-West (2)Südstollen am Monte Cimone (199) [3 Abb.]: (1)Im Laghibecken. Von links nach rechts. Oberleutnant Keller, Oberst v. Vittorelli, Erzherzog Karl Albrecht, Major Sauer (2)Lawinenkreuz am Passo della Vena (3)Im Soldatenheim an der Hessen-Rainerstraße (200) [2 Abb.]: (1)Feldmesse beim Regimentskommando im Laghettotal (2)Der "Blitzweg" bei Molino (201) [2 Abb.]: (1)Blick von Cadine gegen Terlago mit Paganella (2)Terlago (202) [3 Abb.]: (1)Hauptmann v. Pospischil mit dem Offizierskorps des 29. Marschbaons in Terlago (2)Offiziersgruppe des 29. Marschbaons in Terlago (3)Schloß Terlago. Lt. Kuß, Lt. Meisl und Fhnr. Kloimstein (203) [3 Abb.]: (1)Kirche in Pedescala (Asticotal) (2)Das zerstörte Pedescala (3)Die "Gibraltar" - und die "Tiger"-Stellung beiderseits des Asticotales. Rechts der Ostabfall des Monte Cimone (204) [4 Abb.]: (1)Zerstörte Häuser in Forni (Asticotal) (2)Soldatenheim "Horsetzky" an der Hessen-Rainerstraße (3)Schützengraben in der "Gibraltar"-Stellung (4)Forni im italienischen Scheinwerferlicht (205) [Abb.]: Sieben Gemeinden. Links Cimone-Ost (206) [Abb.]: Friccastraße. Im Hintergrund Carbonare und Tonezzaspitzen (207) Hessenabwehr im Raume Ortigara - Porta Lepozze (207) [Karte]: Die Ortigara - Schlacht. Lage am 10. Juni 1917 früh und der italienische Angriff an diesem Tage. (208) [Karte]: Die Ortigara - Schlacht. Lage am 19. Juni 1917 früh und der italienische Angriff an diesem Tage. (209) [Abb.]: Im heißen Ringen am Monte Ortigara (211) [Abb.]: Das Kampfgelände der Ortigaraschlacht (212 - 213) Italienische Darstellungen (212 - 213) Die mißglückte Ortigara-Offensive (212 - 213) [Abb.]: Lager Dosso del Fine (214) [Abb.]: Straßenverkehr am Monte Rover zwischen Caldonazzo und Cost'alta (215) [Abb.]: Caldonazzosee vom Monte Rover (216) Nach einer italienischen Stimme. "Ortigara", 10. bis 26. Juni 1917 (216) [Abb.]: Der Caldonazzo- und der Levicosee mit der Brentagruppe (217) [Abb.]: Das Regiment auf der Piazza d'armi in Trient (218) Der Kaiser kommt (218) [Abb.]: Seine Majestät Kaiser Karl verabschiedet sich vom Regiment nach der Besichtigung am Monte Rover (219) Begrüßung durch Erzherzog Eugen (220) [3 Abb.]: (1)Lager Monte Rover (2)Zur Erholung in Cost'alta (3)Barackenlager Cost'alta (220) Erholung in Trient (220) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Erzherzog Eugen beim Regimente am Monte Rover. Vor Seiner kaiserlichen Hoheit Oberst v. Vittorelli, Oberst v. Ontl, Major Schuldes, Major Sauer, Oberleutnant Pernklau (221) [Abb.]: Hochfläche von La Fraun (Lavarone) (222) Das Ringen um den Heldenberg (222) [Abb.]: Asticotal mit Campolongo (223) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rundsicht v. Monte Zebio (2)Deckungen beim Gruppenkommando am Monte Zebio (224 - 225) Die "Nothelfer" treten an (224 - 225) [Abb.]: Italienischer Schützengraben auf der "Katze". Im Hintergrund der Monte Zebio (224 - 225) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schützengraben am Monte Zebio (2)Sandsackstellung am Monte Zebio (226) [4 Abb.]: (1)Offiziersfeldwache (Lt. Ernst Meisl im Keller der Schule in Pedescala) (2)Unterstand in der Reservestellung bei Pedescala (3)Kirche in San Pietro (Asticotal) (4)Vor einer Kaverne in der Pedescalastellung (227) [2 Abb.]: (1)San Pietro im Asticotal (2)Hessengedenkstein für die Gefallenen im Asticotal (228) [Karte]: Skizze aus dem Manuskripte "Mt. San Gabriele, 17. August bis 24. Oktober 1917" (229) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rundblick auf Monte Santo und Monte San Gabriele (Westhänge). Standpunkt bei Kirche Sveta Katherina, Höhe 307 (2)Laufgraben, Kronbergsattel Kote 408, zum Trigonometer Monte San Gabriele (230 - 231) [Abb.]: Monte San Daniele mit Ternovaner-Wald, Blick vom Monte San Gabriele (232) [Abb.]: Die Erstürmung des Monte San Gabriele. Bildmitte: Oberleutnant Franz Kern, im Vordergrund Leutnant Dr. Karl Staufer ( - ) [Abb.]: Monte San Gabriele mit österreichischer C-Linie, Blick gegen Kote 552 (233) [2 Abb.]: (1)Unterstände in einer Doline östlich Kote 552 auf dem Monte San Gabriele vor der Schlacht (2)Oberes Drittel des Laufgrabens zum Trigonometer 646 des Monte San Gabriele (234) [2 Abb.]: (1)Blick von Kote 552 (Mitte des Gabrielerückens) gegen Kote 526 (Veliki Hrib) (2)Italienische Gefangene des Regimentes am Monte San Gabriele (235) [3 Abb.]: (1)Maskierte Straße nach Ternova (2)Menageverteilung im Ternovaner Wald (3)Zeltlager im Ternovaner Wald (236) Was der Feind darüber sagt (236) Il Monte della Morte (236) [Karte]: Italienischer Kriegsschauplatz (237) Der Gabriele und höhere Führung. Das Generalstabswerk über den Angriff des Infanterieregiments 14 auf den Blutberg (238) Der Siegeszug gegen Italien 1917 (238) [Abb.]: Feldmarschall Freiherr v. Boroevic nach der Besichtigung des Regimentes in Idria. Links Oberst Vittorelli, Hptm. Hingler, Oblt. v. Kenzian, Oblt. P. O. Schmidt (239) Marsch in den Aufmarschraum (239) Schulter an Schulter ins Feindesland (240) [Abb.]: Italienischer Schützengraben nach dem Durchbruch bei Flitsch (241) [Abb.]: Rundsicht von Tolmezzo (242 - 243) Vom Tagliamento an den Piave (242 - 243) [Abb.]: Belluno (244) [Abb.]: Arten bei Fonzaso mit Monte Aurin (245) [Abb.]: Feltre (246) Im Durchbruchstale der Brenta (247) [Abb.]: Monte Grappa (247) [Abb.]: Monte Pertica (248) [Abb.]: Brentatal bei Vanini (249) [Abb.]: Vanini im Brentatal (250) [Abb.]: Blick von Incin in das Brentatal bei Vanini (251) [Abb.]: Talsperre Primolano (252) Am Col del Orso (252) [Abb.]: Enego (252) [2 Abb.]: (1)Monte Cismon (2)Straße in Cismon (253) [Abb.]: Posten im Stizzonetal (254) Ein rätselhaftes Marschziel. - In der Kaiserstadt (254) [Abb.]: Oblt. Franz Kern, der meistausgezeichnete Frontoffizier der Armee, nach der Dekorierung mit dem Orden der Eisernen Krone zweiter Klasse, auf der Schmelz in Wien (255) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ausmarsch des Regimentes aus dem Breitenseer Barackenlager in Wien zur Front (2)Einwaggonierung des Regimentes in Wien (256) Offizierseinteilungsliste im Felde 1917 (256) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oberleutnant in Paradeuniform (2)Gefreiter in Feldadjustierung (257) Die Junischlacht 1918. A, Col del Rosso (258) [Abb.]: Truppenunterstände in der Frenzellaschlucht (259) [Abb.]: Volltreffer in einem Unterstand in der Frenzellaschlucht (260) [Abb.]: Der eigene und der feindliche Stellungsverlauf am Col del Rosso (261) [Abb.]: Col del Rosso. Unter den Racheln die Frenzellaschlucht (262 - 263) Mein Ehrentag im Felde (262 - 263) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kampfstellung und Deckung am Cil del Rosso (2)Das Regimentskommando am Col del Rosso (Oberst v. Ontl, Hauptmann Hingler, Oberleutnant v. Wellenreiter) (262 - 263) [2 Abb.]: (1)Lager Barricata (2)Barricata Lagerkommando (264) [Karte]: Bereitstellung der Edelw.-Div. zum Angriffe. K. u. k. "Edelweiss"-Div. Kmdo. Gefechtsbericht Op. Nr. 266/12 Beilage 1. (265) Das Kommando der Edelweißdivision über den Col del Rosso (266) [Karte]: Lage am 15./6. ca. 11h vorm. K. u. k. "Edelweiss"-Div. Kmdo. Gefechtsbericht Op. Nr. 266/12 Beilage 6. (267) [2 Abb.]: (1)Straße bei Foza (2)Oberleutnant Kariopp mit den Resten seiner Maschinengewehr-Kompagnie nach dem letzten Großkampf des Regiments am Col del Rosso (269) [2 Abb.]: (1)In Auer: Se. Majestät Kaiser Karl empfängt eine Abordnung des Regiments. Vor Sr. Majestät Oberleutnant Johann Kellermayr (2)Die nach dem Großkampf am Col del Rosso verbliebenen Offiziere des I. Baons im Retablierungsquartier in Piagora (Lt. Forstner, Oblt. Kern, Lt. Rachbauer, Lt. Czulik, Lt. Schmid, O.-A. Dr. Wagner, Oblt. Kretschmer, Lt. Breuer, Lt. Schulz, Lt. Meisl) (270) [Karte]: Italienische Kriegsschauplatz (271) Rangliste der Offiziere und Offiziersaspiranten im Mai 1918 (272) [Abb.]: Die Hessenregimentsfahne ( - ) Einzeldarstellungen (Italienischer Teil) (275) Galghera! (275) [3 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Roder (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Max Aigmüller (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Schild (275) Porta Lepozze (Ortigara). Vorereignisse (279) Gefechtsbericht des Hauptmanns Edmund Spazil, Baonskommandant-Stellvertreter (279) [Abb.]: Rundsicht v. Alte Chiesa (Nördl. Teil) (280 - 281) Wegverhältnisse (280 - 281) Das Gelände (280 - 281) Der Feind (282) Situation vor dem Einsetzen der Vierzehner (282) [Karte]: Angriff am 15. Juni 1917 (283) Meine Einrückung (284) [Abb.]: Angriffsgelände am Fuße des Monte Ortigara (285) [Abb.]: Die von der Kompagnie Oberleutnant Kern rückeroberte Kote 2007 (286) Die Aktion "Anna" (286) Der Gegenangriff der Italiener am 15. Juni 1917 (Siehe Skizze Seite 283.) (287) [Abb.]: Blindgänger einer italienischen Mine auf dem Monte Ortigara (287) [Abb.]: Die Überlebenden der 8. Feldkompagnie nach der Ortigara-Schlacht (289) [Abb.]: Reste des 3. Feldbaons nach der Ortigara-Schlacht (291) Die Stimme des Feindes: (291) Le grande italiane della primavera 1917 (Die großen italienischen Offensiven im Frühjahr 1917) (292) Der Kalvarienberg der "Stumpfen Federn" (Monte Ortigara). "L'Opera degli Alpini, Littorio-Roma" (293) Die Hessen halten und verbluten (295) Leutnant Josef Hörmanseder am Gabriele. Der Mann in der Schlacht (296) Am Heldenberg der Hessen. Die Gruppe Major Heinrich Sauer. (297) [Karte]: Der Mt. S. Gabriele. Lage am 10. IX. 1917, wie sie vermutet wurde. (299) [Abb.]: Serpentinenstraße über Schloß Kronberg nach Görz. Blick auf Süd- und Osthang des Monte San Gabriele. Standpunkt Nordwesthang Monte San Daniele. Höhe ca. 450 m (300 - 301) [Abb.]: Der Inhalt: "Nach links Verbindung, nach rechts unmöglich, da unter dem schwersten Minenfeuer, Feinde nichts zu bemerken, alles ruhig. (305) [Abb.]: Salcano-Brücke bei Görz. Links Hang des Monte San Gabriele. Rechts Monte Sabatino. Im Hintergrund das Görzer Becken (306) [Abb.]: Nächtliches Trommelfeuer am Isonzo. Mitte: Eisenbahnbrücke bei Salcano (307) [Abb.]: Görz (308) [Abb.]: Bahnhof in San Daniele (309) Von den heldenmütigen Kämpen, die alle für eine höhere Dekoration vorgeschlagen wurden, seien ehrend hervorgehoben: (310) Auf der anderen Seite (Italienische Kampfschilderungen) (311) L'azione del San Gabriele (311) [Abb.]: Tragtierkolonne beim Lager Pri Peci (311) Der Angriff auf den San Gabriele (312) Der Regimentsheld erzählt vom Monte San Gabriele (312) Die österreichische Offensive im Trentino - Die italienische Gegenoffensive - Der Col del Rosso (316) Die erste Phase des Angriffes. Plateau von Folgaria (316) Die zweite Phase der Offensive (316) Abschiedsworte des Obersten Regimentskommandanten Richard v. Vittorelli (317) Das X. Marschbataillon des oberösterr. k. u. k. Infanterieregimentes "Ernst Ludwig Großherzog von Hessen und bei Rhein" Nr. 14 im Weltkrieg (318) Aufstellung des Baons und Ausmarsch ins Feld (Mai 1915.) (318) Die ersten Kämpfe (Hornischek - Schöntalhöhe - Eisenreich.) (24. Mai bis 5. Juni 1915.) (318) [Abb.]: Hauptmann Ritter v. Hantken mit dem Offizierskorps des X. Marschbaons (319) [Abb.]: Hornischek. Fernblick gegen Tonrast, Rotwand, Fischleintal, Drei Zinnen und Innergsell (320) Auf Dolomitenhöhen (Gottres, Son Pauses, Fanes, Il Falé, Monte Piano.) (7. Juni bis 22. Juni 1915.) (320) [Abb.]: Landro. Blick gegen die Drei Zinnen (321) [3 Abb.]: (1)Landro mit Monte Piano (2)Straßensperre Landro (3)Landro mit Nordhang des Monte Piano (322) Einsame Talwacht (Die 2. Kompagnie im Fanes- und Travenanzestal.) (9. Juni bis 21. Juli 1915.) (323) [2 Abb.]: (1)Sandsackstellung am Monte Piano (2)Unterkünfte am Monte Piano (323) [Abb.]: Monte Piano und Schwalbenkofel (324) [2 Abb.]: (1)Travenanzestal und Tofana (2)Wolf Glanvell-Hütte im Travenanzestal (325) Kein Wanken und kein Weichen (Rothek - Matzenboden - Seikofel.) (31. Juli bis 29. August 1915.) (326) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rothek (2)Sexten (327) "Selbst ist der Mann!" (Monte Coston.) (5. bis 24. September 1915.) (328) [Abb.]: Der Monte Coston von Südost (329) "Die immer fest dreinschlagenden Vierzehner" (Plaut - Pioverna.) (3. bis 8. Oktober 1915.) (331) [Abb.]: Abgewiesener italienischer Angriff am Plaut (333) Abwehrkämpfe und Angriffsvorbereitungen (Cost Alta und Trient.) (Oktober 1915 bis April 1916.) (334) Im ewigen Eis (Adamello, Doß bei Morti.) (29. April bis 12. Mai 1916.) (334) [Abb.]: Im Lager Cost Alta (335) Doch noch dabei (Bei Arsiero, Priaforà, Monte Giove.) (1. bis 22. Juni 1916.) (335) Wie sie in die Falle gingen (Monte Cimone.) (23. Juni bis 5. Juli 1916.) (336) [Abb.]: Rechts: Cimone [Südabsturz] - Mitte: Caviojo - Hintergrund: Priafora (337) Von Sommerkämpfen, Winterleiden und kühnen Taten (Im Val Sugana, Civaron - Coalba - Colazzo.) (6. Juli 1916 bis 8. Juni 1917.) (337) [Karte]: Skizze der eigenen und feindlichen Stellungen auf Colazzo. (338) [3 Abb.]: (1)Colazzo (Kote 1010) im Val Sugana (2)Blick von den Colazzohängen gegen den West-Civaron und ins Val Sugana (3)Unterabschnitt Colazzo, Val Sugana, links vorne Kote 1010, rechts Maorahänge (339) Auf der Grenzwacht (Cima Dieci - Ortigara - Porta Lepozze - Kote 2007.) (11. Juni bis 17. Juli 1917.) (340) [Karte]: Übersichtsskizze der Kämpfe im Ortigara-Raume (342) Wandern und Bauen (Wieder im Val Sugana und auf den Sieben Gemeinden.) (17. Juli bis 30. Oktober 1917.) (343) Am Monte Meletta (11. November bis 15. Dezember 1917.) (343) [Abb.]: Am Monte Meletta (344) [Abb.]: Der Monte Meletta (345) [Karte]: Der Kampf um Mte. Meletta. (4. u. 5. Dezember 1917) (346) [Abb.]: S. M. Kaiser Karl empfängt eine Offiziersabordnung in Auer (X Major v. Szilley) (347) Reiche Mitgift (Errichtung des k. u. k. Infanterieregimentes Nr. 114.) (5. Dezember 1917 bis 26. Jänner 1918). (348) [Gedicht]: Stille Helden (349) Adamello, Mai 1916 (X/14) (349) Italienische Urteile (350) L'impresa dell' Adamello, aus "L'opera degli Alpini" (350) Am Grappa und an dem Piave (350) Das k. und k. Infanterieregiment Nr. 114 (351) Teilnahme des Infanterieregiments Nr. 114 an den Kämpfen um den Col del Rosso (352) [Abb.]: Oberstleutnant Rudolf Freiherr v. Handel-Mazetti (353) [Abb.]: Das Angriffsgelände des VI. Korps - in der Bildmitte Frenzelaschlucht und Racheln des Col del Rosso (354) [Karte]: Lage am 25./6. früh. K. u. k. "Edelweis"-Div. Kmdo. Gefechtsbericht Op. Nr. 266/12, Beilage 20. (355) [Abb.]: Oberstleutnant Alfons Marbach mit dem Offizierskorps des 1. Feldbaons des Infanterieregiments 114 (356) [Karte]: Bis 4h nachm. bekannte Lage. 30./6. K. u. k. "Edelweiss"-Div. Kmdo. Gefechtsbericht Op. Nr. 266/12 Beilage 32. (357) [Abb.]: Kaltern: Überreichung des vom Offizierskorps dem Regimentskommandanten gewidmeten Ordens der Eisernen Krone II. Klasse mit KD. und den Schwertern (359) [Abb.]: Vittorio (361) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hauptmann Rudolf Edler von Polak. 1. Regimentsadjutant (2)Oberleutnant Walter Kenzian Edler von Kenzianshausen. 2. Regimentsadjutant (362) [Abb.]: Rückmarsch nach dem Waffenstillstand. Im Hintergrund der Panarotta (363) Offizierseinteilungsliste des k. u. k. Infanterieregiments Nr. 114 Ende Oktober 1918 (364) Nachwort des ehemaligen Regimentskommandanten (365) Das Edelweißsturmbaon (365) [Abb.]: Monte Majo. Kote 1472 von der Stellung der 13. Kompagnie aus gesehen (366) [Tabelle]: Hauptmann Kwasnievsky hatte für den Angriff die erste Sturmkompagnie, entsprechend der von Major Burger vorgesehenen Formierung, folgendermaßen eingeteilt: (367) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kommando des 4. Baons am Monte Majo (2)Blick vom Monte Majo gegen Toraro und "Blitzweg" (367) [Abb.]: In Bruck a. d. Leitha. Von links nach rechts: Lt. Hüttner, Lt. Eder, Oblt Pierer, Lt. Fischer, Lt. Schwetz, Lt. Hamberger (368) [Gedicht]: (368) [2 Abb.]: (1)In der Frenzelaschlucht (2)Offiziere des Sturmbaons in Pinzon (369) Darüber ein persönlicher Bericht (369) [Abb.]: Der Übungsplatz des Sturmbaons in Pinzon (369) [2 Abb.]: (1)Übung mit Flammenwerfern im Strumkurs (2)Das Sturmbaon im Cordevoletal (370) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hauptübung des Sturmbaons in Levico (2)Rückmarsch des Sturmbaons im Cordevoletal (371) Die Maschinengewehrkompagnie ///14 beim Edelweißsturmbaon (372) [Abb.]: Feindstellung unter Flammenwerferwirkung (373) [Abb.]: Quartier in Lacosta auf dem Marsche nach Fonzaso. Von links nachr rechts: Lt. Bock, Lt. Gangl, Lt. Hamberger, Lt. Schwetz (374) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rast des Baons in Alleghe im Cordevoletal (2)Auf der Heimfahrt nach Linz (375) Offiziere und Offiziersaspiranten des Regimentes (376) [11 Abb.]: (1)Obst. Karl Edler von Staskiewicz (2)Gmjr. Hugo von Leeb (3)Gmjr. William von Einem (4)Obst. Gustav Kuchta Edler von Megiasi (5)Obstlt. Georg Böhm (6)Obst. Franz Nickerl von Ragenfeld (7)Obstlt. Aurel von Bászel (8)Obstlt. Heinrich Schuldes (9)Obstlt. Ludwig Kirchner von Neukirchen (10)Obstlt. d. Gstbskps. Franz Zimmermann (11)Obstlt. Theodor Erhard (376) [12 Abb.]: (1)Mjr. August Schediwy (2)Obstlt. Eduard Lehmann (3)Mjr. Waldemar Ritter von Brunner (4)Obstlt. Julius Scazigino Edler von Medeazza (5)Mjr. Maximilian Ehnl (6)Obstlt. Alfons Marbach (7)Mjr. Friedrich Ritter Hantken von Prudnik (8)Mjr. Heinrich Freiherr von Saar (9)R.-A. i. d. Res. Dr. Franz Kruckenhauser (10)Mjr. Theodor Malina (11)Mjr. Heinrich Sauer (12)Mjr. Ottokar Podhalsky (377) [11 Abb.]: (1)Hptm.-Rf. Johann Horak (2)Hptm. Robert von Rehberger (3)Hptm. Erwin Hingler (4)Hptm. Stanislaus Ritter von Kwasniewski (5)Hptm. Emil Freiherr von Tkalcsevich (6)Hptm. Friedrich Vogel (7)Rtm. i. d. Res. Karl Urban (8)Hptm. i. d. Res. Karl Angel (9)Hptm. Voktor Grundner (10)Fk. i. d. Res. Apois Bader (11)R.-A. Dr. Josef Bochskanl (378) [11 Abb.]: (1)Hptm.-Fp. Heinrich Schartner (2)Hptm.-Rf. Stephan Schuller (3)Hptm. Georg Hoffmann (4)Hptm. i. d. res. Walter Vogt (5)Hptm. Rudolf Sanetti (6)Hptm. Ernst Eisner (7)Hptm. Karl Kenzian Edler von Kenzianshausen (8)Hptm. Alois Zadrazil (9)Hptm. Edmund Spacil (10)Hptm. Eduard Steffan (11)Mjr. Josef Heindl (Hnewkowsky) (379) [12 Abb.]: (1)Hptm. Johann Jkawetz (2)Hptm. Max Jaschke (3)Hptm. Rudolf Fischer (4)Hptm. Josef Herberg (5)Hptm. i. d. Res. Ing. Rudolf Burgholzer (6)Hptm. Josef Wittek von Saltzberg (7)Hptm. Alois Ritt (8)Fk. Franz Josef Hämmerle (9)Hptm. Rudolf Pospischil Edler von Wolsegger (10)Hptm. Maximilian Wagmeister (11)Hptm. Lambert Popp (12)Hptm. i. d. Res. Ferdinand Neßler (380) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Lasser (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Magauer (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Adolf Semenitz (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Lettner (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Gustav Leidinger (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Bock (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Dr. Eduard Straßmayr (8)O.-A. i. d. Res. Dr. Franz Dangl (9)Oblt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Wonnebauer (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. Alois Bruneder (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Lechner (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Georg Laher (381) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Adolf Scharmüller (2)Oblt. Ernst Benkiser Ritter von Porta Comasina (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Fehringer (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Viktor Knörlein (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Leo Zaunmüller (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Marian (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Jedlitschka (8)Oblt. Ludwig von Erler (9)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Duffek (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Sieber (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Eibuschütz (12)Oblt. Eugen Burian (382) [14 Abb.]: (1)Ldst.-Oblt. Josef Reith (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Stemberger (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Max Ottenweiler (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Albert Neuhauser (5)O.-A. i. d. Res. Dr. Leopold Straß (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Hörmanseder (7)Oblt. Arthur Breindl (8)Oblt. i. d. res. Rudolf Pierer (9)Oblt. i. d. Res. Ludwig Gärtner (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. Emmerich Perl (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Piesche (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Plakolm (13)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Staudacher (14)Oblt. Josef Müller (383) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Schenkenfelder (2)Oblt. Josef Freiherr Roth von Limanowa-Lapanow (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Emmerich Dichtl (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Adolf Haasbauer (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Engelbert Griedl (6)Oblt. Max Sturm (7)Oblt. i. d. res. Georg Frauscher (8)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Bahn (9)Oblt. Max Tenschert (10)Oblt. Viktor Du Rieux de Feyau (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Emmerich Peham (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Martin Sporn (384) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Hermann Krejci (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Scharitzer (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Greinöcker (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Ehrenmüller (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Hofstadler (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Ludwig Plakolb (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Nowotny (8)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Hainböck (9)Oblt. i. d. Res. Karl Pernklau (10)Oblt. Friedrich Ebner (11)Oblt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Eppinger (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Bruckner (385) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Neuß (2)Oblt.-P.-O. Karl Schmidt (3)Oblt. Richard Witt (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Wolfgang Heiß (5)Lt. i. d. Res. Heinrich Commenda (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Buchmayr (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Julius Müller (8)Oblt. O.-A. i. d. Res. Dr. Georg Wagner (9)Oblt. Wenzel Mlcoch (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. August Rettenbacher (11)Oblt. Erwin Lahousen Edler von Vivremont (12)Oblt. Alfred Stolz (386) [12 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Jirsa (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Josef Ortner (3)Oblt. i. d. Res. Max Panitschka (4)Oblt. Franz Kariopp (5)Lt. Hanns Schöndorfer (6)Oblt. Andreas Gugenbichler (7)Oblt. i. d. Res. Ernst Adam (8)Oblt. Adolar Schusta (9)Oblt. Helmut von Görtz (10)Oblt. i. d. Res. Johann Haager (11)Oblt. Alois Mayer (12)Oblt. i. d. Res. Alfred Schwetz (387) [14 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Reinhold Baumgartner (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Aigner (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Johann Scheiber (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Steinkogler (5)Lt. i. d. Res. Otto Vogscha (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Matthias Breuer (7)Lt. i. d. Res. Dr. Josef Aigner (8)Lt. i. d. Res. Edmund Ebner (9)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Gruber (10)Lt. i. d. Res. Otto Gerstl (11)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Landl (12)Lt. i. d. Res. Johann Buchberger (13)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedirich Müller (14)Lt. i. d. Res. Rupert Dunzendorfer (388) [12 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Gangl (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Steppan (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Leo Markl (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Ernst Hamberger (5)Lt. i. d. Res. Viktor Stemberger (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedrich Rhomberg (7)Lt.-Rf. i. d. Res. Josef Hauschild (8)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedrich Grüll (9)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedrich Haider (10)Lt. i. d. Res. Ferdinand Meßmer (11)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Emmerling (12Lt. i. d. Res. Ernst Meisl (389) [12 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Hennemann (2)Lt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Bünker (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Hermann Korensky (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Dworschak (5)Lt. i. d. Res. Adolf Neumüller (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Hugo Eder (7)Lt. i. d. Res. Johann Zapototzky (8)Lt. Wolgang Garzarolli Edler von Turnlackh (9)Lt. i. d. Res. August Kowaczik (10)Lt. i. d. Res. Karl Klapper (11)Lt. i. d. Res. Gottfried Tschoner (12)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Grünseis (390) [12 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Anton Tomann (2)Lt. Leopold Roder (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Christophori (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Karl Eberstaller (5)Lt. Gustav Brandstetter (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Matthias Hemmel (7)Lt. i. d. Res. Anton Gschwandtner (8)Lt. i. d. Res. Oskar Leiner (9)Lt. i. d. Res. Franz Schmid (10)Lt. Leopold Müller (11)Lt. i. d. Res. Karl Wigidak (12)Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Baumgartner (391) [12 Abb.]: (1)Lt. i. d. Res. Friedrich Richter (2)Lt.-Rf. i. d. Res. Josef Fleischmann (3)Ldst.-Lt. Karl Gattermeyer (4)Lt. i. d. Res. Emmerich Steiner (5)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Otto Czepl (6)Lt. i. d. Res. Heinrich Todeschini (7)Lt. i. d. Res. Walter Sturm (8)Lt. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Schulz (9)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Theodor Peer (10)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Max Brandstetter (11)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Oskar Mühlgrabner (12)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Wilhelm Stemberger (392) [12 Abb.]: (1)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Friedrich Kammer (2)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Karl Stöger (3)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Ernst Unger (4)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Rudolf Mayer (5)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Felix Enkner (6)Ldst.-Fhnr. Dr. Otto Richter (7)S.-Fhnr. i. d. Res. Franz Bauer (8)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Hermann Dobler (9)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Vinzenz Forer (10)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Alois Fridrich (11)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Johann Kainberger (12)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Hermann Berger (393) [12 Abb.]: (1)Kd. i. d. Res. Josef Brunner (2)S.-Fhnr. i. d. Res. Gustav Windischbauer (3)E.-F. Korp. Kdtasp. Gottfried Kurzwernhart (4)Kd. i. d. Res. Friedrich Kiffe (5)E.-F. Korp. Kdtasp. Moritz Lebschy (6)E.-F. Gft. Kdtasp. Johann Pröll (7)E.-F. Korp. Kdtasp. Leo Adler (8)E.-F. Kdtasp. Karl Northen (9)E.-F. Korp. Kdtasp. Paul Vlasaty (10)E.-F. Kdtasp. Franz Lobinger (11)E.-F. Kdtasp. Maxim Freiherr Reinlein von Marienburg (12)E.-F. Gft. Kdtasp. Kurt Hamberger (394) Der Zusammenbruch (395) Die im Weltkriege 1914 - 18 gefallenen Hessen (398) [Gedicht]: (398) Offiziere, Offiziersaspiranten, höhere Unteroffiziere (398) [Abb]: Soldatenfriedhof bei Luck (399) Mannschaft. (400) A (400) B (400) C (402) D (402) E (403) F (404) G (405) H (406) I, J (409) K (409) L (412) M (413) N (415) O (415) P (416) Q (417) R (417) S (419) T (422) U, V (423) W (423) Z (425) [Abb.]: Soldatenfriedhof bei Cost' alta (425) Auszeichnungen im Weltkriege (426) Die jüngsten Theresienritter der Hessen. Militär-Verdienstkreuz II. Klasse mit Kriegsdekoration und Schwertern. Kriegsauszeichnungen 1914 - 1918 im Infanterieregiment Nr. 14 (426) [3 Abb.]: Major Béla von Szilley, Ritter des Militär-Maria-Theresien-Ordens (2)Oberleutnant Alois Windisch Ritter des Militär-Maria-Theresien-Ordens (3)Oberleutnant Franz Kern, der bestausgezeichnete Subaltern-Offizier der k. u. k. Armee. (427) Die Besitzer der Goldenen Tapferkeitsmedaille (428) [2 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Johann Hierzenberger (2)Stfw. Karl Stingeder (430) Besitzer der Goldenen Tapferkeitsmedaille für Offiziere (431) [9 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Theodor Angele (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. dr. Karl Staufer (3)Oblt. Julius Wellenreiter (4)Hptm. Josef Vichytil (5)F. M. L. Otmar Panesch Edler v. Hohenstegen (6)Hptm. Moritz Edler v. Barisani (7)Lt. Max Nickl (8)Oblt. i. d. Res. Rudolf Feßl (9)Lt. i. d. Res. Ernst Schatzbergera (431) [9 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Feldpilot Eduard Appel (2)Oblt. i. d. Res. Heinrich Ehrenreiter (3)Lt. i. d. Res. Eduard Jetel (4)Oblt. i. d. Res. Leonhard Bielaz (5)Oblt. i. d. Res. Heinrich Roder (6)Oblt. i. d. Res. Franz Getzendorfer (7)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Leopold Bleimer (8)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Stephan Nemes (9)Fhnr. i. d. Res. Otto Gabriel (432) [9 Abb.]: (1)Stbsfw. Karl Stark (2)Fw. Karl Schiefermeier (3)Stbsfw. Richard Mayer (4)Fw. Josef Mahringer (5)Offzstv. Karl Heuberger (6)Stbsfw. Franz Weixelbaumer (7)Zgsf. Franz Breit (8)Fw. Alois Gütlbauer (9)Zgsf. Johann Lehner (433) [9 Abb.]: Zgsf. Karl Gsöllpointner (2)Ldst.-Zgsf. Franz Pils (3)Ldst.-Zgsf. Ferdinand Wimmer (4)Gft. Karl Pfennigberger (5)Korp. Florian Breitwieser (6)Ldst.-Korp. Leopold Karigl (7)Ldst.-Inf. Leopold Reichetseder (8)Inf. Matthias Hubauer (9)Ldst.-Gfr. Karl Bachler (434) Besitzer der Silbernen Tapferkeitsmedaille I. Klasse (435) [12 Abb.]: (1)Offzstv. Karl Bauernfeind (2)Offzstv. Hugo Greifeneder (3)Offzstv. Johann Apfolter (4)Stbsfw. Matthias Dornetshumer (5)Stbsfw. Franz Krenmayer (6)Stbsfw. Karl Gsöllpointner (7)Stbsfw. Johann Janak (8)Stbsfw. Johann Gangl (9)Stbsfw. Michael Wiesinger (10)Stbsfw. Johann Ecker (11)Stbsfw. Anton Reisinger (12)Stbsfw. Franz Reitböck (435) [14 Abb.]: (1)Fw. Felix Kaltenbrunner (2)Stbsfw. Josef Kühberger (3)Stbsfw. Johann Frühwirth (4)Stbsfw. Josef Datterl (5)Fw. Karl Kern (6)Fw. Johann Achleitner (7)Fw. Anton Derntl (8)Fw. Johann Lehner (9)Fw. Franz Hartmayr (10)Fw. Josef Hochmayer (11)Fw. Josef Rahaberger (12)Fw. Ferdinand Schatz (13)Fw. Karl Pum (14)Fw. Leopold Haslinger (436) [12 Abb.]: (1)Fw. Franz Cernoch (2)Fw. Ernst Walter (Kalivoda) (3)Fw. Leopold Ertl (4)Fw. Peter Kaser (5)Fw. Franz Kern (6)Fw. Johann Eppinger (7)Zgsf. Georg Scharsching (8)Fw. Franz Prikler (9)Zgsf. Franz Weigl (10)Zgsf. Roman Falkner (11)Zgsf. Viktor Mayer (12)Zgsf. Johann Wöhrer (437) [14 Abb.]: (1)Zgsf. Alois Donnerbauer (2)Zgsf. Michael Feilmaier (3)Zgsf. Karl Gruber (4)Zgsf. Alois Krottenhofer (5)Zgsf. Wenzel Pruschek (6)Zgsf. Karl Haas (7)Zgsf. Josef Froschauer (8)Zgsf. Karl Winkelmayer (9)Zgsf. Wilhelm Resch (10)Zgsf. Johann Söllinger (11)Zgsf. Franz Schauberger (12)Zgsf. Leopold Lettner (13)Korp. Franz Fischerlehner (14)Korp. Josef Gföllner (438) [12 Abb.]: (1)Korp. Ferdinand Danzmayer (2)Gft. Klement Schippel (3)Gft. Josef Sieghartner (4)Korp. Ludwig Palnstorfer (5)Korp. Josef Huber (6)Gft. Georg Lehner (7)Gft. Franz Diensthuber (8)Korp. Johann Körner (9)Inf. Franz Weiß (10)Inf. Karl Kickinger (11)Inf. Josef Fuchs (12)Inf. Josef Keferböck (439) Kriegserfahrungen und besondere Formationen in Einzeldarstellungen (440) Der Krieg im Gebirge (440) [Abb.]: Fannesscharte (Dolomiten) (441) [Abb.]: 38-cm-Haubitze beim Abschuß (443) Mit der "Technischen Kompagnie" an der italienischen Front (445) [Abb.]: Stollenbau am Monte Cimone (447) [Abb.]: Artilleriebeobachtungsstand (449) [Abb.]: Kavernenbau am Monte Cimone (450) [2 Abb.]: (1)Soldatenheim "Erzherzog Eugen" auf der Hessen-Rainerstraße (2)Oblt. Feldpilot Franz Müller (451) [Abb.]: Soldatenfriedhof Folgaria (453) [Abb.]: Seilbahnstation Grigno (Val Sugano) (455) [Abb.]: Bau der Barricatastraße (457) [Abb.]: Gesprengte Eisenbahnbrücke bei Moggio (459) Vom Sanitätsdienste beim Infaterieregiment 14 im Weltkriege (460) [Abb.]: Regimentshilfsplatz im Herrenhaus Liski (463) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport aus Liski (465) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport bei Gorlice (467) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport im Hochgebirge (469) [Abb.]: Hilfsplatz am Monte Piano (471) [Abb.]: Hilsplatz am Fuße des Monte Ortigara (473) [Abb.]: Sanitätsunteroffizier Feldwebel Schlager (477) Das Ersatzbataillon (480) [Tabelle]: Es wurden beim Ersatzbaon gezeichnet: (481) [Abb.]: Das Ersatzbaonskommando und seine Referenten. Unterste Reihe von links nach rechts: Lt. i. d. Res. Oskar Remele; Oblt. Josef Herberg; Hptm. Adolf Spitzl; Hptm. Anton Malina; Obst. Franz v. Nickerl; Hptm. Ferdinand Mühlbauer; Hptm.-Rechnungsführer Hans Horak; Lt. i. d. Res. Josef Lutz. Mittlere Reihe von links nach rechts: Feldw. Alfred Holzner; Zfr. Max Eckstein; Gfr. Franz Winkler; E.-F. Grill; E.-F. Zfr. Franz Palfinger; Zfr. Karl Becker; Feldw. Max Lukesch; Zfr. Franz Hink; Feldw. Hans Latzelsberger; Feldw. Georg Böcksteiner; Feldw. Josef Guggenberger; Feldw. Max Krepper; Feldw. Josef Leimer; Feldw. Karl Heinzl; Feldw. Leopold Alzinger; Zfr. Borcik; E.-F. Zfr. Andreas Lischka; Feldw. Alois Weichselbaumer. Obere Reihe von links nach rechts: Gefr. Schaffenberger; Feldw. Bruno Scharitzer; E.-F. Gefr. Filnkößl; Gfr. Karl Fellöcker; Korp. Franz Seiler; Gfr. Hermann Wimmer; L.-Inf. Johann Schimanek; Korp. Johann Fürst; Zfr. Fuchs (483) Oberst von Nickerl und sein Stab (485) In russischer Gefangenschaft (486) Die Umstände meiner Gefangennahme (487) Im Spital in Kiew und Moskau. Reise nach Sibirien (487) Durch Sibirien nach Chabarowsk - Krasnaja-Rjetschka (488) Dienstbetrieb (488) [Abb.]: Offiziers-Kriegsgefangenenpavillon in Krasnaja-Rjetschka, Sibirien (Ostasien) 1914/15 (489) Die Wohnungsverhältnisse. Die Ernährung (489) Die Bekleidung. Die sanitären Verhältnisse (490) Beschäftigung und Arbeit (490) Die Arbeitsverhältnisse der Mannschaft (491) Gagen und Löhnungen (491) Strafbestimmungen. Die Post (492) Der Gottesdienst (492) Fürsorge durch Delegation und Vertretungen. Rückreise - Heimkehr (493) Hessengedichte (494) [Gedicht]: Salm-Infanterie Nr. 14 - Hessenregiment (494) [Gedicht]: Linzer Reimchronik (495) [4 Gedichte]: (1)Musketier-Lied (2)Italien (3)Mailand (4)Die Hessenfahne bei Ponte vecchio di Magenta (496) [Gedicht]: Ein tapferer Vierzehner! Schleswig Holstein (497) [Gedicht]: Die "Hessen" in der Krivoschije (497) [Gedicht]: Liski, 2. September 1914 (498) [Gedicht]: Das Kreuz von Liski (498) [3 Gedichte]: (1)Vor Lubynka 1915 (2)Ein neu Hessenlied (3)Vierzehner-Lied (499) [Gedicht]: Einem Vermißten (499) [4 Gedichte]: (1)Einer von Vielen! (2)Ich hab' ein Hüglein im Polenland. (3)Mein Oberösterreich! (4)Marschlied des X. Hessenbaons (500) [3 Gedichte]: (1)Auf der Priafora (2)Triest! (3)Stilles Heldentum (501) [Gedicht]: November 1918 (501) [2 Gedichte]: (1)Nur dieses nicht! (2)Dö 14er als Nothelfá (502) [Gedicht]: Vierzehná - Kennzoachá (502) [4 Gedichte]: (1)Stellung 1936 (2)Willkommengruß an die Hessenfahne (3)Soldatentag. (4)Tiroler Gruß zum Hessen-Feste (503) Das Hessendenkmal in Linz (504) [Gedicht]: 's Vierzehná-Denkmal (504) [Abb]: Das Hessendenkmal ( - ) Stimmungsbilder aus dem Weltkrieg (505) Meine Assentierung (505) Wie ich den Krieg kennen lernte (506) Ein eherner Hessengruß (509) Faschingsende und Fastenanfang am Dunajec 1914/15 (511) Osterfrieden 1915 am Dunajec (512) Weihnachtserinnerungen (513) Ernste und heitere Erinnerungen an die Maitage 1916 (514) Olga (515) Ein Hessenoffizier im Lande der Skipetaren (516) Aus der Geschichte der österreichischen Militärmusik (517) Die Regimentmusik der "Hessen". (518) Die Hessen-Musik vor 100 Jahren (518) Philipp Fahrbach beim Hessen-Regiment (519) Die letzten Hessen-Kapellmeister (519) [Abb]: Militärkapellmeister Gustav Mahr mit der Regimentsmusik (1918) (520) [Abb.]: Militärkapellmeister d. R. Gustav Mahr mit Fahnenbläsern am Festabend der Monte San Gabriele-Feier 1925 (521) Hessen-Tonstücke (522) [Noten]: Salm-Salm (522) [Noten]: Hessen-Marsch (525) [Noten]: Marsch des X. Hessenbataillons (527) [Noten]: Österreichischer Generalmarsch (529) Regimentsgeschichte 1918 - 1936 des Oberösterreichischen Infanterieregimentes Nr. 14, früher Hessen (531) 1918 - 1919 (531) 1920 - 1924 (531) [4 Abb.]: (1)Obstlt. Friedrich Langer 1. April 1920 bis 30. Juni 1920 (2)Obst. Rudolf Jonke 1. Juli 1920 bis 31. Jänner 1924 (3)Obst. Anton Schenk 1. Februar 1924 bis 31. Oktober 1924 (4)Obst. Wilhelm Wraschtil 1. November 1924 bis 31. Jänner 1925 (532) [4 Abb.]: (1)Obst. Franz Puchmayr 1. Februar 1925 bis 31. Dezember 1927 (2)Obst. Wilhelm Zehner 1. Jänner 1928 bis 30. Juni 1931 (3)Obst. Franz Fischer 1. Juli 1931 bis 31. Juli 1932 (4)Obst. Ferdinand Pichler 1. August 1932 bis 28. Februar 1933 (533) [2 Abb.]: (1)Obst. Anton Kienbauer 1. März 1933 bis 31. Dezember 1934 (2)Obst. Erwin Hingler 1. Jänner 1935 bis heute (534) 1925 - 1932 (534) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die neue Regimentsfahne (2)Oberst Zehner an der Spitze seines Regimentes am Heldenplatz in Wien, September 1930 (535) [3 Abb.]: (1)Dachsteinübungsplatz: Das Karls-Eisfeld mit dem Hohen Dachstein (2996 m) (2)Dachsteinübungsplatz: Berglager Krippenbrunn (1618 m) (3)Dachsteinübungsplatz: Talkaserne und Tallager Obertraun. Im Hintergrund: Mittagskogel (2109 m) und Hoher Krippenstein (1634 m) (536) [4 Abb.]: (1)Beobachtungsstand (2)Regimentsübung im Mühlviertel 1927. Oberst Puchmayr hält bei Eidenberg die Besprechung (3)Aufstieg zum gefechtsmäßigen Schießen bei der Simonyhütte 1928 (4)Oberst Zehner mit dem Offizierskorps am Wetterberg 1929 (537) [2 Abb.]: (1)Defilierung des Regimentes in Wien als Abschluß der Manöver 1930 (2)Allerseelenfest 1930 am Heldenfriedhof (538) 1933 - 1936 (538) [Abb.]: Dekorierungsfeier 1934: Oberst Kienbauer mit dem Offiziers- und Unteroffizierskorps (538) [3 Abb.]: (1)200-Jahrfeier der Hessen am 11. Juni 1933: Oberst Kienbauer kommandiert die Parade (2)Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier 1933: Bundesminister G. g. I. Vaugoin schreitet mit Landeshauptmann Dr. Schlegel die Front ab (3)1933 Linz: Defilierung nach der Jungmännervereidigung am Exerzierplatz (539) [6 Abb.]: (1)Manöverbesprechung (2)Infanteriekanone M 35 in Feuerstellung (3)Schützengruppe im Gefecht (4)Minenwerfer in Deckung (5)1935: Schweres Maschinengewehr in Feuerstellung (6)1935: Leichtes Maschinengewehr in Feuerstellung (540) [2 Abb.]: (1)1935 Linz: Feldaltar am Franz-Josef-Platz bei der Fahnenweihe (2)Fahnenübernahme 1935: Landeshauptmann Dr. Gleißner und Oberst d. R. Sauer befestigen die Fahnenbänder (541) [3 Abb.]: (1)1935 Linz: Die Ehrenkompagnie bei der Fronleichnamsprozession (2)Schwur zur neuen Fahne (3)1936: Oberleutnant Erwin Hingler stellt Oberst d. R. Richard v. Vitorelli das Infanterieregiment Nr. 14, früher Hessen vor. (542) [Abb.]: General der Infanterie Wilhelm Zehner, Staatssekretär für Landesverteidigung (543) [2 Abb.]: (1)Offizierskorps: (2)Unteroffizierskorps: (544) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Offizierskorps des III. Baons (Steyr): Von links nach rechts: Hptm. Franz Wrbik, Hptm. Nobert Colli, Mjr. Heinrich Linhart, Hptm. Josef Fasching, Mjr. Karl Treitinger, Oblt. Karl Wallergraber, Hptm. Albert Getzner, Obstl. Rudolf Zaar, Oblt. Josef Illes, Obst.-Arzt Dr. Franz Widhalm, Wi.-Oblt. Michael Pureber (2)Das Unteroffizierskorps des III. Bataillons (Steyr): Sitzend von links nach rechts: Stwchtm. Konrad Ammerer, Vzlt. Matthias Demmelmayr, Vzlt. Alois Wiedermann, Zvzlt. Ferdinand Exler, Vzlt. Gratian Andraschko, Wi.-Vzlt. Karl Auer, Wi.-Vzlt. Josef Obermüller.- Stehend von links nach rechts: Wchtm. Josef Pernsteiner, Wchtm. Karl Daschill, Wchtm. Ludwig Forstner, Wchtm. Johann Steirl, Wchtm. Franz Schaden, Wi.-Wchtm. Heinrich Klaffenböck, Wchtm. Johann Mülleger, Wchtm. Anton Feichtner, Wchtm. Rudolf Prenn, Wchtm. Maximilian Gstöttenmayr, Wchtm. Jaroslav Moraver (545) Hessenunterkünfte in Linz (546) [Abb.]: Linz: Schloss 1600 (546) Aus der Geschichte des Schlosses (546) [Abb.]: Die Schlosskaserne (547) [3 Abb.]: (1)Der Brand des Linzer Schlosses und des Landhauses im Jahre 1800 (2)Säulengang in der Schloßkaserne. Links Eingang zur Hessenkapelle (3)Die Toreinfahrt (548) [3 Abb.]: (1)Festbeleuchtung anläßlich der Fahnenweihe 1925 (2)Das aus dem Jahre 1614 stammende Portal der Schloßkaserne (3)Gedenktafel für die im Februar 1934 gefallenen Alpenjäger und der Schloßbrunnen (16. Jahrhundert) (549) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Römertor der Schloßkaserne (2)Das Friedrichstor mit dem Wappen Kaiser Friedrichs III. (15. Jahrhundert) (550) Die Fabrikskaserne (550) [3 Abb.]: (1)Vorplatz der Schloßkaserne mit dem Ausblick auf den Pöstlingberg (2)Der Hofberg mit dem Aufgang zur Schloßkaserne (3)Stiegenaufgang zur Schloßkaserne (551) [3 Abb.]: (1)Speisesaal der Offiziersmesse am Regimentsfeiertag (2)Vorraum der ehemaligen Offiziersmesse in der Schloßkaserne (3)Salon der Offiziersmesse (552) [3 Abb.]: (1)Aussicht vom Hessenmuseum auf das Donautal, St. Magdalena und auf den Kulmberg (2)Blick vom Hessenmuseum gegen den Mariä-Empfängnis-Dom und den Landhausturm (3)Das Linzer Stadtbild mit dem Alten Dom, der Stadtpfarrkirche und dem Pfenningberg vom Hessenmuseum aus gesehen. (553) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die jetzige Fabrikskaserne (rechts im Vordergrunde) um das Jahr 1840 (2)Die Fabrikskaserne (3)Fabrikskaserne: Gedenktafel der im Februar 1934 Gefallenen (554) Die Hessenbünde (555) Der Hessen-Offiziersbund (555) [2 Abb.]: (1)Major Karl Kenzian Edler von Kenzianshausen (2)Eröffnung des Hessenmuseums 1926 (556) [3 Abb.]: (1)Inhaber-Saal mit der alten Hessenfahne (2)Zehnjahrfeier des Hessenmuseums. Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner spricht. (3)Inhaber-Saal. (557) [3 Abb.]:(1)Maler Hayd-Saal (2)Blick vom Eingangssaal in das Waffenzimmer (3)Lichtbilder-Saal (558) [Abb.]: Oberst d. R. Heinrich Sauer (559) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die Hessenfahne bei der Weihe des Kaiserjäger-Ehrengrabes am Berge Isel 1923 (Oblt. Roder, Feldw. Walter, Lt. Tschoner) (2)Die Hessenfahne bei der Enthüllung der Kaiserschützen-Gedenktafel am Untersberg 1924 (3)Die Hessenfahne mit altösterreichischen Regimentsfahnen beim deutsch-österreichischen Kameradschaftstag in München 1926. Feldmesse vor dem Armeemuseum (Fahnenoffizier Oblt. Roder, Fahnenführer Fw. Bohdanowicz (560) [4 Abb.]: (1)Fahnenband für das Nachfolgeregiment, gestiftet vom Hessen-Offiziersbund und vom Hessen-Mannschaftsbund (2)Rechts oben: Die Hessenfahne mit den Fahnen des ehemaligen k. u. k. Infanterieregimentes Nr. 91 und des früheren kgl. bayerischen Infanterieregimentes Nr. 16 beim deutsch-österreichischen Wiedersehensfest in Passau, 1927. Rechts: Prinz Alfons von Bayern mit Gefolge am Defilierungsplatz (3)Bild Mitte: Die Hessenfahne bei der Enthüllung des Kriegerdenkmals in Helfenberg, 1927. (4)Rechts unten: Oberst d. R. Karl Watzek, Mitkämpfer von 1866, schlägt den Nagel im Namen der Hessenbünde in die neue Regimentsfahne (1925). Links Fürstin Fanny Starhemberg (561) [3 Abb.]: (1)Die Hessenfahne bei der Gedenkmesse für Kriegsgefallene in der Stiftskirche St. Florian, 1930 (2)Die Regimentsfahne vor dem enthüllten Hessendenkmal in Linz, 1928 (3)Landeshauptmann Dr. Josef Schlegel übernimmt das Hessendenkmal in die Obhut des Landes (562) [Abb.]: Gedenkfeier 1933 an die vor 200 Jahren erfolgte Errichtung des Regimentes (563) [3 Abb.]: (1)Bild oben: Die Hessenfahne mit den Regimentsfahnen vor dem Feldaltar am Franz-Josef-Platz (2)Bild Mitte: Die Fahnen der bestandenen k. u. k. Infanterieregimenter Hoch- und Deutschmeister Nr. 4 (Wien), Albert I. König der Belgier Nr. 27 (Graz), Graf Beck Nr. 47 (Marburg), Freiherr von Heß Nr. 49 (St. Pölten), Erzherzog Rainer Nr. 59 (Salzburg), Freiherr von Succovaty Nr. 87 (Cilli), Freiherr von Czibulka Nr. 91 (Budweis), Freiherr von Waldstätten Nr. 97 (Triest), des k. k. Schützenregiments Nr. 2 (Linz), des k. k. II. Kaiserschützenregimentes (Bozen), des k. k. Freiwilligen oberösterreichischen Schützenregimentes (Linz) und die Flagge S. M. Schiff "Novara" (3)Bild unten: Die Festteilnehmer bei der Feldmesse (564) Die Ortsgruppe Wien (565) [4 Abb.]: (1)Generaloberst d. R. Erzherzog Franz Salvator mit Generalmajor d. R. Oskar von Englisch-Popparich, Gendamerieoberst Franz Vogelhuber, Oberleutnant a. D. Peter Graf Revertera, Generalmajor d. R. Hugo Freiherr von Lederer (2)Generalmajor d. R. Friedrich von Löw hält die Festansprache (3)Feldmarschalleutnant d. R. Ottmar von Panesch und Generalmajor d. R. William von Einem vor der Fahnenfront (4)Generaloberst d. R. Erzherzog Josef Ferdinand defiliert mit dem I. Hessenbataillon. Links Generalmajor d. R. Hans von Kobbe, rechts: Oberst d. R. Karl Edler von Staskiewicz, Oberst d. R. Theodor Malina (565) [4 Abb.]: (1)Bild links oben: Oberst d. R. Richard von Vittorelli überreicht die vom Großherzog Ernst Ludwig von Hessen verliehenen Philippsorden (2)Bild rechts oben: Oberst d. R. Heinrich Sauer überreicht die vom Großherzog Ernst Ludwig verliehenen Silbernen Medaillen für Kriegsverdienste und die vom Regimentsinhaber gestifteten Hessen-Jubiläumsmedaillen (3)Bild Mitte: Generalmajor d. R. von Löw überreicht den Besitzern der Goldenen Tapferkeitsmedaille die von den Hessenbünden zur Zweihundertjahrfeier gestiftete Hessendankplakette (4)Bild unten: Die Hessenmusik (566) [Abb.]: Professor Eduard Lorenz (567) [4 Abb.]: Blattseiten aus dem Goldenen Ehrenbuch (1)Das Reichswappen Österreich-Ungarns (Aquarell) (2)Das Landeswappen Oberösterreichs mit einem Widmungsspruch (Aquarell) (3)Schriftseite (4)Schriftseite (568) [Abb.]: Das Goldene Ehrenbuch der Hessen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Das Heldenehrbuch der Hessen, geschaffen zur 200-Jahrfeier (2)Das Goldene Ehrenbuch vor der Hessenkapelle (569) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bischof Dr. Johannes Gföllner, Bundesminister für Landesverteidigung General der Infanterie Carl Vaugoin und Landeshauptmann Dr. Josef Schlegel bei der Feldmesse vor dem Hessendenkmal am Regimentsgedenktag 1933 (2)Oberst d. R. Friedrich Ritter Hantken von Prudnik bei Eröffnung der Hessen-Rainerstraße in Schärding 1933 nach der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier (570) Hessen-Mannschaftsbund Linz (570) [3 Abb.]: (1)Defilierung der Hessenfahnengruppe (Kommandant Oblt. a. D. Kern) und des Fahnenzuges (Kommandant Oblt. i. d. Res. Gärtner) bei der Enthüllung des Armeedenkmals in Wien, 1934. Im Vordergrund Fähnrich Dobler (2)Das Ehren-Signalhorn des Hessen-Mannschaftsbundes nach der Weihe am Regimentsgedenktag 1934. Hornist Feldwebel Hans Baumgartner (3)Am Hessenplatz in Linz (571) [3 Abb.]: (1)Oblt. Dr. Hasenöhrl-Gedenkfeier der Wiener Ortsgruppe des Hessen-Offiziersbundes in der Aula der Universiät, 1935 (2)Oblt. a. D. Franz Kern defiliert mit der Hessenfahnengruppe beim Kameradentag des Eisernen Korps in Graz, 1935. Anschließend der Fahnenzug (Kommandant Oblt. i. d. Res. Gärtner) (3)Die Hessenfahnengruppe (Kommandant i. d. Res. Marian) bei der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier in Steyr, 1935. Rechts Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner (572) [Abb.]: Feldmesse während der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier im Turnierhof der Schloßkaserne in Linz, 1935 (573) Hessengruppe Innsbruck (573) [2 Abb.]: (1)Divisionspfarrer Militärkurat Josef Seelos bei der Ansprache während der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier, 1935, im Turnierhof der Schloßkaserne (2)Die Hessenfahnengruppe (Kommandant Major d. R. Viktor Grundner) vor der Front des Infanterieregimentes Nr. 14, früher Hessen, am Regimentsgedenktage 1935. Rechts: Regimentskommandant Oberleutnant Erwin Hingler (573) [3 Abb.]: (1)Ehrengäste beim Soldatentag in Aspern, 1936 (2)Bundeskanzler Dr. Kurt Schuschnigg enthüllt die Hessengedenktafel in Aspern (3)Oberst a. D. und Hofrat d. R. Maximilian Ehnl hält die Ansprache bei der Enthüllung der Hessengedenktafel (574) [2 Abb.]: (1)Die 1936 vom Hessenbund Wien in Aspern errichtete Gedenktafel (2)Divisionspfarrer Militärkurat Josef Seelos vor der Weihe der Hessengedenktafel (575) Hessenbund Wels (575) Hessenbund Enns (576) [3 Abb.]: (1)Defilierung des Hessenfahnenzuges (Kommandant Oblt. i. d. Res. Gärtner) in Aspern (2)Oberst d. R. Heinrich Sauer überreicht in Aspern Generaloberst d. R. Viktor Graf Dankl das Hessen-Ehrenabzeichen (3)Die Hessenmusik in Aspern: Links Kapellmeister Karl Stark (576) [2 Abb.]: (1)1936 Linz: Die Hessenfahne bei der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier. Rechts Oberst d. R. Richard von Vittorelli, Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner, Divisionär Generalmajor Anton Kienbauer (2)1936 Linz: Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner schreitet die Front der Hessenbünde ab. Rechts Divisionär Generalmajor Anton Kienbauer, Regierungsdirektor Dr. Otto Richter, Generalstabschef Oberst Karl Wöhrle, Regimentskommandant Oberleutnant Erwin Hingler (577) Hessenbund Vorarlberg (577) [Abb.]: Regimentsgedenktag Linz, 1936: Major d. R. Viktor Grundner mit der Hessenfahnengruppe und der Ehrenabteilung (577) Gruppenbilder einzelner Hessenbünde aus dem Jahre 1916 (578) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessenoffiziersbund: (2)1936 Linz: Kameradschaftliche Zusammenkunft der Hessenbrüder nach der Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier im Kasinosaal (Vereinsheim d. Hessenoffiziersbundes). Ehrenmitglied Buchdruckereibesitzer Georg Schreiber, München, spricht. Beim Hessenschild: Ehrenmitglied Landeshauptmann Dr. Heinrich Gleißner Oberst d. R. Richard v. Vittorelli, Bürgermeister Dr. Wilhelm Bock (578) [2 Abb.]: (1)1936: Monte-San-Gabriele-Feier der Ortsgruppe Wien des Hessen-Offiziersbundes im Hessenstüberl (2)Hessenbund Wien: (579) [2 Abb.]: Hessen-Mannschaftsbund Linz: (580) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessen-Mannschaftsbund Linz: (2)Linz: Hessenstüberl im Vereinsheim des Hessen-Mannschaftsbundes (581) Hessenbund Steyr (581) [Abb.]: Linz: Hessenkaverne im Vereinsheim des Hessen-Mannschaftsbundes (581) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessenbund Innsbruck: (2)Hessenbund Salzburg: (582) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessenbund Hallein: (2)Hessenstüberl Hallein (583) [3 Abb.]: (1)Hessenstraße in Wels (2)Hessenstüberl Wels (3)Hessenkaverne Wels (584) [Abb.]: Wappen des ersten und des letzten Inhabers, verbunden mit dem Hessenschild und dem Regimentsspruch im Goldenen Ehrenbuch der Hessen ( - ) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessenbund Wels: (2)Das Hessen-Ehrengrab in Wels (585) [2 Abb.]: Hessenbund Enns und Umgebung: (586) [Abb.]: Hessenbund Enns und Umgebung: (587) Hessenbund Kirchdorf an der Krems (587) [Abb.]: Hessenbund Ens (Gruppe St. Valentin): (587) [2 Abb.]: (1)Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Steyr: (2)Das Steyrer Hessenstüberl (588) [2 Abb.]: Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Steyr: (589) [2 Abb.]: Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Steyr: (590) [3 Abb.]: (1)Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Eferding: (2)Hans Emmerstorfer, Gründer des Hessenbundes Eferding (3)Hessenbund Braunau am Inn: (591) [3 Abb.]: (1)Hessenbund Vorarlberg: (2)Der Hessengedenkstein in Bregenz (3)Hessen-Kameradschaftsbund Kirchdorf an der Krems: (592) [Abb.]: Die alte Hessenfahne ( - ) [Gedicht]: ( - ) Schlußwort ( - ) Inhaltsverzeichnis ( - ) Aus der Geschichte der Hesseninfanterie vor dem Weltkrieg ( - ) Das Hessenregiment Nr. 14 im Weltkrieg ( - ) Die im Weltkrieg 1914 - 1918 gefallenen Hessen. Auszeichnungen im Weltkrieg. Kriegserfahrungen und besondere Formationen in Einzeldarstellungen ( - ) Hessengedichte. Regimentsgeschichte 1918 - 1936 des oberösterreichischen Infanterieregimentes Nr. 14, früher Hessen. Die Hessenbünde. ( - ) Berichtigungen ( - ) [Abb.]: Die Adamello-Gruppe. 1 = Val di S. Valentino. 2 = Monte Caré Alto (3465). 3 = Corno di Cavento (3400). 4-5 = Passo di Lares (3255). 6 = Crozzon di Lares (3354). 7 = Lobbia-Gletscher. Hinter dem Lobbia-Gletscher von Wolken verhüllt der Monte Adamello (3548). 8 = Crozzon di Fargorida (3082). 6-8 = Passo di Topette (2901). 9 = Monte Stablel (2868). 10 = Menicigolo (2685). ( - ) [Abb.]: Der Monte Cristallo. 1 = Antolao. 2 = Sorapiß. 3 = Cristallin-Spitze. 4 = P. Popena. 5 = Monte Cristallo. 6 = Tofana (I, II, III). 7 = Fanes-Spitzen. 8 = Furcia-Rossa-Spitze. 9 = Vallon Bianco. 10 = Conturines-Spitze. 11 = La Varella. 12 = Hohe Gaisl (Croda Rossa). 13 = Monte Piano. 14 = Tal von Schluderbach. ( - ) [Abb.]: Der Krieg in den Dolomiten. Aufnahme von der Fanesscharte aus. 1 = Tofana III. 2 = Tofana II. 3 = Forcella Fontana nigra. 4 = Tofana I. 5 = Schreckstein (Castelletto). 6 = Antelao. 7 = Froda da Lago. 8 = Nördl. Lagazuoi. 9 = Mittl. Lagazuoi. 10 = Ciatta. 11 = Südl. Lagazuoi. 12 = Kleiner Lagazuoi. 13 = Im Vordergrund: Travenzestal. 14 = Im Vordergrund: Stellung im "Gasserdepot". 15 = Col dei Bois. 16 = Im Hintergrund das Ampezzotal mit Sorapiß. 17 = Cima Falzanego. 18 = Im Vordergrund: Großer u. Kleiner Lagazuoi ( - ) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

DIPLOMATISCHE AKTENSTÜCKE ZUR GESCHICHTE DER ENTENTEPOLITIK DER VORKRIEGSJAHRE 2 Diplomatische Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Ententepolitik der Vorkriegsjahre (-) Diplomatische Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Ententepolitik der Vorkriegsjahre 2 (2; 1921) (805) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) Elftes Kapitel. Italiens Stellung im Dreibund und sein Verhältnis zu den drei Ententemächten. ([449]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 9./22. Juni 1909. ([449]) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. Oktober 1909. (451) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. Oktober 1909. (451) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Oktober 1909. (452) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Okt. 1909. - Nr. 213. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Oktober / 12. November 1909. - Nr. 218. (3)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 1./14. November 1909. - Nr. 1946. (453) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Berlin vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1909. (454) [Brief]: Instruktionen des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die Vertreter Rußlands in Sofia, Belgrad und Cettinje anläßlich der Monarchenbegegnung in Racconigi vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1909. (456) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Oktober / 6. November 1909. (458) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1909. (459) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 9./22. Juli 1911. (459) [Brief]: Schluß eines Briefes des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. September 1911. (460) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1911. - Nr. 1724. (460) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. April 1910. (461) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. August / 7. September 1910. (462) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. März 1912. (462) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Mai 1912. (464) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky vom 17./30. Mai 1912. (465) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. Mai / 4. Juni 1912. (466) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1912. (467) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Juli 1912. (469) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Juli / 13. August 1912. (470) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Juli / 13. August 1912. (471) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. November 1912. - Nr. 376. (473) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem streng vertraulichen Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Oktober 1911. (474) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. März 1912. (475) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juni 1912. (476) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Juni 1912. (477) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1912. - Nr. 19. (478) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Juni / 11. Juli 1912. (479) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Juli 1912. (480) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. Oktober / 9. November 1912. - Nr. 351. (481) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. Mai / 4. Juni 1912. (482) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 18./31. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 676. (482) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. November 1913. (483) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. November / 4. Dezember 1913. (485) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. April 1914. (486) Beilage zu obigem Briefe vom 8./21. April 1914. (486) [Brief]: Vertrauliches Schreiben des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Februar 1914. (488) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1914. (490) Zwölftes Kapitel. Tripolis. ([492]) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Rom vom 13./ 26. August 1911. - Nr. 550. ([492]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. August / 12. September 1911. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. August / 13. September 1911. - Nr. 843. (493) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. September 1911. (494) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. September 1911. (495) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18. September / 1. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 1357. (496) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. September 1911. (496) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. September / 8. Oktober 1911. (497) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 9./22. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 1557. (497) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 24. Oktober / 6. November 1911. (498) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 19. Oktober / 1. November 1911. - Nr. 158. (2)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1911. (500) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. April 1912. - Nr. 111. (500) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. April 1912. - Nr. 112. (501) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18. April / 1. Mai 1912. - Nr. 790. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. April / 2. Mai 1912. - Nr. 115. (502) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. April / 2. Mai 1912. - Nr. 116. (502) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. April / 9. Mai 1912. (503) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Mai 1912. - Nr. 126. (504) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1912. - Nr. 58. (505) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Mai 1912. (505) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Mai 1912. - Nr. 69. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Mai 1912. - Nr. 70. (3)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 16./29. Mai 1912. - Nr. 1013. (507) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1912. - Nr. 143. (508) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1912. - Nr. 90. (508) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. Mai 1912. - Nr. 144. (509) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. Mai 1912. (509) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1912. (510) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 27. Mai / 9. Juni 1912. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Mai / 10. Juni 1912. - Nr. 158. (511) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Mai / 10. Juni 1912. - Nr. 159. (512) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Mai / 11. Juni 1912. - Nr. 160. (512) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Juni 1912. - Nr. 102. (513) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 31. Mai / 13. Juni 1912. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juni 1912. - Nr. 174. (514) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juni 1912. - Nr. 107. (515) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 5./18. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1146. (515) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 10./23. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1177. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Juni 1912. - Nr. 176. (516) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Juni 1912. (516) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Juni / 13. Juli 1912. - Nr. 34. (517) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. August 1912. - Nr. 583. (518) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. August / 2. September 1912. - Nr. 222. (518) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. September 1912. - Nr. 90. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 262. (519) Dreizehntes Kapitel. Die Lage auf dem Balkan vor Ausbruch des ersten Balkankrieges. (520) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1912. - Nr. 54. (520) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Juli / 6. August 1912. - Nr. 536. (520) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Cettinje an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. August 1912. - Nr. 125. (521) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. September / 8. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2102. (521) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. September / 8. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2102. ([522]) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem sehr vertraulichen Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1912. (525) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juni 1912. (527) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1912. - Nr. 1266. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1912. (3)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20 September 1912. - Nr. 115. (528) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juli 1912. - Nr. 494. (528) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Juli 1912. - Nr. 89. (529) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Juli 1912. - Nr. 91. (529) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Juli 1912. - Nr. 54. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Belgrad an das russische Außenministerium vom 7./20. August 1912. - Nr. 108. (530) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. September 1912. - Nr. 141. (530) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. September 1912. - Nr. 731. (531) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. September 1912. - Nr. 734. (531) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juli 1912. (532) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Wien vom 5./18. August 1912. - Nr. 1566. (533) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an die russischen Vertreter in Paris und London vom 5./18. August 1912. - Nr. 1564. (534) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. August 1912. - Nr. 152. (535) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. August 1912. (535) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. August 1912. (537) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. August 1912. (537) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsführers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. August / 1. September 1912. (538) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. August 1912. (538) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. September 1912. - Nr. 114. (539) [Brief]: Sehr geheimes Schreiben des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den Vorsitzenden des Ministerrates Staatssekretär Kolowzew vom 10./23. Oktober 1912. (540) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an das russische Außenministerium vom 10./23. Oktober 1912. (542) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den Zaren über seine Auslandsreise im September-Oktober 1912. (546) Vierzehntes Kapitel. Die Großmächte während des Balkankrieges. ([551]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 267. ([551]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 268. (552) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 269. (553) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 270. (554) [Brief]: Persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 9./22. Oktober 1912. (554) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 275. (556) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2314. (557) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 282. (557) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 283. (558) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 17./30. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 284. (559) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18./31. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 675. (560) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18./31. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2403. (562) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an die russischen Botschafter in Paris und London vom 18./31. Oktober 1912. - Nr. 2405. (563) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Oktober / 1. November 1912. - Nr. 290. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Oktober / 2. November 1912. (564) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Oktober / 2. November 1912. - Nr. 2423. (564) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Oktober / 2. November 1912. - Nr. 295. (565) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1912. - Nr. 2455. (567) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1912. - Nr. 298. (568) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1912. - Nr. 299. (568) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 24. Oktober / 6. November 1912. - Nr. 2474. (569) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1912. - Nr. 307. (570) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1912. - Nr. 308. (570) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. Oktober / 9. November 1912. - Nr. 276. (571) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 23. Oktober / 5. November 1912. - Nr. 2461. (572) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 23. Oktober / 5. November 1912. - Nr. 2461. (573) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 26. Oktober / 8. November 1912. - Nr. 2500. (574) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 25. Oktober / 7. November 1912. (575) [Brief]: Eigenhändiger Brief Poincarés an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky vom 22. Oktober / 4. November 1912. (576) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 27. Oktober / 9. November 1912. - Nr. 2513. (577) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 29. Oktober / 11. November 1912. - Nr. 2526. (578) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 28. Oktober / 11. November 1912. - Nr. 2540. (579) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Oktober / 11. November 1912. - Nr. 315. (580) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Oktober / 12. November 1912. - Nr. 316. (580) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. November 1912. - Nr. 319. (581) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. November 1912. - Nr. 320. (581) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. November 1912. - Nr. 321. (582) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 1./14. November 1912. (583) [Brief]: Projekt eines Briefes des russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky an den französischen Außenminister Poincaré. (584) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. November 1912. - Nr. 323. (584) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. November 1912. - Nr. 324. (585) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. November 1912. - Nr. 369. (586) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. November 1912. - Nr. 372. (586) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. November 1912. - Nr. 369. (587) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. November 1912. - Nr. 376. (589) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. November 1912. - Nr. 383. (590) Fünfzehntes Kapitel. Die Londoner Botschafterkonferenz 1912. ([593]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. November 1912. - Nr. 332. ([593]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. November 1912. - Nr. 338. (594) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. November 1912. - Nr. 385. (595) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. November 1912. - Nr. 386. (595) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. November 1912. Nr. 388. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 390. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 342. (597) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 345. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenminister an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 14./27. November 1912. - Nr. 2738. (598) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. November 1912. - Nr. 330. (599) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 392. (599) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 393. (600) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. November 1912. - Nr. 348. (600) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. November 1912. - Nr. 347. (601) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. November 1912. - Nr. 349. (602) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. November 1912. - Nr. 351. (602) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 17./30. November 1912. - Nr. 2762. (603) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. November / 1. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 355. (604) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 21. November / 4. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2781. (605) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 21. November / 4. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2791. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. November / 4. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 412. (606) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. November / 5. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 365. (606) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. November / 5. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 366. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. November / 6. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 368. (607) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. November / 6. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 369. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. November / 8. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2829. (608) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2836. (608) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2838. (609) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 2837. (609) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1912. Nr. 2845. (610) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 429. (612) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 431. (612) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. November / 11. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 384. (613) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 387. (613) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 393. (614) Sechzehntes Kapitel. Die Lage auf dem Balkan Anfang 1914. ([615]) [Brief]: Sehr geheimer Brief des russischen Gesandten in Bukarest Poklewski-Koziell an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Januar 1914. ([615]) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Bukarest an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Februar 1914. - Nr. 9. (618) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Februar 1914. - Nr. 7. (620) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 17. Februar / 2. März 1914. - Nr. 129. (621) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. März / 3. April 1914. (622) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Cettinje an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. März 1914. - Nr. 17. (624) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Cettinje an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. März 1914. - Nr. 18. (624) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 16./29. März 1914. - Nr. 602. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. März 1914. - Nr. 104. (625) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. März 1914. - Nr. 104. (626) [Brief]: Geheimer Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 20. Februar / 5. März 1914. - Nr. 130. (626) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad Hartwig an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. März / 7. April 1914. - Nr. 18. (628) [Brief]: Streng vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. Mai 1914. - Nr. 26. (629) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 24. Juni / 7. Juli 1914. - Nr. 1351. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 9./22. April 1914. - Nr. 69. (631) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. April 1914. - Nr. 72. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. April 1914. - Nr. 106. (632) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 23. April / 6. Mai 1914. (632) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. April / 13. Mai 1914. - Nr. 84. (633) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Mai 1914. - Nr. 122. (634) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Mai 1914. - Nr. 125. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Mai 1914. - Nr. 126. (635) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1914. - Nr. 134. (635) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1914. - Nr. 135. (636) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1914. - Nr. 143. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. Juni 1914. - Nr. 163. (637) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Juni 1914. - Nr. 121. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Juni 1914. - Nr. 122. (638) Siebzehntes Kapitel. Rußland und die Militärmillion General Liman von Sanders. ([639]) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. November 1913. ([639]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 12./25. November 1913. - Nr. 3230. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1913. - Nr. 790. (641) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. November 1913. - Nr. 555. (641) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. November 1913. - Nr. 795. (642) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. November / 2. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 798. (643) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. November / 2. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 799. (644) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 24. November / 7. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3309. (644) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 802. (645) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 803. (645) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 804. (646) [Brief]: Paraphrase eines Telegramms Sir E. Grey's an den englischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 9. Dezember 1913. (647) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3334. (647) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3335. (648) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. November / 11. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 806. (648) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1039. (649) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 28. November / 11. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3346 (650) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3349. (650) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3353. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 807. (651) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. November / 13. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1050. (651) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 813. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 814. (652) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1054. (652) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1055. (653) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 818. (654) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 819. (654) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 4./17. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3388. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 4./17. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3404. (655) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 821. (655) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 822. (656) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 591. (656) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 7./20. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3426. (657) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1069. (657) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1069. (658) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 1073. (659) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 8./21. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 3436. (660) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 833. (660) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 607. (661) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 608. (662) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 308. (662) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 837. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 838. (663) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Dezember 1913 / 1. Januar 1914. (664) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Dezember 1913 / 1. Januar 1914. - Nr. 311. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 20. Dezember 1913 / 2. Januar 1914. - Nr. 3513. (666) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 22. Dezember 1913 / 4. Januar 1914. - Nr. 3541. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1913 / 5. Januar 1914. - Nr. 840. (667) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1913 / 5. Januar 1914. - Nr. 841. (667) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1913 / 5. Januar 1914. - Nr. 843. (668) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1913 / 5. Januar 1914. - Nr. 617. (668) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Dezember 1913 / 7. Januar 1914. - Nr. 847. (669) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. Dezember 1913 / 8. Januar 1914. - Nr. 849. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Dezember 1913 / 12. Januar 1914. - Nr. 850. (670) [Briefe]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 30. Dezember 1913 / 13. Januar 1914. Nr. 3582. (671) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 3./16. Januar 1914. (671) Achtzehntes Kapitel. Die Grundzüge der russischen Meerengen-Politik. ([674]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 245. ([674]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Oktober 1911. (675) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 655. (678) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 12./25. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 1589. (679) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem sehr vertraulichen Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Oktober 1911. (679) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 250. (680) [Brief]: Privatbrief des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Oktober / 2. November 1911. - Nr. 692. (681) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 26. Oktober / 8. November 1911. (682) [Brief]: Privatbrief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 26. Oktober / 8. November 1911. (684) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. November 1911. - Nr. 1862. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 13./26. November 1912. - Nr. 394. (686) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky vom 17./30. November 1912. - Nr. 2764. (687) [Brief]: Sehr geheimer Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 15./28. November 1912. - Nr. 787. (687) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. November / 2. Dezember 1912. (690) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 18. April / 1. Mai 1913. - Nr. 381. (692) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. April / 10. Mai 1913. - Nr. 341. (694) Neunzehntes Kapitel. Deutsch-russische Beziehungen 1909 - 1914. ([696]) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. März / 2. April 1909. ([696]) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Berlin Osten-Sacken vom 18. Juni / 2. Juli 1909. (697) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Osten-Sacken an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 12./25. Juni 1909. - Nr. 41. (701) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Oktober / 12. November 1909. (701) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. März 1910. (702) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Juli / 5. August 1910. (703) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Oktober / 11. November 1910. - Nr. 103. (704) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Mai / 4. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1062. (704) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Mai / 4. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1061. (705) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 24. Juni / 7. Juli 1912. - Nr. 1260. (705) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1912. (706) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Juli 1912. (709) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 15./28. Februar 1913. - Nr. 184. (710) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 1./14. März 1913. (710) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem ganz vertraulichen Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Februar / 12. März 1914. (713) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. März / 9. April 1914. (714) Zwanzigstes Kapitel. Deutsch-englische Beziehungen 1908 bis 1914. ([716]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 12./25. November 1908. ([716]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 21. Januar / 3. Februar 1909. (718) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1909. (722) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Februar 1909. (722) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London Poklewski-Koziell an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Februar 1909. (723) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Osten-Sacken an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 6./19. Februar 1909. (726) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1909. (727) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Mai 1909. (728) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Oktober / 10. November 1909. (729) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Oktober / 12. November 1909. (730) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 23. Dezember 1909 / 5. Januar 1910. (731) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 18./31. März 1911. (732) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. März 1911. (733) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. März 1911. (735) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden Außenminister vom 9./22. November 1911. (737) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 26. Januar / 8. Februar (?) 1912. (738) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 26. Januar / 8. Februar 1912. - Nr. 27. (748) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1912. (749) [Brief]: Persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1912. (751) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Jannuar /13. Februar 1912. - Nr. 35. (754) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1912. - Nr. 36. (754) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1912. - Nr. 37. (755) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. Februar 1912. - Nr. 44. (756) [Brief]: Persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Februar 1912. (756) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 16. Februar / 1. März 1912. (761) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. März 1912. - Nr. 67. (762) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. März 1912. - Nr. 68. (763) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. März 1912. (763) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 25. April / 8. Mai 1912. (765) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Mai 1912. (765) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Mai 1912. - Nr. 27. (767) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin Schebeko an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Mai / 7. Juni 1912. (769) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 23. November / 6. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 373. (770) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 21. Dezember 1912 / 3. Januar 1913. - Nr. 465. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1913. - Nr. 91. (771) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1913. - Nr. 276. (771) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1913. - Nr. 105. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 28. März / 10. April 1913. - Nr. 906. (772) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 29. März / 11. April 1913. - Nr. 330. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 1./14. April 1913. - Nr. 344. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 6./19. April 1913. - Nr. 355. (773) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. Mai 1913. - Nr. 1263. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 6./19. Mai 1913. - Nr. 450. (774) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin Swerbejew an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1914. (774) Einundzwanzigstes Kapitel. England, Frankreich, Rußland. ([777]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 5./18. Juni 1908. ([777]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 20. November / 3. Dezember 1908. (779) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. April / 10. Mai 1910. (781) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Mai/11. Juni 1910. Nr. 125 (781) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Juni 1910. - Nr. 134. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1910. - Nr. 178. (782) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Januar / 2. Februar 1911. (782) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1911. (784) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1911. - Nr. 26. (784) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. März 1911. (785) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. April 1911. (786) [Brief]: Auszug aus einer Denkschrift R. R. Rafalowitschs über den österreichischen Einfluß in französischen Banken vom 14. Mai 1914. (788) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Mai 1912. - Nr. 74. (790) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juli / 2. August 1912. - Nr. 136. (791) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Juli / 6. August 1912. - Nr. 141. (791) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 28. Juli / 10. Augst 1912. - Nr. 1520. (792) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Außenministers Sasonow über die Verhandlungen mit dem französischen Außenminister Poincaré anläßlich seines Besuches in Petersburg im August 1912. (792) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 18./31. Mai 1912. (796) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 20. Mai / 2. Juni 1912. (798) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1912. (799) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 28. Juni / 11. Juli 1912. - Nr. 187. (800) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Juli 1912. (801) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juli 1912. - Nr. 191. (802) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 23. November / 6. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 372. (802) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 28. November / 11. Dezember 1912. - Nr. 381 (803) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 14./27. Juni 1913. - Nr. 572. (804) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1914. - Nr. 252. (805) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Februar 1914. - Nr. 39. (806) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Iswolsky vom 20. März / 2. April 1914. - Nr. 23. (806) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. März / 9. April 1914. (808) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. April / 12. Mai 1914. (809) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Mai 1914. (810) [Brief]: Vertraulicher und persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Mai 1914. (812) [Brief]: Vertraulicher und persönlicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Mai 1914. (814) [Brief]: Brief Sir Edward Greys an den französischen Botschafter in London Paul Cambon vom 22. November 1912. (816) [Brief]: Brief des französischen Botschafters in London Paul Cambon an Sir Edward Grey vom 23. November 1912. (816) [Brief]: Sehr geheimer Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 15./28. Mai 1914. - Nr. 47. (817) Anlage zu obigem Briefe. (818) [Brief]: Geheimer Bericht des russischen Marineagenten in London an den Chef des russischen Admiralstabes vom 24. Mai / 6. Juni 1914. - Nr. 182. (820) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Mai / 11. Juni 1914. (821) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 30. Mai / 12. Juni 1914. - Nr. 149. (822) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Mai / 13. Juni 1914. - Nr. 150. (823) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Juni 1914. - Nr. 167. (823) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 12./25. Juni 1914. (824) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1914. (825) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. Juli 1914. (827) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

Verkehr und Information

(Siehe dazu auch das downloadbare PDF-Dokument zu dieser Studie)

Die Entwicklung der regionalen Wirtschaft, des Handels und damit des Wohlstands hängen eng mit der zur Verfügung stehenden Verkehrsinfrastruktur zusammen. Der Verkehrssektor sorgt für die Mobilität von Personen sowie den effizienten Austausch von Gütern und Nachrichten und lässt die Bedeutung räumlicher Distanzen in den Hintergrund treten. Hierbei sind sämtliche Bereiche des Verkehrs- und Informationswesens von Bedeutung. In verschiedenen Studien konnten große wirtschaftliche Modernisierungseffekte für die frühe Neuzeit durch die Entwicklung des Postverkehrs in festen Fahrplänen sowie den Bau von Chausseen nachgewiesen werden. Die Innovationen im Bereich der Telekommunikation beschleunigen den Austausch von Informationen um ein Vielfaches, frühere Technologien werden ergänzt oder sogar vollkommen ersetzt durch neue Formen der Informationsvermittlung. (Ein Beispiel ist das Telegramm, das Ende des 19. Jh. und Anfang des 20. Jh. eine hilfreiche und schnelle Form der Nachrichtenübermittlung war, da es wenig Telefone gab und die Briefe eine Laufzeit von ca. 4 Tagen hatten. Im 21. Jh. werden Telegramme nur selten eingesetzt. Das Telegramm hat an Bedeutung verloren, da das Kommunikationsnetz ausgebaut wurde und mittlerweile modernere Möglichkeiten der Datenübertragung wie z.B. SMS, E-Mail, Instant Messaging, zur Verfügung stehen.) Später wurden hinsichtlich der Entwicklung und des Ausbaus des Eisenbahnverkehrs ähnliche Effekte für den Warenhandel und die Integration von Regionen in den überregionalen nationalen Markt und in den Welthandel für die Zeit der industriellen Revolution nachgewiesen. Es soll versucht werden, die quantitative Entwicklung von Indikatoren zu den verschiedenen Verkehrsbereichen Eisenbahn, Kraftfahrzeuge, Binnen- und Seeschifffahrt, Luftverkehr sowie Post- und Nachrichtenverkehr über einen möglichst langen Zeitraum wiederzugeben, um so aufbereitete Zeitreihen der Forschung zur Verfügung zu stellen.

Die vorliegende Datensammlung zum Themenbereich 'Verkehr und Information' enthält insgesamt 75 Zeitreihen, die sich auf den Zeitraum vom Beginn der Amtlichen Statistik zur Zeit des Deutschen Reiches im Jahr 1870 bis zur heutigen Bundesrepublik in den Grenzen vom 3. Oktober 1990 erstrecken; es soll also, soweit es die Quellen erlauben, der Zeitraum von 1870 bis 2010 statistisch wiedergegeben werden. Aufgrund der sich häufig ändernden Erhebungssystematiken sowie durch die Folgen des 1. und des 2. Weltkrieges können nicht für alle Zeitreihen kontinuierlich Daten für den gewünschten Zeitraum zur Verfügung gestellt werden. Entweder liegen für die Zeitabschnitte während der Kriege keine Daten vor oder aber die Vergleichbarkeit insbesondere bei unterschiedlicher Erhebungssystematik ist stark eingeschränkt. Letzeres Problem tritt in besonderer Weise für die Statistik aus der Zeit der ehemaligen Deutschen Demokratischen Republik auf, aber auch die Statistik der früheren Bundesrepublik Deutschland (das Gebiet der alten Länder) kann erhebliche Brüche in der Systematik aufweisen. Der technische Fortschritt ist ein weiterer Grund, der das Fortführen kontinuierlicher Zeitreihen erschwert.

Die Zeitreihen zum Bereich 'Verkehr und Information' decken folgende Gebiete ab:
• 01: Eisenbahnen: Streckenlängen und Fahrzeugbestände (1850-2009)
• 02: Eisenbahnen: Personen- und Güterverkehr (1850-2002)
• 03: Straßenverkehr: Bestand an Kraftfahrzeugen (1902-2010)
• 04: Straßenverkehr: Straßenverkehrsunfälle (1906-2010)
• 05: Binnenschifffahrt: Bestand an Binnenschiffen (1872-2010)
• 06: Binnenschifffahrt: Güterverkehr auf den Binnenwasserstraßen (1909-2010)
• 07: Seeschifffahrt: Handelsschiffstonnage und Anzahl der Schiffe (1971-2010)
• 08: Seeschifffahrt: Güterumschlag bedeutender Seehäfen -
Hamburg, Bremische Häfen, Emden sowie Rostock, Wismar und Stralsund
(1925-2010)
• 09: Gewerblicher Luftverkehr (1919-2010)
• 10: Deutsche Reichs- und Bundespost, Telekommunikation (1871-2010)


Aufbau und Tabelleninhalt:

Zeitreihen zur Eisenbahn:
01: Eisenbahnen:
Streckenlängen und Fahrzeugbestände (1850-2009), Streckenlänge (alle Bahnen), Streckenlänge (Deutsche Reichsbahn-Bahn/Deutsche Bundesbahn), Fahrzeugbestände (alle Bahnen), Fahrzeugbestände (Deutsche Reichsbahn-Bahn/Deutsche Bundesbahn).

02: Eisenbahnen: Personen- und Güterverkehr (1850-2002)
Beförderte Personen (alle Bahnen), Geleistete Personenkilometer (alle Bahnen), Beförderte Güter (alle Bahnen), Geleistete Tonnenkilometer (alle Bahnen), Beförderte Personen (Deutsche Reichsbahn-Bahn/Deutsche Bundesbahn), Geleistete Personenkilometer (Deutsche Reichsbahn-Bahn/Deutsche Bundesbahn), Beförderte Güter (Deutsche Reichsbahn-Bahn/Deutsche Bundesbahn), Geleistete Tonnenkilometer (Deutsche Reichsbahn-Bahn/Deutsche Bundesbahn).


Zeitreihen zum Kraftfahrzeugverkehr:
03: Strassenverkehr: Bestand an Kraftfahrzeugen (1902-2010)
Kraftfahrzeuge insgesamt, Krafträder, Personenkraftwagen, Kraftomnibusse, Lastkraftfahrzeuge, Zugmaschinen, Sonderkraftfahrzeuge, Bevölkerung in 1000, Krafträder auf 1000 Einwohner, Personenkraftwagen auf 1000 Einwohner, Lastkraftfahrzeuge auf 1000 Einwohner.

04: Strassenverkehr: Straßenverkehrsunfälle (1906-2010)
Unfälle, Getötete, Verletzte.


Zeitreihen zur Binnenschifffahrt:
05: Bestand an Binnenschiffen (1872-2010)
Güterschiffe mit eigener Triebkraft (Anzahl), Güterschiffe mit eigener Triebkraft (Tragfähigk. in 1.000 t), Güterschiffe ohne eigene Triebkraft (Anzahl), Güterschiffe ohne eigene Triebkraft (Tragfähigk. in 1.000 t).

06: Güterverkehr auf den Binnenwasserstraßen (1909-2010)
Beförderte Güter (Mill. T.).
Zeitreihen zur Seeschifffahrt:
07: Handelsschiffstonnage und Anzahl der Schiffe (1871-2010)
Insgesamt, Anteil an Welthandelstonnage, Anzahl der Schiffe.

08: Güterumschlag bedeutender Seehäfen -
Hamburg, Bremische Häfen, Emden sowie Rostock, Wismar und Stralsund
(1925-2010)

Zeitreihen zur Luftfahrt:
09: Gewerblicher Luftverkehr (1919-2010)
Für deutsche Flughäfen: Beförderte Personen, Beförderte Luftfracht, Beförderte Luftpost.
Für deutsche Fluggesellschaften: Beförderte Personen, Personenkilometer (Pkm), Beförderte Luftfracht, Beförderte Luftfracht in Tonnenkilometer (Tkm), Beförderte Luftpost, Beförderte Luftpost in Tonnenkilometer (Tkm)

Zeitreihen zum Post- und Telekommunikationswesen:
10: Deutsche Reichs- und Bundespost, Telekommunikation (1871-2010)
Für das Deutsche Reich, die Alten Länder und die Neuen Länder bis 1990:
Beförderte Briefsendungen, Beförderte Paket- und Wertsendungen, Übermittelte Telegramme, Sprechstellen (Telefonanschlüsse), Ortsgespräche, Ferngespräche, Ton-Rundfunkgenehmigungen (Radioempfang), Fernseh-Rundfunkgenehmigungen.
Für Deutschland in den Grenzen vom 3. Oktober 1990 ab 1990:
Beförderte Briefsendungen, Beförderte Paket- und Wertsendungen, Übermittelte Telegramme, Sprechstellen (Kanäle) - Alle Service-Anbieter, Sprechstellen (Kanäle) - Dt. Telekom, Sprechstellen (Kanäle) - Wettbewerber der Telekom, Sprechstellen (Telefon-Anschlüsse) - Alle Service-Anbieter, Sprechstellen (Telefon-Anschlüsse) - Deutsche Telekom, Sprechstellen (Telefon-Anschlüsse) - Wettbewerber der Telekom, Mobilfunk, Teilnehmer, Verbindungsvolumen im Festnetz(in Mrd. Minuten; zuvor: Summe Ortsgespräche bzw. Ferngespräche) - Alle Service-Anbieter, Verbindungsvolumen im Festnetz(in Mrd. Minuten) - Dt. Telekom, Verbindungsvolumen im Festnetz(in Mrd. Minuten) - Wettbewerber, TAL-Anmietungen durch Wettbewerber der Deutschen Telekom (Mio Anmietungen), Ortsgespräche, Ferngespräche, Ton-Rundfunkgenehmigungen, Fernseh-Rundfunkgenehmigungen.


Zu den einzelnen Bereichen

Die Eisenbahn
Die Frage, ob die Eisenbahn als Staatsbahn oder als privat betriebenes Unternehmen geführt werden soll, begleitet die Eisenbahn schon seit ihren ersten Jahren. Vor allem in den wichtigen Handels- und Industriestädten werden in Deutschland private Aktiengesellschaften gegründet, um den Bau von Eisenbahnstrecken zu finanzieren. Dagegen setzt man in Baden und Braunschweig von Beginn an auf das Staatsbahnsystem. 1886 übernimmt schließlich der preußische Staat die bedeutende "Rheinische Eisenbahngesellschaft". Nach Ende des ersten Weltkrieges 1918 wurde die erste Verfassung eines demokratischen Staates, die Weimarer Verfassung 1919 für das Deutsche Reich beschlossen. Auf Grundlage dieser Verfassung wurde 1920 der Staatsvertrag zur Gründung der Deutschen Reichseisenbahnen in Kraft gesetzt. Die bis dahin noch den Ländern unterstellten staatlichen Eisenbahnen (bzw. Länderbahnen) gingen jetzt in Reichsbesitz über. Im Einzelnen waren dies:
die Königlich Bayerischen Staats-Eisenbahnen,
die Königlich Sächsischen Staatseisenbahnen,
die Königlich Württembergischen Staats-Eisenbahnen,
die Großherzoglich Badischen Staatseisenbahnen,
die Preußischen Staatseisenbahnen,
die Preußisch-Hessische Eisenbahngemeinschaft "K.P. u. G.H. StE",
die Großherzoglich Oldenburgischen Staatseisenbahnen und
die Großherzoglich Mecklenburgische Friedrich-Franz-Eisenbahn.
(Vergl.: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Deutsche_Reichsbahn_%281920%E2%80%931945%29)
Neben dieser Entwicklung waren in Deutschland immer sowohl staatseigene als auch private Bahnen tätig. Für die Zeit des Deutschen Reiches, für die ehemalige Bundesrepublik (alte Länder) sowie für Deutschland nach dem 1. Oktober 1990 werden daher die Angaben zu den aufgeführten Beständen jeweils für alle Bahnen zusammen und für die Staatsbahn im speziellen aufgeführt (d.i. Deutsche Reichsbahn, Deutsche Bundesbahn).
Zu der Entstehungsgeschichte der einzelnen deutschen Bahnen sowie den Entscheidungsphasen sind wertvolle Hinweise aus R. Fremdling und A. Kunz: Statistik der Eisenbahnen in Deutschland 1835 – 1989. Scripta Mercaturae Verlag, 1995, S. 19ff. zu entnehmen.


01: Eisenbahnen: Streckenlängen und Fahrzeugbestände (1850-2009)
Dieser Abschnitt enthält Zeitreihen zur Länge der Schienenstrecken und den Fahrzeugbeständen, die sich aufgliedern in Lokomotiven, Triebwagen, Personenwagen, Gepäckwagen und Güterwagen. Angaben für alle Bahnen zusammen zur Zeit des Deutschen Reiches sowie für die staatseigene Bundesbahn der ehemaligen Bundesrepublik Deutschland in den Grenzen von 1945 wurden – mit Ausnahme der Reihe zu den Triebwagen – bereits von R. Fremdling und A. Kunz im Rahmen ihrer Studie "Statistik der Eisenbahnen in Deutschland 1835 – 1989. Scripta Mercaturae Verlag, 1995" erhoben. Sie decken den Zeitraum 1850-1932 für das Deutsche Reich und 1950-1989 für die Alten Länder (also die ehemalige Bundesrepublik) ab. Ergänzt wurden diese Reihen für 1938 bis 1940 aus den Statistischen Jahrbüchern für das Deutsche Reich bzw. für 1989 bis1993 aus den Statistischen Jahrbüchern für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Zusätzlich zu den Reihen von Fremdlung/ Kunz wurden in dieser Studie für die entsprechenden Werte zur Länge des Schienennetzes sowie zum Fahrzeugbestand speziell für die staatliche Bahn des Deutschen Reiches, also für die Deutsche Reichsbahn, sowie für alle Bahnen der Bundesrepublik bis 1993 zusammengestellt. Für die Zusammenstellung der Streckenlängen und Fahrzeugbestände wurde daher sowohl auf die Ergebnisse dieser Studie als auch auf die Publikationen des Statistischen Bundesamtes zurückgegriffen.
Für die neuen Länder können für die Zeit der ehemaligen DDR nur zur Staatsbahn – also zu der Deutsche Reichsbahn – Angaben gemacht werden, da es zur Zeit der DDR keine privaten Bahnen gab. Neben dem Statistischen Jahrbuch für die DDR wurden hier die von dem Statistischen Bundesamt herausgegebenen Sonderreihen mit Beiträgen für das Gebiet der ehemaligen DDR und die darin enthaltenen verkehrsstatistischen Übersichten herangezogen. Für die ersten Jahre nach der Wiedervereinigung werden noch Werte für die Gebiete der alten Bundesrepublik und der ehemaligen DDR in den Statistischen Jahrbüchern für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland gesondert ausgewiesen. Ab 1994 werden die Bestände nur noch für Gesamtdeutschland nachgewiesen, so dass die Datenreihen jeweils für die Neuen Länder und die Alten Länder mit dem Jahr 1990, spätestens 1993 enden und nur noch für Deutschland in den Grenzen vom 3. Oktober 1990 fortgeführt werden können.
Die Schienenstrecken werden als Eigentumslänge mit Stand am Ende des jeweiligen Kalenderjahres wiedergegeben. Der Fahrzeugbestand bezieht sich immer auf den Stand am Ende des Rechnungs- bzw. Betriebsjahres. Bis 1937 werden Eigentumsbestände der Bahnen ausgewiesen. Anschließend beziehen sich die Werte auf den Einsatzbestand, d.h., in den angegebenen Werten können auch von anderen Bahngesellschaften für den eigenen Bahnbetrieb geliehene Bestände mit enthalten sein.
Die Bahn durchlief grundlegende technische Veränderungen.
In den alten Ländern, dem Tätigkeitsgebiet der Deutschen Bundesbahn, wurden sukzessiv bis 1977 alle Dampflokomotiven durch Elektro- und Diesellokomotiven ersetzt. Die Schienenstreckentypen wurden vereinheitlicht (vollständiger Abbau von Schienenstrecken für Schmalspurbahnen). Neue Wagentypen und Zugtypen (InterCity, TransEuroExpress) wurden eingeführt. Dies alles kann im Rahmen der vorliegenden Studie nicht detailliert in Form von statistischen Zeitreihen nachgezeichnet werden, da dies den zeitlichen Rahmen des Projektes sprengen würde. Die technischen Veränderungen insbesondere im Bereich der Fahrzeugbestände, und hier besonders in Bezug auf die Triebwagen (Lokomotiven, etc.) haben zu einer Veränderung der Systematik geführt. Um die Darstellung der Reihen möglichst konstant zu gestalten, wurden neu hinzugekommene Triebwagentypen bzw. weiter ausdifferenzierte Wagentypen, die in der Statistik gesondert aufgeführt wurden, soweit es möglich war, zu Oberbegriffen zusammengefasst. Dies wird in den jeweils betreffenden Zeitreihen für den Zeitraum, auf den diese Vorgehensweise angewendet wurde, in den Anmerkungen kenntlich gemacht. So werden ab 1990 im Statistischen Jahrbuch für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland unter dem Oberbegriff 'Triebwagen' die Kategorien 'Elektrische Lokomotiven', Diesellokomotiven', 'Elektrische Triebwagen' und 'Dieseltriebwagen' gesondert aufgeführt. Der Bestand der Lokomotiven wurde für die Vademecum-Studie durch die Aufaddierung der Kategorien 'Elektrische Lokomotiven' und 'Diesellokomotiven' erfasst. Dampflokomotiven wurden so lange erfasst, wie sie auch in den Statistischen Jahrbüchern der Bundesrepublik aufgeführt wurden. Für die Triebwagen wurde jeweils die Summe aus ´Elektrische Triebwagen´ und ´Dieseltriebwagen´ gebildet.


02: Eisenbahnen: Personen- und Güterverkehr (1850-2002)
Neben dem Fahrzeugbestand stellt die Leistung in den Bereichen der Personenbeförderung und der Güterbeförderung eine bedeutende betriebswirtschaftliche sowie verkehrsstatistische Größe dar. Der gemäß vergebenen Aufträgen durchgeführte Transport von Gütern inklusive der Be-, Um- und Ausladung, beinhaltet eine Vielzahl von Verkehrsunterstützungs-, Verkehrsvermittlungs- und Verkehrskoordinierungsprozessen. Zum einen kann die Verkehrsleistung in den absoluten Werten ausgedrückt werden, d.h. die Anzahl der transportierten Personen bzw. das Gewicht der transportierten Güter. Statistisch wird die Verkehrsleistung mit Hilfe einer Kennzahl zum Ausdruck gebracht, die für den Personentransport die Dimension »Pkm (Personenkilometer)« (= Personen X Kilometer) und für den Gütertransport die Dimension »tkm (Tonnenkilometer)« (= Tonnen X Kilometer) hat. Das Produkt aus der zurückgelegten Strecke und der Menge der transportierten Güter bzw. der beförderten Personen wird als 'Aufwandsgröße' im Transportwesen verstanden. Diese vier Größen werden jeweils für alle Bahnen zusammen sowie für die Deutsche Reichsbahn/Deutsche Bundesbahn im speziellen dargestellt – wobei für die neuen Bundesländer Angaben nur für die Deutsche Reichsbahn erhältlich sind. Auch hier kann für die Zeit des Deutschen Reiches auf die Studie von Fremdling und Kunz für alle Bahnen zusammen zurückgegriffen werden. Für die Deutsche Reichsbahn im speziellen werden die Angaben des Statistischen Reichsamtes in den herausgegebenen Jahrbüchern herangezogen. Für das Gebiet der alten Bundesländer stellen Fremdling und Kunz Kennzahlen für die Deutsche Bundesbahn zur Verfügung. Dementsprechend werden die Kennzahlen für alle in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland (Alte Länder) tätigen Bahnen zusätzlich aus der amtlichen Statistik erhoben.


Der motorisierte Strassenverkehr:
Rainer Flik beschreibt in seinen Arbeiten "Motorisierung des Straßenverkehrs, Automobilindustrie und Wirtschaftswachstum in Europa und Übersee bis 1939" (in: M. Lehmann-Waffenschmidt (Hg., 2002): Perspektiven des Wandels - Evolutorische Ökonomik in der Anwendung. Metropolis – Verlag für Ökonomie.) und insbesondere "Von Ford lernen? Automobilbau und Motorisierung bis 1933. Köln: Böhlau, 2001" die Ursachen für die verzögerte Durchsetzung des Automobils als Transportmittel sowie die verspätete Motorisierung der deutschen Bevölkerung. Es waren seiner Analyse zu Folge die schlechteren Rahmenbedingungen für den Automobilmarkt und weniger Unterschiede in den Bedürfnissen der Bevölkerung oder im Unternehmerverhalten, die dem Automobil in Deutschland zunächst zum Nachteil gereichten. In den dicht besiedelten und durch die Eisenbahn und Strassenbahn (sog. Pferdeomnibusse und Pferdebahnen, später um 1880 sukzessive ersetzt durch die Elektrische Stadt- bzw. Strassenbahn) gut erschlossenen Ballungsräumen Deutschlands spielte zunächst das Automobil für die Wirtschaft und den Transport der Güter eine untergeordnete Rolle. Darüber hinaus waren hohe Investitionskosten für den Ausbau von Strassen notwendig, während die Schienenstrecken für die Eisenbahn in den deutschen Großstädten schon vorhanden waren. Daher wurde auch durch die Besteuerungspraxis des Staates das Automobil gegenüber der Eisenbahn zunächst benachteiligt, was zur Folge hatte, dass die Motorisierung des Mittelstandes langsamer verlief als beispielsweise in den USA. Erst in den 1920er Jahren hat das Lastkraftfahrzeug in den Ballungsräumen sich als Transportfahrzeug durchsetzen können, während der Personenkraftwagen noch als teures Luxusgut nur wenigen wohlhabenden Personen zugänglich war. Dagegen spielte das Motorrad für die Motorisierung der deutschen Bevölkerung eine entscheidende Rolle. Deutschland hatte in den 30er Jahren die höchste Motorraddichte und war der bedeutendste Motorradproduzent auf dem Weltmarkt. Als das Automobil technisch ausgereift war und die für den wirtschaftlichen Betrieb notwendige Infrastruktur geschaffen war, konnte sich der Diffusionsprozess schneller und erfolgreicher entfalten. Flik unterscheidet in dem Diffusionsprozess des Automobils in Deutschland drei Stadien: Motorisierung der Oberschicht, Motorisierung des Gewerbe treibenden Mittelstandes und schließlich die Massenmotorisierung (Flik, R.: 2005: Nutzung von Kraftfahrzeugen bis 1939 – Konsum- oder Investitionsgut? In: Walter, R. (Hrsg.): Geschichte des Konsums. Erträge der 20. Arbeitstagung der Gesellschaft für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, 23-26. April 2003 in Greifswald. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner). Für die Zeitreihen zum Kraftfahrzeugbestand in Deutschland wird auf die Studiendaten von Flick zurückgegriffen, welche durch Daten der amtlichen Statistik (Statistisches Bundesamt und Kraftfahrt-Bundesamt) ergänzt werden. Ein weiteres Kapitel (Tabelle 04) zeichnet die Entwicklung der Strassenverkehrsunfälle statistisch nach.


03: Bestand an Kraftfahrzeugen (1902-2010)
Der Bestand der Kraftfahrzeuge nach Kraftfahrzeugtyp spiegelt die Durchsetzung dieses Verkehrsmittels wieder. Es liegen Zeitreihen zum Bestand der Kraftfahrzeuge insgesamt und Kraftfahrzeuge untergliedert nach den Typen Motorrad, Personenkraftwagen, Kraftomnibusse, Lastkraftfahrzeuge, Zugmaschinen und schließlich Sonderkraftfahrzeuge vor. Weiterhin werden der Bestand an Motorrädern, Personenkraftwagen und Lastkraftwagen pro 1000 Einwohner wiedergegeben.
Aufgrund vorgenommener Korrekturen können die Werte zu den einzelnen Reihen zwischen den verschiedenen Ausgaben der statistischen Jahrbücher abweichen. Da Flik sich in seiner Studie auf die Angaben der amtlichen Statistik stützt, wurden Werte des Statistischen Bundesamtes dann den Werten von Flik vorgezogen, wenn diese Publikationen neueren Datums sind und von den Angaben bei Flik abweichen.
Für das Deutsche Reich sind die Angaben auf den jeweiligen Gebietsstand Deutschlands bezogen. Das Saarland ist von 1922 bis 1935 nicht eingeschlossen. Die Angaben für 1939 beruhen auf einer Fortschreibung des Kraftfahrzeugbestands von 1938 und schließen die 1938 und 1939 dem Deutschen Reich angeschlossenen Gebiete nicht ein. Die Daten geben den Bestand jeweils zum 1. Januar wieder. Ferner wird bis 1933 der Bestand ohne vorübergehend abgemeldete Fahrzeuge, ab 1934 inklusive der vorübergehend abgemeldeten Kraftfahrzeuge angegeben. Bis 1914 wurde in der Erfassung zwischen Personenkraftwagen und Kraftomnibussen keine Unterscheidung getroffen, so wurden beide in der Kategorie Personenkraftwagen wiedergegeben. Unter der Rubrik 'Sonderkraftfahrzeuge' werden Fahrzeuge der Kommunen (Kommunalfahrzeuge) aufgeführt, wie z.B.: Straßenreinigungsmaschinen, Feuerwehrfahrzeuge, sowie ab 1948 Krankenwagen. Weiterhin werden Abschlepp- u. Kranwagen sowie Wohnwagen u. ähnliche Fahrzeuge dieser Kategorie zugeordnet.
Der Kraftfahrzeugbestand insgesamt für das Gebiet der alten Länder (ehemalige Bundesrepublik) wurde aus den Daten zu den einzelnen Fahrzeugtypen berechnet.
Die Werte für die neuen Länder bzw. für die ehemalige DDR sind für die Zeit bis 1989 den Statistischen Jahrbüchern für die DDR entnommen worden. Für die Zeit von 1990-1994 wurde die Publikation 'Verkehr in Zahlen', vom Bundesministerium für Verkehr, Bau und Stadtentwicklung herausgegeben, herangezogen. Bei der Erfassung der Sonderkraftfahrzeuge und der Kraftomnibusse wurde in der Statistik der ehemaligen DDR 1978 eine neue Systematik eingeführt, in der einige Fahrzeugtypen den jeweiligen Obergruppen neu zugeordnet wurden. Das hat in den beiden Fahrzeug-Gruppen zu einer starken Erhöhung der Fahrzeug-Anzahl geführt. Es muß dennoch festgehalten werden, dass der Anstieg der Fahrzeuge um 28000 bzw. 30000 Fahrzeuge von einem Jahr auf das andere sich nicht aus den Veränderungen der Fahrzeugbestände der anderen Fahrzeugtypen erklären lässt, so dass der Hinweis auf eine veränderte Systematik sich nicht in den Zahlen der Datenreihen wiederspiegelt.


04: Straßenverkehrsunfälle (1906-2010)
Insbesondere das Automobil hat den einzelnen Bürgern in der Gesellschaft in jüngster Zeit einen enormen Mobilitätszuwachs beschert. Im Laufe der Zeit konnten immer größere Teile der Bevölkerung am Individualverkehr partizipieren. Die Kehrseite der Mobilität einer ganzen Gesellschaft sind die Unfälle mit den Verletzten und Getöteten. Durch die massenhafte Verbreitung motorisierter Fahrzeuge, die sich im selben Verkehrsraum wie Pferde und Fuhrwerke, Fußgänger oder Radfahrer bewegen, steigt die Unfallwahrscheinlichkeit stark an. Auch die Geschwindigkeit der motorisierten Verkehrsmittel erhöht die Unfallwahrscheinlichkeit und die Schwere der Unfälle, den Personen- und Sachschaden enorm. Darüber hinaus hat die Strassenverkehrssicherheit und damit die Zuverlässigkeit, mit der Güter schnell und sicher transportiert werden können und unbeschadet am Zielort ankommen, einen empfindlichen Einfluß auf die wirtschaftliche Entwicklung. Denn der Transport übernimmt eine bedeutende Funktion als Wachstumsmotor durch die Erweiterung der Märkte. Eine besondere Zusammenstellung von langen Zeitreihen zur Entwicklung der Strassenverkehrsunfälle erscheint daher sinnvoll. Das Statistische Bundesamt definiert Straßenverkehrsunfälle wie folgt:
"Straßenverkehrsunfälle sind Unfälle, bei denen infolge des Fahrverkehrs auf öffentlichen Wegen und Plätzen Personen getötet oder verletzt wurden oder Sachschaden entstanden ist. Auskunftspflichtig für die Statistik der Straßenverkehrsunfälle ist die Polizei. Demzufolge sind Unfälle, zu denen die Polizei nicht gerufen wurde, in der Statistik nicht enthalten. ( In der Unfallstatistik ) … werden Angaben zu Unfällen, Beteiligten, Fahrzeugen, Verunglückten und Unfallursachen erfasst." Statistisches Bundesamt
Es wird regelmäßig vom Statistischen Bundesamt ein Heft der Fachserie 8, Reihe 7 mit langen Reihen zu Verkehrsunfällen herausgegeben. Auf der Basis dieser Publikation wurden die Reihen zu der Anzahl der Unfälle, der bei Unfällen Getöteten und der Verletzten zusammengestellt.


Die Schifffahrt

Eine der ersten Verkehrsmittel war die Fortbewegung mit Flößen, später mit Schiffen, zunächst in Ufernähe und auf Flüssen, später auf hoher See. Schon sehr früh wurde der Radius der Fortbewegung erheblich erweitert. Noch bevor die Staaten Europas die Blüte der Hochseeschifffahrt erreichten, haben sie schon die Flüsse als Transportwege für den Handel benutzt. Große Handelsstädte entstanden entlang der großen Flüsse Rhein, Main, Mosel, Donau, Oder, usw. Die Schifffahrt ermöglichte so schon früh den Austausch von Gütern und Ideen, brachte aber auch Auseinandersetzungen über territoriale, wirtschaftliche und militärische Interessen mit sich. Im Laufe der Zeit spezialisierte sich die Schifffahrt in zivile und militärische Bereiche, in Handel und Fischerei. Die Schifffahrt wird im folgenden unterteilt in Binnenschifffahrt und Seeschifffahrt.


05: Bestand an Binnenschiffen (1871-2010)
Die Binnenschifffahrt umfasst die Binnen-see-schifffahrt, Flussschifffahrt und Kanalschifffahrt, wobei im Rahmen der vorliegenden Studie auf die Fluss- und Kanalschifffahrt der Schwerpunkt gelegt wird. Binnenfischerei mit Fischerbooten und Transport mit Frachtschiffen auf Binnengewässern machten den Hauptanteil der Binnenschifffahrt aus. Im 17. Jh. wurden noch auf Flößen große Mengen Holz auf den Flüssen nach Holland transportiert. Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts kamen die Treidelschiffe zum Einsatz (Boote und Kähne durch Segel, Ruder, Staken oder Treidel fortbewegt). Mit Erfindung der Dampfmaschine setzten sich Schiffe mit eigener Triebkraft immer stärker in der Binnenschifffahrt durch. Sämtliche Massengüter wurden auf den Binnengewässern transportiert (z.B. Kohle, Erze und Erdölprodukte). Mit dem Ausbau von Binnenwasserstraßen und Schleusen, durch die eine Regulierung des Wasserstandes ermöglicht wurde, kann der Transport über die Binnenwasserstraßen beschleunigt werden. Heute übernimmt die Binnenschifffahrt Massentransporte in vielen Bereichen (Containertransport, Autotransport, etc.). Laut des Bundesverbandes für Deutsche Binnenschifffahrt dominieren Schütt- und greiferfähige Massengüter, wie etwa Baustoffe, Erze, Kohle und Stahl, mit einem Anteil von rund 70 % an der Gesamtmenge das Geschäft der Binnenschifffahrt (http://www.binnenschiff.de/). Für die Hütten- und Stahlindustrie ist die Binnenschifffahrt unentbehrlich. Auch in deutschen und europäischen Logistikketten stellt die Binnenschifffahrt ein unverzichtbares Glied dar.
Im Rahmen dieser Studie kann der Bestand der in der Binnenschifffahrt zum Einsatz gekommenen Schiffe nach Schiffstyp nicht wiedergegeben werden, da dies den Rahmen sprengen würde. Einer der einschneidendsten Veränderungen war die Dampfmaschine und damit die Möglichkeit, Schiffe mit eigener Triebkraft zu bauen. Daher wird hinsichtlich des Bestandes der Binnenschiffe zwischen Güterschiffen mit eigener Triebkraft und Güterschiffen ohne eigene Triebkraft unterschieden. Der Bestand der Schiffe wird dargestellt zum einen anhand der Anzahl der Schiffe, zum anderen aber mittels der Tragfähigkeit des Binnenschiffsbestandes in 1000 t.
Für das Deutsche Reich und für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland dient als Datenquelle die Studie von Kunz, Andreas (Hrsg.), 1999: Statistik der Binnenschiffahrt in Deutschland 1835-1989. St. Katharinen: Scripta Mercaturae Verlag.; GESIS Köln, Deutschland ZA8157 Datenfile Version 1.0.0; Datentabelle: Bestand an Binnenschiffen.
Die Angaben zu den Beständen beziehen sich für die Periode von 1845-1956 auf den 1.1. und ab 1957 auf den 31.12. des jeweiligen Jahres. Zum Teil wurden die Angaben vom Primärforscher geschätzt.
Für den Bestand an Binnenschiffen der ehemaligen DDR dient das Statistische Jahrbuch für die DDR, Jg. 1990, S. 260, Tab. ´Registrierter Bestand an Binnenschiffen´ als Datenquelle. Hier werden nur Schiffe mit eigener Triebkraft aufgeführt und es wird der Jahresdurchschnitt berichtet. Aussagen zu Schiffen ohne eigene Triebkraft können nicht gemacht werden.
Für Deutschland in den Grenzen von Oktober 1990 wurde das Statistische Jahrbuch für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland als Datenquelle herangezogen. Die Werte beziehen sich immer auf den Stand zum 31.12. des jeweiligen Jahres. Es wurde die Summe aus Gütermotorschiffen und Tankmotorschiffen für Reihe der Schiffe mit eigener Triebkraft gebildet. Schlepper und Schubboote wurden nicht mit einbezogen. Fahrgastschiffe wurden ebenfalls nicht mit einbezogen. Güterschleppkähne und Tankschleppkähne wurden dagegen in die Reihe der Binnenschiffe ohne eigene Triebkraft aufgenommen.


06 Güterverkehr auf den Binnenwasserstraßen (1909-2010)
Der Transport von Gütern auf den Binnenwasserstrassen ist ein Indikator für die Leistungs- und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit der Binnenschifffahrt. Bedeutende Einflussfaktoren sind die verfügbaren Höhen der Wasserspiegel der Flüsse und später der Binnenkanäle. Der Bau von Schleusen hat den Transport auf Binnenwasserstraßen entscheidend beschleunigt. Kleinere Flüsse, wie z.B. der Neckar, der Main oder die Mosel wurden durch die Kanalisierung und den Bau von Schleusen erst schiffbar gemacht. Der Bau von Binnenlandkanälen ergänzt die Flüsse, indem zwei Flüsse miteinander verbunden werden (z.B. der Mittellandkanal). Insgesamt wurde durch solche Baumaßnahmen der Umfang der schiffbaren Wasserstraßen entscheidend erhöht. Bei der Erfassung der Transportleistung deutscher Binnenwasserstraßen ist auch der Gütertransport nicht-deutscher Fahrzeuge beteiligt.
Für das Deutsche Reich in den Grenzen vom 31.12.1937 wurde für den Zeitraum von 1909-1914 und 1932-1938 die Publikation vom Statistischen Bundesamt: Bevölkerung und Wirtschaft 1872-1972, S. 207 als Quelle herangezogen. Für 1919-1931sind die erhobenen Zeitreihen von Andreas Kunz: Statistik der Binnenschifffahrt in Deutschland 1835-1989; GESIS Köln, Deutschland ZA8157 Datenfile Version 1.0.0., Datentabelle: Verkehrsleistungen auf Binnenwasserstraßen verwendet worden.
Auch für die frühere Bundesrepublik Deutschland in den Grenzen von 1949, also die sogenannten Alten Länder, wurde für die Jahre 1936, 1938, 1947 u. 1948 auf die Publikation des Statistisches Bundesamtes: Bevölkerung und Wirtschaft, S. 207 zurückgegriffen. Für 1949-1989 stammen die Werte aus der Studie von A. Kunz (ZA8157 Datenfile Version 1.0.0.). Einbezogen wurden für das Bundesgebiet die Wasserstaßen des Elbegebietes, des Wesergebietes, des Mittellandkanalgebietes, das Westdeutsche Kanalgebiet, das Rheingebiet, das Donaugebiet, sowie Berlin (West). Auch der Durchgangsverkehr auf den deutschen Wasserstrassen wurde mit erfasst. Für den Bereich der ehemaligen DDR bzw. der Neuen Länder wurde auf das Statistische Jahrbuch für die DDR zurückgegriffen. In dieser Reihe werden die Transportwerte inklusive der von der Binnenreederei der DDR beladenen Schiffe anderer Länder berichtet. Ausnahmen bilden die Jahre 1960, 1965, 1970, 1975, 1980 und 1985 bis 1989. Hier werden nur für die deutschen Binnenschiffe die Werte angegeben.
Für das wiedervereinte Deutschland stehen die Transportwerte seit 1991 zur Verfügung. Die Werte wurden mittels einer Abfrage vom 15. Februar 2012 von der GENESIS-Online Datenbank ermittelt. (vergleiche: (www-genesis.destatis.de; Abfrage: ´Beförderte Güter (Binnenschifffahrt): Deutschland, Jahre, Hauptverkehrsbeziehungen, Flagge des Schiffes, Güterverzeichnis (Abteilungen)´)


07 Handelsschiffstonnage (1871-2010)
Eine leistungsfähige Seeschifffahrt hat schon früh zur Erweiterung der regionalen Märkte beigetragen. Ein Beispiel für die frühe Globalisierung stellt die Hanse dar, die ohne die Seeschifffahrt nicht möglich gewesen wäre.
Die zwischen Mitte des 12. Jahrhunderts und Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts bestehenden Vereinigungen niederdeutscher Kaufleute hatte sich zum Ziel gesetzt, die Sicherheit der Überfahrt zu verbessern und die Vertretung gemeinsamer wirtschaftlicher Interessen besonders im Ausland wahrzunehmen. In den Zeiten ihrer größten Ausdehnung waren beinahe 300 See- und Binnenstädte des nördlichen Europas in der Städtehanse zusammengeschlossen. Eine wichtige Grundlage dieser Verbindungen war die Entwicklung des Transportwesens, insbesondere zur See. Die Kogge, ein bauchiges Handelsschiff, stellte den bedeutendsten größeren Schiffstyp der Hanse dar. Im ausgehenden 14. Jahrhundert wurden die Koggen mehr und mehr von anderen Schiffstypen abgelöst. Im 15. Jahrhundert setzte der Machtverlust der Hanse ein, der unter anderem auch durch die Entdeckung Amerikas ausgelöst wurde. Der bisher dominierende Ostsee-Westsee-Handel (heute Nordsee-Handel) wurde nun in überseeische Gebiete ausgedehnt. Dabei ging nicht etwa das Handelsvolumen der Hanse im eigentlichen Sinne zurück, es entstanden jedoch mächtige Konkurrenten, die die Bedeutung der Hanse für die einzelnen Städte und Kaufleute schwächten (siehe hierzu: http://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hanse und Rolf Hammel-Kiesow (2008): Die Hanse, München 4. aktualisierte Auflage).
Auch heute ist eine leistungsfähige Seeschifffahrt Voraussetzung für die Globalisierung. Arbeitsteilige Volkswirtschaften sind in starkem Maße vom überseeischen Handel abhängig. Die Handelsschiffstonnage gibt die Transportkapazität in Tonnen einer Handelsflotte an. Bei fortschreitender Technik im Schiffsbau steigt auch die Transportkapazität einzelner Schiffe, was die Wettbewerbsfähigkeit positiv beeinflusst. Die Entwicklung der Handelsschiffstonnage ist somit ein Indikator neben anderen, der die Stellung und Leistungsfähigkeit der nationalen Handelsflotte auf dem Weltmarkt angibt. Die Zusammenstellung der deutschen Handelsschiffstonnage gibt die Tonnage einmal in Bruttoregistertonnen und zum anderen, soweit die entsprechenden Werte aus den Quellen erhoben werden konnten, als Anteil an der Welthandelstonnage wieder. Auch die Anzahl der Handelsschiffe wird angeführt. Das Raummaß Bruttoregistertonne (abgekürzt = BRT) ist die Maßeinheit für die Tragfähigkeit der Seeschiffe. Es wird der gesamte umbaute Schiffsraum vermessen (Bruttoraumgehalt bzw. Bruttotonnage). Seit dem 1. Juli 1994 wird der Raumgehalt eines Schiffes in Bruttoraumzahl (BRZ) und Nettoraumzahl (NRZ) berechnet. Die Angaben für das Deutsche Reich beziehen sich auf das Reich in seinen jeweiligen Grenzen. Als Quellen wurde das Statistische Jahrbuch für das Deutsche Reich sowie die Publikation "Bevölkerung und Wirtschaft" des Statistischen Bundesamtes herangezogen. Ab 1900 geben die Werte den Stand zum 1. Juli des jeweiligen Jahres an. Für die Alten Länder bzw. das Gebiet der ehemaligen Bundesrepublik Deutschland wurden die Werte aus der Publikation "Verkehr in Zahlen" des Bundesministeriums für Verkehr, Bau und Stadtentwicklung, Tabelle: ´Seeschifffahrt - Handelsflotte der BRD´ bezogen. Hier beziehen sich die Werte jeweils auf den 31 Dezember des jeweiligen Jahres. In dieser Quelle wurden Schiffe mit mechanischem Antrieb und einem Raumgehalt von mindestens 100 BRT und mehr berücksichtigt. Außerdem sind für den Zeitraum von 1975 – 1990 Schiffe unter der Flagge der Bundesrepublik einschl. ausländischer Schiffe mit Flaggenschein aufgenommen worden. Schiffe der BRD, die unter fremder Flagge fuhren, werden nicht berücksichtigt, da sie nicht für den deutschen Handel und Transport verwendet werden. Leider kann nach 1971 keine Angabe zum Anteil der deutschen Handelsschiffstonnage an der Welthandelstonnage gemacht werden. Für das Gebiet der ehemaligen DDR wurde das Statistische Jahrbuch für die DDR, Jahrgang 1990, als Quelle herangezogen. Hier ist der Stichtag der Bestandsangaben, wie im Falle des Deutschen Reiches, der 1.7. des jeweiligen Jahres. Für das wiedervereinte Deutschland in den Grenzen des 3. Oktobers 1990 beziehen sich die Angaben – wie für die ehemalige Bundesrepublik – auf den Stand zum 31.12. des jeweiligen Jahres. Als Quelle wurde die Publikation "Verkehr in Zahlen" des Bundesministeriums für Verkehr, Bau und Stadtentwicklung herangezogen.


08 Güterumschlag in bedeutenden Seehäfen - Hamburg, Bremische Häfen, Emden sowie Rostock, Wismar und Stralsund (1925-2010)
Der Güterumschlag eines Hafens ist ein Indikator für seine wirtschaftliche Bedeutung und der Einbettung des Hafens in der Logistikkette. Bei guter Anbindung an Bahn und Autobahn und kurzen, zügigen Be- und Entladungsphasen von Schiffen sowie LKWs und Bahn-Waggongs wird sich ein Hafen als Güterumschlagszentrum etablieren. Die Datentabelle K15.08 enthält für die wichtigsten Häfen Deutschlands die Entwicklung des Güterumschlags vom Deutschen Reich bis zum Jahr 2010 im wiedervereinten Deutschland in den Grenzen vom 3. Oktober 1990. Vor dem Hintergrund der Teilung Deutschlands nach dem 2. WK in zwei Staaten und der Auswahl der wichtigsten Häfen für die ehemalige DDR, wie sie in dem Statistischen Jahrbuch für die ehemalige DDR getroffen wurde, sind folgende Häfen in der Datentabelle aufgenommen worden: Hamburg, Bremische Häfen, Emden, Rostock, Wismar und Stralsund. Als Quelle dienen die Statistischen Jahrbücher für das Deutsche Reich, für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und für die DDR. Für die neuen Länder wurde darüber hinaus noch die Publikation des Bundesministeriums für Verkehr, Bau und Stadtentwicklung, Verkehr in Zahlen, Jg. 1990, S. 282, Tabelle: 'DDR Kennziffern - Seehäfen und Binnenhäfen' herangezogen.


Die Luftfahrt

Mit der Erfindung des Flugzeuges tritt eine vollkommen neue Form der Fortbewegung auf den Markt. Die ersten Flugzeuge wurden zunächst nur für militärische Zwecke genutzt; 1919 setzte mit Gründung der Deutschen Luft-Reederei (DLR) in Deutschland eine Entwicklung hin zum zivilen Luftverkehr ein. Die Deutsche Luft-Reederei (DLR) wurde vom Reichsluftamt in Berlin als weltweit erste Fluggesellschaft für den zivilen Luftverkehr zugelassen. Zwischen Berlin und Weimar begann der regelmäßige Post- und Passagierverkehr. Die Luftpost mit Flugzeugen, die schon während des Ersten Weltkriegs entstand, wurde wesentlich ausgebaut. In den darauf folgenden Jahren entstanden viele kleine Fluggesellschaften, die häufig nur eine Strecke bedienten. Der technische Fortschritt ermöglichte schließlich die Entwicklung eines Verkehrsflugzeuges mit beheizbarer Kabine und gepolsterten Sitzen. 1926 wurde die "Deutsche Lufthansa AG" unter Beteiligung des Reiches, der Länder und Städte gegründet. Bis 1945 war sie Einheitsgesellschaft für den zivilen Luftverkehr mit weit verzweigtem europäischem Streckennetz. Mit der Kapitulation Deutschlands nach dem 2. Weltkrieg im Mai 1945 wurde die deutsche Luftfahrt zunächst unterbrochen. Nach der Gründung der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Einrichtung des Verkehrsministeriums konnte der zivile Luftverkehr wieder 1955 aufgenommen werden.
Der Luftverkehr hat gerade für eine international ausgerichtete Volkswirtschaft wie Deutschland eine enorme Bedeutung durch die hohen Mobilitätszuwächse in wirtschaftlichen Bereichen und im Bereich des Personenverkehrs. Mit Einsetzen des Luftverkehrs als Transportmittel ist eine Verringerung der Transportkosten und Transportzeiten zwischen weit entfernten Orten erreicht worden. Eisenbahn- und Schiffsverkehr stellen für den Flugverkehr aufgrund der größeren Gütermengen, die sie transportieren können, sowie der günstigeren Kosten pro transportierter Gewichtseinheit, weiterhin wichtige Mitbewerber im Bereich des Gütertransportes dar. Wesentliche Akteure des Luftverkehrs sind neben der Flugsicherung die Flughäfen und die Fluggesellschaften. In der Zeit von 1919 bis 1949 entwickelte sich der Luftverkehr bis in die 1970er Jahre hinein als ein stark staatlich regulierter Sektor. Die Luftverkehrsgesellschaften wie z.B. die Deutsche Lufthansa sowie die Flughäfen befanden sich oft im Besitzt des jeweiligen Heimatlandes. Ende der 70er Jahre setzte in den USA ein Deregulierungsprozess des Luftverkehrssektors ein, der schließlich auch in den 80er Jahren die Länder der Europäischen Union erfasste. Die Europäische Gemeinschaft verwirklichte in drei großen Liberalisierungsschritten in den Jahren 1987, 1990 und 1993 eine weitgehend vollständige Dienstleistungsfreiheit für den innereuropäischen Luftverkehr. (vergl.: St. Kraft: Geschäftsmodelle strategischer Luftverkehrsallianzen. Universität Gießen. WEB: http://www.org-portal.org/fileadmin/media/legacy/Gesch_ftsmodelle_strategischer_ Luftverkehrsallianzen.pdf)


09 Gewerblicher Luftverkehr der deutschen Fluggesellschaft und aller Fluggesellschaften auf deutschen Flugplätzen (1919-2010)

Solange der Luftverkehr noch nicht liberalisiert war, diente der größte nationale Flughafen der nationalen Fluggesellschaft als Hauptstützpunkt. Aufgrund der strikten Reglementierung des europäischen Luftverkehrs durch bilaterale Abkommen wurde den Fluggesellschaften die Streckenführung und Passagierbeförderung größtenteils vorgegeben. Nur, wenn es um Zubringerdienste (die sog. spokes) innerhalb des eigenen Landes ging, konnten die Passagierströme für Langstreckenflüge auf einen bestimmen Flughafen als sogenannten Hub (=gewählter Umsteigeflughafen einer Fluggesellschaft) konzentriert werden. Nach der Liberalisierung innerhalb der EU treten Flughäfen und Fluggesellschaften nun als selbständige Akteure auf, die Entscheidungen nach Effizienzgesichtspunkten fällen können. Die Flughäfen treten untereinander in den Wettbewerb ein. Mit dem Ausbau ihrer Kapazitäten und Dienstleistungen am Boden versuchen sie, für Fluggesellschaften als Hauptstützpunkt (das sog. Hub-and-Spokes-System ) attraktiv zu sein. Unternehmen des Güterverkehrs sowie die Teilnehmer des Personenverkehrs sollen aufgrund guter Serviceleistungen angesprochen werden. Die Fluggesellschaften wiederum konkurrieren über angebotene Flugrouten und Preise. (vgl. Gordon Paul Schenk, 2003: Auf dem Weg zu einem gemeinsamen Markt im Luftverkehr. Dissertation, Hamburg, S. 123 f.) Von daher erscheint es sinnvoll, die erbrachten Transportleistungen im Luftverkehr sowohl nach den Fluggesellschaften als auch nach den Flughäfen getrennt darzustellen. Es wurde versucht, möglichst lange kontinuierliche Datenreihen für Deutschland zur Zeit des Deutschen Reiches bis 1938/1940, jeweils für die frühere Bundesrepublik (Alte Länder) und die ehemalige DDR (Neue Länder) von 1950 bis 1990 sowie für das wiedervereinte Deutschland in den Grenzen vom 3. Oktober 1990 für die Zeit von 1990 bis 2010 zusammenzustellen. Für die Flughäfen wurden die Leistungen sämtlicher deutscher und ausländischer Fluggesellschaften aufgenommen. Zur Zeit des Deutschen Reiches ist auch der Luftschiffverkehr in den Zahlen mit enthalten. Für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und das wiedervereinte Deutschland wurde der Gesamtverkehr einschließlich des Durchgangsverkehrs erfasst. Für die alten Länder (ehemalige Bundesrepublik) wurden die Werte folgender Flughäfen erfasst: Berlin-West, Bremen, Düsseldorf, Frankfurt, Hamburg, Hannover, Köln, München, Nürnberg, Stuttgart, ab 1977 Saarbrücken. Die Datenreihen für die Neuen Länder beziehen sich auf die Flughäfen Berlin- Schönefeld, Dresden, Leipzig/Halle, ab 1998 Erfurt.
Für die Fluggesellschaften werden jeweils neben den Beförderungsleistungen in absoluten Zahlen auch die Kennwerte der Transportleistungen, Personenkilometer und Tonnenkilometer angegeben. Für die ehemalige DDR wird in dem Statistischen Jahrbuch für die DDR nur für die Fluggesellschaft der ehemaligen DDR, die Interflug bzw. Deutsche Lufthansa der DDR berichtet, so dass für die Zeit von 1945 bis 1990 keine Angaben zu den Flughäfen gemacht werden können.
Folgende Zeitreihen sind in dieser Datentabelle aufgenommen worden:
Für die deutschen Flughäfen:
- Beförderte Personen in 1000;
- Beförderte Luftfracht in 1000 t.;
- Beförderte Luftpost in 1000 t.
Für die deutschen Fluggesellschaften:
- Beförderte Personen in 1000;
- Beförderte Personen in Personenkilometer;
- Beförderte Luftfracht in 1000 t.;
- Beförderte Luftfracht in 1000 Tonnenkilometer;
- Beförderte Luftpost in 1000 t.
- Beförderte Luftpost in 1000 Tonnenkilometer.


Die Nachrichtenübermittlung durch Post und Telekommunikation

Die Beförderung von Nachrichten, Kleingütern und zum Teil auch Personen ist ein wesentlicher Bestandteil eines funktionsfähigen Gemeinwesens. Bis zum späten Mittelalter gab es in dem damaligen Heiligen Römischen Reich deutscher Nationen kein etabliertes System der allgemeinen Nachrichtenübermittlung, sondern Kaiser, Klerus und Fürsten sendeten per Boten ihre Nachricht direkt zum Zielort. Der Habsburger Maximilian I. benötigte für die effektive Verwaltung seines Reichs eine zuverlässige und sichere Nachrichtenübermittlung. 1490 beauftragte er die Familie Torre e Tassis (später Thurn und Taxis) mit der Einrichtung einer systematisch organisierten Nachrichtenübermittlung. Durch die Einrichtung von Poststationen war die Übermittlung von Nachrichten nicht mehr an eine Person, den Boten, gebunden, sondern wurde – vergleichbar einem Staffelrennen – an der Station einem anderen Reiter übergeben. Der Nachrichtenbeförderung wurde bei Tag und bei Nacht durchgeführt. Dieses Poststationen-System wurde ständig erweitert, Briefe konnten so über große Distanzen innerhalb von 5 bis 6 Tagen transportiert werden. Die Nachrichtenübermittlung wurde extrem beschleunigt. Raum und Zeit waren plötzlich keine unüberwindbaren Hindernisse. War dieses Übermittlungssystem zunächst ausschließlich für kaiserliche Nachrichten eingerichtet, wurde schon 1530 die Post der Allgemeinheit zugänglich gemacht. In der darauffolgenden Zeit wurden von Landesfürsten, Herzogtümern und Städten konkurrierende Postrouten eingerichtet. Zwar wurde durch Kaiser Rudolf II. die Reichspost 1597 zum kaiserlichen Hoheitsrecht erklärt. Dieses Monopol, welches das Haus Thurn und Taxis als kaiserliches Lehen erhielt, wurde jedoch nicht von allen Landesfürsten anerkannt, was zu einer Vielzahl ausgehandelter bilateraler Verträge zwischen der Reichspost und den jeweiligen konkurrierenden lokalen Postunternehmen zwang. 1850 wurde schließlich der Deutsch-Österreichische Postverein als Zusammenschluß kleinstaatlicher Posten mit dem Ziel eines einheitlichen Tarifsystems gegründet, dem in der Folgezeit immer mehr deutsche Staaten beigetreten sind. Durch die politischen Ereignisse 1866/67 (Deutsch-Preußischer Krieg) wurde der Deutsche Postverein aufgelöst. Schon in dieser Zeit hat der technische Fortschritt zu großen Umwälzungen und neuen Perspektiven geführt. Als technische Erneuerung sind in diese Zeit gefallen: die Telegrafie, die Bahn, die als Transportmittel für die Post entdeckt wurde, und die Rohrpost. Die Preußen führten die Telegrafie 1832 offiziell ein (Telegrafenlinie von Berlin nach Koblenz). 1850 wurde der Deutsch-Österreichische Telegrafenverein gegründet, der den Anschluss an das belgische, französische und das englische Telegrafennetz ermöglichte. "Erst mit der Gründung des Deutschen Reichs 1871 unter Bismarck wurde auch das deutsche Postwesen endgültig unter einem Dach zusammengefasst und über 100 Jahre lang verstaatlicht." (Gregor Delvaux de Fenffe, www.planet-wissen.de/kultur_medien/ kommunikation/post/index.jsp ) Gebühren der Postbeförderung wurden vereinheitlicht, der Einsatz moderner Technologien forciert. Schließlich wurden mittels bilateraler Verträge die Beförderungshemmnisse über die Grenzen des Deutschen Reiches abgebaut.
Führte in der Entstehungszeit des Postwesens die Vielfalt eigenständiger, regionaler Postvereine aufgrund vieler Grenzen und unterschiedlicher Regeln zu einem unübersichtlichen und starrem System, so brachte die Liberalisierung des Post- und Telekommunikationswesens in Deutschland in den 1990er Jahren einen Anstieg der Auswahl für die Verbraucher, stark fallende Preise, neue innovative Dienste und damit mehr Flexibilität. Auslöser der Liberalisierungsprozesse nicht nur für Post und Telekommunikation, sondern für den gesamten Verkehrssektor, war das Binnenmarktprogamm der Europäischen Union, das europäische Wettbewerbsrecht und die Europäische Kommission als Akteur. Ziel der Liberalisierung ist es, wettbewerbsverzerrende staatliche Eingriffe und damit nationalstaatliche Gestaltungsspielräume einzuschränken. Nationalstaatliche Monopole sind wegen bestehender europarechtlicher Verpflichtungen nicht mehr zu halten. (vergl.: Susanne K. Schmidt: Liberalisierung in Europa. Campus, 1998; Justus Haucap / Coenen, Michael (2010): Ordnungspolitische Perspektiven Nr.01. Regulierung und Deregulierung in Telekommunikationsmärkten: Theorie und Praxis. Düsseldorf, Düsseldorfer Institut für Wettbewerbsökonomie DICE) Flankiert wird diese Entwicklung durch eine Vielzahl neuer Technologien der Kommunikation, wie das Internet mit seinen vielfältigen Möglichkeiten (Social Media, das Semantische Web, die Internet-Telefonie, der E-Mail-Verkehr), der Mobilfunk oder die Möglichkeit, SMS zu versenden.


10 Deutsche Reichs- und Bundespost (1871-2010)

Die quantitative Entwicklung der Dienstleistungen des Post- und Telekommunikationswesen von der Zeit des Deutschen Reichs bis zur Gegenwart soll mit folgenden Zeitreihen festgehalten werden:
- Beförderte Briefsendungen,
- Beförderte Paket- und Wertsendungen,
- Übermittelte Telegramme,
- Sprechstellen (Telefonanschlüsse),
- Ortsgespräche,
- Ferngespräche,
- Ton-Rundfunkgenehmigungen
- Fernseh-Rundfunkgenehmigungen

Durch die rasante technische Entwicklung können viele Reihen insbesondere ab den 1990er Jahren in dieser Form nicht mehr fortgeführt werden bzw. müssen durch weitere Reihen ergänzt werden, und zwar:
- Bezüglich der Telefone muss zwischen Telefon-Anschlüssen und Telefon-Kanälen unterschieden werden. Der klassische Analoganschluss ermöglicht durch das ISDN die Bereitstellung von mehreren Kanälen auf einen ISDN-Anschluss. Darüber hinaus stellt der Mobilfunk ein neues Medium dar, das neben dem Festnetzanschluss erfasst werden muß.
- Aufgrund der Monopolstellung, welche die Post für ca. 120 Jahre innehatte, ist sie die Eigentümerin wertvoller Infrastruktur. Im Falle des Telefons ist sie, bzw. die aus ihr hervorgegangene Deutsche Telekom AG Eigentümerin der Telefonanschlussleitungen. Das Telefonnetz kann als einziger Teil nicht oder nur schwer von alternativen Anbietern ersetzt werden und es wird für gewöhnlich von einem örtlichen Zugangsnetz-Monopolisten (die Deutsche Telekom) kontrolliert. Damit die Wettbewerber den Zugang zum Anschluss des Kunden auf wirtschaftliche Weise realisieren können, sorgt die Regulierungsbehörde für eine angemessene Tarifierung der Vorleistungen des etablierten Betreibers. Daher ist die Entwicklung der TAL-Anmietungen durch Wettbewerber ein wichtiger Indikator für den Prozess der Liberalisierung.
- Viele technische Neuerungen, die in letzter Zeit an Bedeutung gewonnen haben, sind im Rahmen dieser Tabelle nicht berücksichtigt worden, so. z.B. die Verbreitung der Internet-Anschlüsse in den Haushalten oder die Internet-Telefonie. Der Grund liegt darin, dass die Reihen oft erst mit Ende der 1990er Jahre oder später beginnen, wie man dies auch am Beispiel der TAL-Anmietungen sehen kann, für die erst mit dem Jahr 1998 der erste Wert erhoben wurde. Zum andern wurde versucht, soweit wie möglich, eine gewisse Vergleichbarkeit zu den Jahren vor 1990 beizubehalten. Für die Telefonanschlüsse bedeutet dies, dass für Deutschland ab 1990 die Sprechstellen, gezählt als Anzahl der Kanäle für alle Anbieter und für die Telekom AG im besonderen ausgewiesen werden. Nach 2007 ergibt sich ein Bruch in diesen Reihen, da ab 2008 nur noch die Sprechstellen, gezählt als Anschlüsse, ausgewiesen werden, womit sich die ausgewiesenen Zahlen verringern (ein Anschluss kann mehrere Kanäle bereitstellen).
- Für die 'Übermittelten Telegramme' sind aus den uns vorliegenden Quellen keine Werte zu entnehmen.

DIPLOMATISCHE AKTENSTÜCKE ZUR GESCHICHTE DER ENTENTEPOLITIK DER VORKRIEGSJAHRE 1 Diplomatische Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Ententepolitik der Vorkriegsjahre (-) Diplomatische Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Ententepolitik der Vorkriegsjahre 1 (1; 1921) ( - ) Einband ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) Vorwort. ( - ) Inhaltsverzeichnis ([3]) Balkanpolitik 1909 bis Juli 1912 ([3]) Erstes Kapitel. Die Lösung der bosnischen Krise: 5. November 1908 bis 8. April 1909 . S. 71-115 ([3]) Stellungnahme der Großmächte zur Krise. Die territorialen Kompensationsforderungen Serbiens. ([3]) Der Konferenzvorschlag zur Lösung der Krise. (4) Deutscher Vermittlungsversuch. Zuspitzung der Krise. Die Erklärungen des Grafen Pourtalès in Petersburg und Lösung der Krise. (5) Nachwirkungen der Krise. (5) Zweites Kapitel. Wiederaufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen zwischen Österreich-Ungarn und Rußland: 22. November 1909 bis 15. Februar 1911 . S. 116-136 (6) Aehrenthals Wunsch, normale Beziehungen mit Petersburg wiederherzustellen. (6) Die österreichische und die russische Formel zur Wiederherstellung des Kontaktes zwischen beiden Ländern. (6) Bestreben des Petersburger Kabinetts, Österreich durch internationalen Charakter des erzielten Einverständnisses zu binden. (7) Zweckmäßigkeit eines österreichisch-russisch Einvernehmens in Balkanfragen. (8) Drittes Kapitel. Bildung des Balkanblockes: 13. März 1909 bis 20. Juni 1912 . S. 137-156 (8) Bemühungen Rußlands, einen Bund der Balkanstaaten ins Leben zu rufen, März bis November 1909. (8) Desgleichen September 1910 bis Dezember 1911. (9) Abschluß eines Bündnisses zwischen Bulgarien und Serbien März 1912 und eines Abkommens zwischen Bulgarien und Griechenland (10) England und Rußland in Persien. (10) Viertes Kapitel. Die anglorussische Konvention von 1907 über Persien: 9. Oktober 1908 bis 26. Oktober 1910 . S. 157-210 (10) Englands Standpunkt in der Frage der Erteilung von Eisenbahnkonzessionen in Persien an Ausländer. (10) Russische Truppen in Persien. (11) Anstellung ausländischer Beiräte und Beamter und Fragen finanzieller Natur. (11) Russisch-englischer Druck auf Persien, um es zur Rachgiebigkeit zu zwingen. (13) Deutschland und die englisch-russischen Verhandlungen mit Persien über die prinzipielle Frage der Erteilung von Konzessionen an Ausländer. (14) Englands Standpunkt gegenüber dem von Rußland systematisch ausgeübten Druck auf Persien. (15) Fünftes Kapitel. Rußland und die Tätigkeit Morgan Schusters in Persien: 8. August 1910 bis 28. Januar 1912 . S. 211-253 (15) Die prinzipielle Frage der Anstellung von Ausländern. (15) Schwierigkeiten wegen der Übernahme des englischen Majors Stokes in persische Dienste. (16) Feindseligkeit Rußlands gegen Morgan Schuster und Rückwirkung auf die englisch-russischen Beziehungen in Persien. (16) Russische militärische Intervention in Persien zur Entfernung Morgan Schusters und Krise in den englisch-russischen Beziehungen. (17) Ostasiatische Fragen. (19) Sechstes Kapitel. Rußland und Japan in China: 15. Oktober 1909 bis 16. März 1914 . S. 254-292 (19) Zusammenschluß Rußlands und Japans zum Schutz ihrer Interessen in der Mandschurei gegen andere Mächte. (19) Amerikanisches Projekt einer chinesischen Anleihe. (20) Politik Rußlands und Japans in China. Dez. 1910 bis März 1914. (20) Türkische Fragen. (22) Siebentes Kapitel: Russische Politik in der Türkei 1909 bis 1912: 15. April 1909 bis 30. April 1912 . S. 299-314 (22) Rußlands militärische Stellung im Schwarzen Meer. (22) Politische Bedeutung türkische Anleiheversuche in Paris und London. (22) Türkische Versuche einer Annäherung an die Ententegruppe. (23) Verhandlungen über eine Revision des russisch-türkischen Abkommens von 1900. (23) Bagdadbahn. (24) Achtes Kapitel: Die Ententemächte und die Bagdadbahn: 1. Februar 1907 bis 30. Mai 1913 . S. 315-365 (24) Rußlands prinzipieller Standpunkt. (24) Deutsch-englische Verhandlungen Bagdad-Koweit und die vierprozentige Erhöhung der türkischen Einfuhrzölle. Nov. 1909 bis Febr. 1910. (25) Deutsch-türkische Verhandlungen auf der Grundlage der Verwendung der Zehntenüberschüsse als Kilometergarantie. (26) Englisches Bahnprojekt Mohamerra-Khoremabad und Wiederanregung der allgemeinen Bagdadbahnverhandlungen durch die Türkei. (27) Beteiligung französischen Kapitals. Verhandlungen Lynch-Deutsche Bank über die Schiffahrt auf dem Tigris. (28) Die Verhandlungen im Mai 1913. (28) Neuntes Kapitel. Frankreich und England Stellungnahme zu den durch die Potsdamer Kaiserbegegnung bedingten deutsch-russischen Verhandlungen über eine Bahn Bagdad-Khanetin-Teheran: 7. Dezember 1910 bis 7. September 1911 . S. 366-407 (29) Beunruhigung in Paris und London über etwaige Folgen der Potsdamer Zusammenkunft. (29) Frage der finanziellen Unterstützung Rußlands durch England und Frankreich beim Bau der Linie Khanetin-Teheran und anderer Bahnen in Nordpersien. (31) Verlauf der Verhandlungen März-August 1911. (31) Marokko. (32) Zehntes Kapitel. Agadir: 10. Februar 1909 bis 20. Dezember 1911 . S. 408-448 (32) Das deutsch-französische Marokkoabkommen 1909. (32) Die Marokkofrage im Jahre 1911. (32) Nachklänge der Marokkokrise. (35) Italien. (36) Elftes Kapitel. Italiens Stellung im Dreibund und sein Verhältnis zu den drei Ententemächten: 22. Juni 1909 bis 2. Juli 1914 . S. 449-491 (36) Zusammenkunft der Könige Italiens und Englands in Bajä 1909. (36) Zusammenkunft zwischen dem Kaiser von Rußland und dem König von Italien in Racconigi 1909. (36) Italien und die persische Frage. Zusammenkunft des italienischen und österreichischen Außenministers in Salzburg 1910. (37) Das französisch-italienische Abkommen von 1902 und Beziehungen zwischen beiden Mächten. März-August 1912. (37) Italienisch-russische Beziehungen Okt. 1911 bis Nov. 1912. (38) Französisch-italienische Beziehungen Nov. bis Dez. 1913 und April 1914. (39) Zwölftes Kapitel. Tripolis: 26. August 1911 bis 14. Oktober 1912 . S. 492-519 (39) Die Stellung der Großmächte zum italienischen Vorgehen in Tripolis. (39) Vermittlungsversuche der Ententemächte 1911, um der Möglichkeit einer Vermittlerrolle Deutschlands zuvorzukommen. (40) Ausdehnung der kriegerischen Operationen auf die Meerengen. (40) Französischer Konferenzvorschlag und die "Uneigennützigkeitserklärung". (41) Friedensschluß durch direkte türkisch-italienische Verhandlungen. (42) Balkan und Türkei. (43) Dreizehntes Kapitel. Die Lage auf dem Balkan vor Ausbruch des ersten Balkankrieges: 11. Mai bis 20 Sept. 1912 . S. 520-550 (43) Montenegro. Bulgarien. (43) Serbien. (43) Österreich-Ungarn. (44) Russische Vorsichtsmaßregeln zum Schutze seiner Interessen. (45) Vierzehntes Kapitel. Die Großmächte während des Balkankrieges: 21. Oktober 1912 bis 23. November 1912 . S. 551-592 (45) Slawophile Evolution Englands und Standpunkt des Londoner Kabinetts gegenüber der Türkei. (45) Rußlands Standpunkt gegenüber Österreich-Ungarn im Oktober 1912. (45) Rußland und der serbisch-bulgarische Geheimvertrag. (46) Russische Befürchtungen wegen bulgarischer Absichten auf Konstantinopel. (46) Europäische Spannung wegen der Frage des serbischen territorialen Zuganges zur Adria. (47) Fünfzehntes Kapitel. Die Londoner Botschafterkonferenz: November bis Dezember 1912 . S. 593-614 (49) Serbische Unnachgiebigkeit. (49) Der Gedanke einer Konferenz der Großmächte und Verhandlungen über das Programm derselben. (50) Sechzehntes Kapitel. Die Lage auf dem Balkan Anfang 1914: 24. Januar bis 30. Juni 1914 . S. 615-638 (51) Die Gruppierung der Balkanstaaten. (51) Möglichkeit der Vereinigung Serbiens mit Montenegro. (52) Die Frage einer bulgarischen Anleihe. (53) Siebzehntes Kapitel. Rußland und die Militärmission des Generals Liman von Sanders: 21. November 1913 bis 16. Januar 1914 . S. 639-673 (53) Verhandlungen in Berlin während der Anwesenheit des russischen Staatssekretärs Kokowzew. (53) Fragen der Unterstützung der russischen Vorstellungen in Konstantinopel durch Frankreich und England. (54) Frage der direkten Verhandlungen zwischen Berlin und Petersburg. Vermittlungsvorschlag des deutschen Botschafters in Konstantinopel. (55) Zuspitzung der Krise. (55) Beilegung der Krise. (56) Achtzehntes Kapitel. Die Grundzüge der russischen Meerengenpolitik: 23. Oktober 1911 bis 10. Mai 1913 . S. 674-695 (57) Englands und Frankreichs Stellungnahme zu den Verhandlungen Tcharykoffs mit Said Pascha 1911. (57) Rußlands Standpunkt im Jahre 1912. Die Meerengen-Frage und die internationale Kontrolle der türkischen Finanzen. (58) Die beiden Mächtegruppen in Europa. (59) Neunzehntes Kapitel. Deutsch-russische Beziehungen 1909-1914: 2. April 1909 bis 9. April 1914 . S. 696-715 (59) 1909. 1910. (59) 1912. (59) 1913. 1914. (60) Zwanzigstes Kapitel: Deutsch-englische Beziehungen 1908-1914: 25. November 1908 bis 13. Februar 1914 . S. 716-776 (60) 1908. (60) 1909. (60) 1910. 1911. (62) 1912 und die Mission Lord Haldanes. (62) Einundzwanzigstes Kapitel. England, Frankreich, Rußland: 18. Juni 1908 bis 16. Juli 1914 . S. 777-827 (65) 1908. (65) 1910. 1911. (66) 1912. (66) 1913. (68) 1914. (68) Erstes Kapitel. Die Lösung der bosnischen Krise. ([71]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Paris Relidow vom 23. Oktober / 5. November 1908. ([71]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 15./28. Januar 1909. (73) [Brief]:Mittteilung der französischen Botschaft in Petersburg an das russische Außenministerium vom 13./26. Februar 1909. (73) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 11./24. Februar 1909. (75) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 14./27. Februar 1909. (76) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 14./27. Februar 1909. - Nr. 250. (76) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 16./27. Februar 1909. - Nr. 251. (77) [Brief]: Inhaltsangabe eines Telegramms des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 14./27. Februar 1909. (78) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 15./28. Februar 1909. - Nr. 40. (79) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 15./28. Februar 1909. - Nr. 41. (79) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 17. Februar / 2. März 1909. - Nr. 265 (80) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1909. (81) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 17. Februar / 2. März 1909. (84) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1909. (85) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1909. (86) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Februar / 5. März 1909. - Nr. 288. (87) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 20. Februar / 5. März 1909. - Nr. 292. (88) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 21. Februar / 6. März 1909. (88) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 22. Februar / 7. März 1909. - Nr. 301. (89) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 22. Februar / 7. März 1909. - Nr. 296. (90) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 23. Februar / 8. März 1909. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Dettinje an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Februar 1909. (3)Inhaltsangabe eines Briefs des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Bukarest vom 24. Februar / 9. März 1909. (91) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. Februar / 11. März 1909. - Nr. 318. (91) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 26. Februar / 11. März 1909. - Nr. 319. (92) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 27. Februar / 12. März 1909. (93) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 28. Februar / 13. März 1909. (93) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 2./15. März 1909. - Nr. 337. (94) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1909. (95) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 4./17. März 1908. (96) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Botschafter in London und Paris vom 4./17. März 1909. - Nr. 356. (98) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Botschafter in London und Paris vom 4./17. März 1909. - Nr. 364. (99) [Brief]: Telegramm desselben an dieselben vom 4./17. März 1909. - Nr. 365. (99) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Botschafter in London und Paris vom 4./17. März 1909. - Nr. 363. (100) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 4./17. März 1909. (100) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 4./17. März 1909. (101) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 6./19. März 1909. - Nr. 7. (102) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 9./22. März 1909. - Nr. 10. (103) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Vertreter in Paris und London vom 10./23. März 1909. (103) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an die russischen Vertreter in Paris und London vom 10./23. März 1909. - Nr. 409. (104) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 11./12. März 1909. - Nr. 22. (105) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Berlin vom 13./26. März 1909. - Nr. 425. (106) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. März 1909. - Nr. 24. (107) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Berlin vom 13./26. März 1909. - Nr. 429. (107) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 14./27. März 1909. - Nr. 19. (108) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. März / 4. April 1909. - Nr. 503. (108) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 24. März / 6. April 1909. - Nr. 30. (109) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 19. März / 1. April 1909. - Nr. 28. (109) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 19. März / 1. April 1909. - Nr. 30. (112) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 19. März / 1. April 1909. (113) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 26. März / 8. April 1909. (115) Zweites Kapitel. Wiederaufnahme diplomatischer Beziehungen zwischen Österreich-Ungarn und Rußland. ([116]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 9./22. November 1909. ([116]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 14./27. Januar 1910. ([116]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafter in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 21. Januar / 3. Februar 1910. (117) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Wien vom 23. Januar / 5. Februar 1910. (118) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 20. Januar / 2. Februar 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1910. (120) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1910. - Nr. 37. (120) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 24. Januar / 6. Februar 1910. - Nr. 136. (121) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Wien vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1910. (122) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. Februar 1910. - Nr. 245. (122) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Februar 1910. - Nr. 40. (123) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 14./27. Februar 1910. - Nr. 256. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1910. (124) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1910. (124) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 4./17. Februar 1910. (125) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Rom an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Februar 1910. (127) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Februar 1910. (127) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Rom vom 14./27. Februar 1910. (128) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 16. Februar / 1. März 1910. (128) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 16. Februar / 1. März 1910. - Nr. 17. (129) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 16. Februar / 1. März 1910. - Nr. 19. (130) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 17. Februar / 2. März 1910. (131) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 18. Februar / 3. März 1910. (131) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 25. Februar / 10. März 1910. - Nr. 22. (132) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 6./19. März 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 7./20. März 1910. - Nr. 362. (133) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Wien an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 9./22. März 1910. - Nr. 27. (133) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Wien Urussow an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 26. Oktober / 8. November 1910. (134) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister 2./15. Februar 1911. (135) Drittes Kapitel. Bildung des Balkanblockes. ([137]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Februar / 13. März 1909. ([137]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. April 1909. ([137]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 5./18. April 1909. (138) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Gesandten in Belgrad vom 5./18. April 1909. (138) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. April 1909. - Nr. 34. (139) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. April / 4. Mai 1909. (140) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 29. April / 12. Mai 1909. (2)Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Mai 1909. - Nr. 38. (141) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. Mai / 8. Juni 1909. - Nr. 44. (141) [Briefe]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in Sofia vom 3./16. August 1909. - Nr. 759. (142) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. Oktober / 3. November 1909. (143) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Rom an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 2./15. November 1909. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 15./28. September 1910. (145) [Brief]: Geheimer Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. November 1910. - Nr. 52. (146) [Brief]: Geheimer Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Griechenland an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Januar 1911. - Nr. 1. (148) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. Februar / 11. März 1911. (149) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. März / 1. April 1911. - Nr. 110. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. März / 2. April 1911. (150) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. März / 8. April 1911. (150) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Belgrad an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. Mai 1911. - Nr. 80. (2)Telegramm des Stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Gesandten in Sofia vom 25. Juni / 8. Juli 1911. (151) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Wien an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. September / 8. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 42. (152) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. November / 12. Dezember 1911. - Nr. 98. (153) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 17./30. März 1912. - Nr. 580. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. März / 1. April 1912. - Nr. 91. (154) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 22. März / 4. April 1912. - Nr. 33. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträger in Sofia an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. April 1912. - Nr. 34. (155) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Sofia in den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juni 1912. - Nr. 16. (155) Viertes Kapitel. Die russisch-englische Konvention von 1907 und Persien. ([157]) [Brief]: Memorandum des englischen Ministeriums des Auswärtigen vom 9. Oktober 1908. ([157]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 9./22. Mai 1909. (158) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. Mai / 3. Juni 1909. - Nr. 77. (160) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 23. Mai / 5. Juni 1909. - Nr. 969. (160) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. Mai / 7. Juni 1909. (161) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Juni 1909. - Nr. 114. (162) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1909. - Nr. 1149. (163) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1909. - Nr. 125. (164) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. Juni / 13. Juli 1909. - Nr. 146. (165) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. Juni / 13. Juni 1909. - Nr. 147. (166) [Brief]: Telegramm des englischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an das englische Außenministerium vom 1./14. Juli 1909. (167) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 7./20. Juli 1909. (167) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 3./16. August 1909. (169) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 8./21. Januar 1910. - Nr. 38. (171) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 13./26. Januar 1910. - Nr. 6. (172) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 18./31. Januar 1910. - Nr. 98. (173) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 18./31. Januar 1910. - Nr. 99. (174) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 20. Januar / 2. Februar 1910. (174) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 25. Februar / 10. März 1910. - Nr. 171. (175) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 2./15. März 1910. - Nr. 51. (176) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1910. - Nr. 52. (177) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1910. (178) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1910. (179) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. März 1910. - Nr. 339. (180) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky vom 3./16. März 1910. - Nr. 340. (181) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 5./18. März 1910. - Nr. 54. (182) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 5./18. März 1910. - Nr. 55. (182) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 5./18. März 1910. - Nr. 56. (183) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 7./20. März 1910. - Nr. 57. (184) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 8./21. März 1910. - Nr. 62. (184) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 8./21. März 1910. - Nr. 63. (185) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 8./21. März 1910. - Nr. 63. (185) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 10./23. März 1910. - Nr. 380. (186) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 11./24. März 1910. - Nr. 383. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 11./24. März 1910. - Nr. 65. (187) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 13./26. März 1910. - Nr. 406. (187) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 10./23. März 1910. (188) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. April 1910. - Nr. 492. (188) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. April 1910. - Nr. 493. (189) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. April 1910. - Nr. 494. (190) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 10./23. April 1910. - Nr. 531. (191) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 13./26. April 1910. (192) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an das russische Außenministerium vom 1./14. April 1910. (193) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 29. April / 12. April 1910. Nr. 631. (193) [Briefe]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an das russische Außenministerium vom 12./25. April 1910. (194) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. April 1910. - Nr. 25. (195) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 30. April / 13. Mai 1910. - Nr. 102. (195) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 5./18. Mai 1910. - Nr. 104. (196) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 8./21. Mai 1910. - Nr. 109. (196) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 9./22. Mai 1910. - Nr. 695. (197) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 11./24. Mai 1910. - Nr. 113. (198) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 13./26. Mai 1910. - Nr. 717. (199) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Iswolsky vom 18./31. Mai 1910. (199) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den Zaren über seinen Besuch in Balmoral im Oktober 1912. (200) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem persönlichen Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. August 1910. (201) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 13./26. September 1910. - Nr. 1420. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträger in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 15./28. September 1910. - Nr. 242. (204) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 16./29. September 1910. (204) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 18. Sept. / 1. Oktober 1910. (205) [Brief]: Sehr geheimer Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 25. Sept. / 8. Okt. 1910. - Nr 884. (205) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Oktober 1910. (209) Fünftes Kapitel. Rußland und die Tätigkeit Morgan Shusters in Persien. ([211]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. August 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Aug. / 6. Sept. 1910. ([211]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 26. Aug. / 8. Sept. 1910. (2)Telegramm es russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. August / 10. Sept. 1910. - Nr. 564. (212) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Washington an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Sept. / 3. Okt. 1910. (212) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 15./28. Jan. 1911. - Nr. 62. (213) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 9. Jan. / 1. Febr. 1911. - Nr. 13. (213) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 28. Juni / 11. Juli 1911. - Nr. 871. (214) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 4./17. Juli 1911. - Nr. 903. (214) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 4./17. Juli 1911. - Nr. 903. (215) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 4./17. August 1911. - Nr. 189. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 6./19. August 1911. - Nr. 1101. (216) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 9./22. August 1911. - Nr. 703. (217) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 10./23. August 1911. - Nr 193 (218) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 7./20. Okt. 1911. (218) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an das russische Außenministerium vom 11./24. Okt. 1911. - Nr. 246. (221) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 11./24. Okt. 1911. (222) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 26. Okt. / 8. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1730. (2)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 26. Okt. / 8. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1732. (224) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckerndorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 29. Okt. / 11. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 278. (225) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 3./16. November 1911. - 1798. (226) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 4./17. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1810. (227) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 5./18. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 280. (230) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 6./19. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 281. (231) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 7./20. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1833. (232) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden Außenminister Neratow vom 8./21. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 283. (233) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 8./21. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 284. (233) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 10./23. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 286. (234) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 10./23. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 1861. (235) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorf an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 10./23. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 287. (235) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 11./24. Nov. 1911. - Nr. 288. (236) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 11./24. November 1911. - Nr 289. (236) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 11./24. November 1911. - Nr 289. (237) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 13./26. November 1911. - Nr. 1881. (237) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 16./29. November 1911. - Nr. 1901. (238) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 18. Nov. / 1. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 302. (239) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 19. Nov. / 2. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 305. (239) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 19. Nov. / 2. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 307. (240) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 21. Nov. / 4. Dez. 1911. (242) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 22. Nov. / 5. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 313. (244) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 17./30. Nov. 1911 - Nr. 1173. (2)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 18. Nov. / 1. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 1923. (3)Telegramm es russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 20. Nov. / 3. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 1938. (245) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 21. Nov. / 4. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 1951. (245) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 25. Nov. / 8. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 315. (246) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers Neratow an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 27. Nov. / 10. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 2009. (246) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London Benckendorff vom 9./22. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 2109. (247) [Brief]: Telegramm es russischen Statthalters im Kaukasus an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 7637. (247) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Statthalters im Kaukasus an den russischen Außenminister vom 11. / 24. Dezember 1911. - Nr. 7785. (248) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Statthalters im Kaukasus an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dez. 1911. - Nr. 7786. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Dez. 1911 / 1. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 337. (249) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 21. Dez. 1911 / 3. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 341. (249) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorf an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 23. Dez. 1911 / 5. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 343. (2)Auszug aus einem Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. Dez. 1911 / 6. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 346. (250) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Gesandten in Teheran vom 5./18. Jan. 1912. - Nr. 38. (251) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem persönlichen Briefe des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonov vom 15./28. Jan. 1912. (251) Sechstes Kapitel. Rußland und Japan in China. ([254]) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Okt. 1909. ([254]) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. Sept. / 12. Okt. 1909. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Peking vom 5./18. Oktober 1909. (255) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Dezember 1909. (255) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1909. (256) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dezember 1909. (256) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Washington an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Dezember 1909. (257) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Dezember 1909 / 13. Januar 1910. (257) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 31. Dezember 1909 / 13. Januar 1910. - Nr. 2291. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 31. Dezember 1909 / 13. Januar 1910. - Nr. 2291. (259) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 31. Dezember 1909 / 13. Januar 1910. (260) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Februar / 8. März 1910. (262) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. April / 7. Mai 1910. (262) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 29. April / 12. Mai 1910. (263) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. Juni 1910. - Nr. 760. (263) [Protokoll]: Projekt eines öffentlichen Abkommens zwischen Rußland und Japan. (264) [Protokoll]: Projekt eines Geheimvertrages zwischen Rußland und Japan. (265) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 12./25. Juni 1910 - Nr. 889. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Juni 1910. - Nr. 157. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Juni 1910 - Nr. 160. (266) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 16./29. Juni 1910 - Nr. 911. (266) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Peking vom 1./14. Juli 1910 an den russischen Außenminister. (267) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Finanzminister vom 6./19. November 1910. (268) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. November 1910. (270) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 1369. (271) [Protokoll]: Protokoll einer besonderen Ministerratssitzung in Petersburg vom 19. November / 2. Dezember 1910. (272) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Tokio vom 27. November / 10. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 1742. (276) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 206. (276) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in China vom 10./23. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 1793. (277) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in China an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 645. (277) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in China vom 24. Jan. / 6. Februar 1911. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Februar 1911. - Nr. 43. (278) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Tokio vom 16./29. April 1911. - Nr. 518. (279) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Juli 1911. (280) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 12./25. Januar 1912. - Nr. 33. (282) [Brief]: Memorandum des russischen Außenministers vom 10./23. Januar 1912. (282) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 14./27. Dezember 1911. - Nr. 1331. (284) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 5./18. März 1912. - Nr. 475. (286) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 9./22. März 1912. - Nr. 508. (286) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 7./20. April 1912. - Nr. 716. (287) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Mai 1912. - Nr. 32. (287) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1912. - Nr. 1233. (288) [Protokoll]: Projekt einer geheimen Konvention zwischen Rußland und Japan hinsichtlich der Mongolei. (288) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Generalkonsul in Ourga vom 18./31. August 1912. - Nr. 1694. (289) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen diplomatischen Agenten in der Mongolei vom 8./21. Nov. 1913. - Nr. 3179. (289) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Tokio an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1913. - Nr. 200. (290) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Peking vom 24. Februar / 9. März 1914. - Nr. 417. (290) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. Februar / 11. März 1914. - Nr. 104. (291) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Gesandten in Peking vom 1./14. März 1914. - Nr. 471. (291) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Peking an den russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. März 1914. - Nr. 116. (292) Siebentes Kapitel. Russische Politik in der Türkei 1909-1912. ([293]) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris Nelidow an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. April 1909. ([293]) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Privatbrief des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. April 1910. (294) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. April 1910. - Nr. 200. (295) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. April 1911. (296) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 15./28. Juni 1910. - Nr. 905. (297) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Juni 1910. (298) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Juni / 7. Juli 1910. (299) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 21. Juli / 3. August 1910. - Nr. 1139. (300) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 11. / 24. Oktober 1910. (300) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. September 1910. (301) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Oktober 1910. (301) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. Februar 1911. (302) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 631. (303) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 2./15. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 634. (304) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an das russische Außenministerium vom 21. Oktober / 3. November 1911. - Nr. 257. (304) [Brief]: Privatbrief des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel Tcharykoff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 2./15. Januar 1912. (305) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1912. - Nr. 17. (307) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. Januar / 13. Februar 1912. - Nr. 42. (308) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 3./16. Februar 1912. - Nr. 230. (309) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 3./16. Februar 1912. - Nr. 230. (310) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Februar 1912. - Nr. 54. (311) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Februar 1912. - Nr. 58. (311) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. März 1912. - Nr. 46. (312) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. Februar / 5. März 1912. - Nr. 88. (312) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel Giers an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. April 1912. - Nr. 189. (313) Achtes Kapitel. Die Ententemächte und die Bagdadbahn. ([315]) [Protokoll]: Protokoll der Sitzung des russischen Ministerrats vom 1. Februar 1907 bezüglich des Abschlusses eines Vertrages mit England über persische Fragen, unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Bagdadbahn. ([315]) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 6./19. Dezember 1907. (319) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 5./18. November 1909. (320) [Brief]: Memorandum der englischen Botschaft in Petersburg vom 6./19. November 1909. (321) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Iswolsky an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 10./23. November 1909. (323) [Brief]: Brief des englischen Botschafters in Petersburg an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. November 1909. (324) [Brief]: Brief des englischen Botschafters in Petersburg an den russischen Außenminister vom 14./27. November 1909. (325) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 13./26. November 1909. (326) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 14./27. November 1909. (329) [Brief]: Brief des englischen Botschafters in Petersburg an den russischen Außenminister vom 18. November / 1. Dezember 1909. (330) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. November / 8. Dezember 1909. (330) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. November / 9. Dezember 1909. (333) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 9./22. Dezember 1909. (334) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. Dezember 1909. (334) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Dezember 1909. - Nr. 240. (336) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dezember 1909. - Nr. 243. (336) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Dezember 1909. (337) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Januar 1910. (338) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 20. Januar / 2. Februar 1910. (338) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 24. März / 6. April 1910. - Nr. 457. (340) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. März / 8. April 1910. - Nr. 75. (340) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. März / 9. April 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. April 1910. - Nr. 79. (341) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. April 1910. (341) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 9./22. April 1910. - Nr. 523. (343) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. April 1910. - Nr. 80. (343) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. April 1910. - Nr. 82. (344) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. April 1910. (344) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. April / 4. Mai 1910. - Nr. 85. (345) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1910. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Mai 1910. - Nr. 107. (346) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. Mai / 9. Juni 1910. - Nr. 122. (346) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 10./23. Februar 1911. - Nr. 182. (347) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Februar 1911. (347) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. März 1911. (349) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 3./16. März 1911. - Nr. 271. (350) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. März 1911. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 11./24. März 1911. - Nr. 312. (351) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministeriums an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 14./27. März 1911. - Nr. 330. (2)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. März / 1. April 1911. - Nr. 221. (352) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. März / 3. April 1911. - Nr. 224. (352) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Gesandten in Teheran an den russischen Außenminister vom 13. / 26. April 1911. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 26. April / 9. Mai 1911. - Nr. 576. (353) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1911. - Nr. 229. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Konstantinopel vom 2./15. Mai 1911. - Nr. 610. (354) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Mai 1911. - Nr. 264. (354) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 4./17. Mai 1911. - Nr. 265. (355) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juli / 1. August 1911. (355) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. Dezember 1911. - Nr. 762. (356) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Konsuls in Bagdad an die russische Botschaft in Konstantinopel vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1912. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. April 1912. - Nr. 177. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 19. Mai / 1. Juni 1912. - Nr. 92. (357) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. Juni 1912. - Nr. 170. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 4./17. Juni 1912. - Nr. 1131. (358) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Juni 1912. - Nr. 113. (358) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Juni 1912. - Nr. 122. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 1./14. August 1912. - Nr. 145. (359) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. August 1912. - Nr. 214. (359) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. August 1912. - Nr. 214. (360) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 25. August / 7. September 1912. - Nr. 186. (360) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Geschäftsträger in London vom 29. August / 11. September 1912. - Nr. 1790. (2)Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. August / 13. September 1912. - Nr. 230. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 26. April / 9. Mai 1913. - Nr. 433. (361) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 3./16. Mai 1913. - Nr. 1266. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Konstantinopel an den russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. Mai 1913. - Nr. 354. (362) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 6./19. Mai 1913. - Nr. 452. (363) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Mai 1913. - Nr. 461. (363) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 13./26. Mai 1913. - Nr. 260. (364) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. Mai 1913. - Nr. 264. (365) Neuntes Kapitel. Frankreichs und Englands Stellungnahme zu den durch die Potsdamer Kaiserbegegnung bedingten deutsch-russischen Verhandlungen über eine Bahn Bagdad-Khanetin-Teheran. ([366]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. November / 7. Dezember 1910. ([366]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 2./15. Dezember 1910. (367) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 7./20. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 1779. (369) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Dezember 1910. - Nr. 279. (369) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 21. Dezember / 3. Januar 1911. (370) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 27. Dezember / 9. Januar 1911. (372) [3 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 25. Dezember 1910 / 7. Januar 1911. - Nr 286. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 28. Dezember 1910 / 10. Januar 1911. - Nr. 1880. (3)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 29. Dezember 1910 / 11. Januar 1911. - Nr. 289. (373) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 2. / 15. Januar 1911. (373) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 2./15. Januar 1911. (375) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. Januar 1911. (377) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 8./21. Januar 1911. - Nr. 4. (2)Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 14./27. Januar 1911. - Nr. 21. (381) [Brief]: Persönlicher und vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 14./27. Januar 1911. (381) [Brief]: Privatbrief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 1./14. Februar 1911. (384) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1911. - Nr. 93. (388) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1911. - Nr. 94. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 22. Januar / 4. Februar 1911. - Nr. 95. (389) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 24. Januar / 6. Februar 1911. - Nr. 16. (390) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. Januar / 6. Februar 1911. - Nr. 17. (390) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 24. Januar / 6. Februar 1911. - Nr. 19. (391) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 25. Januar / 7. Februar 1911. - Nr. 20. (391) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1911. - Nr. 22. (392) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 27. Januar / 9. Februar 1911. - Nr. 23. (392) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1911. - Nr. 128. (393) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 29. Januar / 11. Februar 1911. - Nr. 25. (2)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 29. Januar / 11. Februar 1911. - Nr. 133. (394) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 30. Januar / 12. Februar 1911. - Nr. 26. (394) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 31. Januar /13. Februar 1911. - Nr. 27. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 2./15. Februar 1911. - Nr. 32. (395) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. Februar 1911. - Nr. 37. (396) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 4./17. Februar 1911. - Nr. 38. (396) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Außenministers Sasonow an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 4./17. Februar 1911. - Nr. 155. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Februar 1911. - Nr. 39. (397) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister Sasonow vom 5./18. Februar 1911. - Nr. 40. (398) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 3./16. März 1911. (398) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 9./22. März 1911. - Nr. 31. (399) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 10./23. März 1911. - Nr. 308. (400) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 13./26. März 1911. (400) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Mai 1911. (401) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. Juni 1911. (404) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen stellvertretenden Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. August / 7. September 1911. - Nr. 643. (407) Zehntes Kapitel. Agadir. ([408]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. Januar / 10. Februar 1909. ([408]) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. März 1911. (410) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 31. März / 13. April 1911. (412) [Brief]: Bericht des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den russischen Außenminister vom 15./28. April 1911. (413) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister Neratow vom 26. April / 9. Mai 1911. (414) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem vertraulichen Bericht des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai 1911. (415) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 10./23. Mai 1911. (416) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 22. April / 5. Mai 1911. - Nr. 559. (2)Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den russischen Außenminister vom 28. April / 11. Mai. 1911. (419) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Mai 1911. (419) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in Paris vom 9./22. Mai 1911. - Nr. 635. (421) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 11./24. Mai 1911. (421) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 19. Juni / 2. Juli 1911. - Nr. 811. (423) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1911. - Nr. 135. (424) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1911. - Nr. 136. (424) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1911. - Nr. 137. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 20. Juni / 3. Juli 1911. - Nr. 138. (425) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 22. Juni / 5. Juli 1911. - Nr. 139. (425) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 22. Juni / 5. Juli 1911. (426) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 23. Juni / 6. Juli 1911. - Nr. 142. (427) [Brief]: Persönlicher und sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London Benckendorff an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 6. / 19. Juli 1911. (428) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 19. Juli / 1. August 1911. (429) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. August 1911. (433) [Brief]: Sehr vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 3./16. August 1911. (434) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 5./18. August 1911. (435) [Brief]: Vertraulicher Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 16./29. August 1911. (436) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 24. August / 6. September 1911. - Nr. 1180. (438) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 25. August / 7. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 198. (439) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. August / 7. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 1187. (439) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 26. August / 8. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 200. (440) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 26. August / 8. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 202. (441) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 25. August / 7. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 1189. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 27. August / 9. Sept. 1911. - Nr. 203. (442) [Brief]: Telegramm des stellvertretenden Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 1./14. September 1911. - Nr. 1239. (442) [2 Briefe]: (1)Telegramm des stellvertretenden russischen Außenministers an den russischen Botschafter in London vom 4./17. September 1911. - Nr. 1258. (2)Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. September 1911. - Nr. 209. (443) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Geschäftsträgers in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 6./29. September 1911. (443) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in Paris an den Stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 12./25. Oktober 1911. - Nr. 158. (445) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in Berlin an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 30. September / 13. Oktober 1911. (445) [Brief]: Brief des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 8./21. November 1911. (446) [Brief]: Telegramm des russischen Botschafters in London an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 17./30. November 1911. - Nr. 289. (447) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe des russischen Botschafters in Paris Iswolsky an den stellvertretenden russischen Außenminister vom 7./20. Dezember 1911. (447) Einband ( - ) Einband ( - )

UNTER DEM ROTEN KREUZ IM WELTKRIEGE Unter dem Roten Kreuz im Weltkriege ( - ) Einband ( - ) Deckblatt ( - ) [Abb.]: ( - ) Titelseite ( - ) Impressum ( - ) [Widmung]: Dem Buch, das die Geschichte des Roten Kreuzes und seine Tätigkeit im Weltkrieg behandelt und in dem das amtliche Rotkreuzmaterial verwertet worden ist, wünsche ich vollen Erfolg und weite Verbreitung unter den Deutschen. Der Präsident des Deutschen Roten Kreuzes Herzog von Sachsen-Coburg und Gotha. ( - ) Vorwort: Die Herausgeber. ( - ) Inhaltsverzeichnis. ( - ) Erster Teil. Die freiwillige Krankenpflege in der Zeit vor dem Weltkriege. ( - ) I. Die geschichtliche Entwicklung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege bis zum Weltkriege. (1) a) Bis zum Beginn des Deutsch-französischen Krieges 1870/71. (1) [Abb.]: Erste Hilfe auf einem Schlachtfelde 1796. (2) [Abb.]: Henri Dunant. (6) [Abb.]: Prinz Heinrich XIII. Reuß, der erste Vorsitzende des Zentralkomitees zur Pflege im Felde verwundeter und erkrankter Krieger (Preußisches Zentralkomitee). (7) [Abb.]: Freiwillige Krankenpflege 1864. (8) [Abb.]: Graf Eberhard zu Stolberg-Wernigerode, der erste Königliche Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (9) [Brief]: Berlin, den 10. November 1866. An den Kriegsminister. Wilhelm. (10) [Abb.]: Gräfin Luise von Itzenplitz, die erste Vorsitzende des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins. (11) [Abb.]: Wirklicher Geheimer Rat von Sydow, der erste Vorsitzende des Zentralkomitees der deutschen Vereine zur Pflege im Felde verwundeter und erkrankter Krieger (Deutsches Zentralkomitee). (12) [Abb.]: Fürst Heinrich XI. von Pleß, Königlicher Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege während des Krieges 1870/71. (13) b) Vom Deutsch-französischen Kriege 1870/71 bis 1914. (14) [Abb.]: Verbandmittelbereitung 1870. (15) [Abb.]: Freiwilliges Turner-Sanitätskorps Offenbach a.M. 1870/71. (16) [Abb.]: Internationales Komitee in Genf bei einer Kriegs-Sitzung. (19) [Brief]: Eine Kabinettsorder vom 3. März 1890 lautete: Wilhelm R. Auguste Viktoria R. (23) [Abb.]: Krankentransport bei einer Überschwemmung in der Altmark im Jahre 1908. (24) [Abb.]: Rote-Kreuz-Hilfeleistung im Überschwemmungsgebiet des Rheins, Eingang zur Volksküche des Roten Kreuzes in Schloß Neuwied. (25) [Abb.]: Rote-Kreuz-Hilfeleistung im Überschwemmungsgebiet des Rheins, Speisung durch Mitglieder des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz. (26) [Abb.]: Rote-Kreuz-Hilfeleistung im Überschwemmungsgebiet des Rheins, Speisung durch Mitglieder des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz. (27) [Abb.]: Rote-Kreuz-Hilfeleistung im Überschwemmungsgebiet des Rheins, Notspeisung. (29) II. Die Organisation der deutschen freiwilligen Krankenpflege vor dem Kriege. (31) [Abb.]: Sanitätskolonnen-Übung im Zentraldepot vom Roten Kreuz in Neu-Babelsberg. (33) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Zugführer und Pfleger oder Träger. (34) [2 Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Delegierter in der Uniform der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (37) Zweiter Teil. Die freiwillige Krankenpflege im Weltkriege. ([39]) I. Mobilmachung. (41) [Abb.]: Einkleiden freiwilliger Krankenträger im Zentraldepot vom Roten Kreuz in Neubabelsberg. (42) [Abb.]: Fürst zu Solms-Baruth, Kaiserlicher Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (43) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege beim Ausmarsch, Sektions-(Gruppen-)Führer. (44) [Abb.]: Lazarett in einer Doeckerschen Baracke. (45) [2 Abb.]: (1)Sammelstelle für Liebesgaben der vereinigten Männer- und Frauenvereine vom Roten Kreuz in Braunschweig. (2)Gemeinsame Pflegetätigkeit von Schwestern vom Roten Kreuz und von Diakonissen in einem Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz in Ostrowo, Provinz Posen. (46) [2 Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Arzt der freiwilligen Krankenpflege beim Ausmarsch und nach August 1916. (47) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erfrischung durchreisender Reservisten und Landwehrmänner in Pfaffenhofen a.d. Ilm. (2)Küche und Eßraum der Verpflegungsstelle des Roten Kreuzes auf dem Hauptbahnhof Mainz. (48) [2 Abb.]: (1)Verbandstation des Roten Kreuzes auf dem Venloer Bahnhof in Hamburg. (2)Verbandraum auf einem Bahnhof. (49) [Abb.]: Verband- und Erfrischungsstation Olivaer Tor des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins in Danzig. (50) [2 Abb.]: (1)Erfrischung durchreisender Truppen in Pfaffenhofen a. Ilm. (2)Verpflegung eines Truppentransportes durch das Rote Kreuz. (51) [Abb.]: Flüchtlinge in Ostpreußen. (52) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarett Burgfeld-Lübeck: Baracke im Pfingstschmuck. (2)Schlafsaal des Vereinslazaretts im Evangelischen Vereinshaus zu Mülheim an der Ruhr. (53) [2 Abb.]: (1)Reservelazarett "Neue Welt", Hasenheide in Berlin. (2)Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz im Johanniterhospital Plön, Pavillon und Liegehallen. (54) [Abb.]: Lazarettzug F2 des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Berlin, Stifterin Frau Else Dürr in Leipzig, vor der Ausfahrt. (55) [Abb.]: Entladen eines Lazarettzuges in Ingolstadt. (56) [2 Abb.]: (1)Zum Verwundetentransport eingerichteter Anhängerwagen der elektrischen Straßenbahn. (2)Vom Straßenbahnwagen in das Lazarett. (57) [2 Abb.]: (1)Einladen Verwundeter in einen Straßenbahnzug. (2)Verwundetentransport in Straßenbahnzügen. (58) [2 Abb.]: (1)Postkraftwagen zum Transport für Leichtverwundete eingerichtet. (2)Sanitätsmobil mit Anhänger. (59) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege beim Ausmarsch, Arzt, Zugführer und Zugführerstellvertreter. (60) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Zugführer. (2)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Zugführerstellvertreter. (61) [3 Abb.]: (1)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (2)Personal eines mobilen Transporttrupps beim Ausmarsch. (3)Ausmarsch eines mobilen Transportzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege aus München. (62) [2 Abb.]: (1)Schwestern vorm Ausrücken ins Feld. (2)Auf der Fahrt zur Front. (63) [2 Abb.]: (1)Ausmarsch eines mobilen Transportzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege aus München. (2)Ausmarsch eines mobilen Transportzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege aus München. (64) II. Aufbau und Arbeit. (65) 1. Der Kaiserliche Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege und der Stellvertretende Militär-Inspekteur. (65) [Abb.]: Der Kaiserliche Kommissar der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Fürst zu Solms-Baruth, bei einer Inspektionsreise in Lodz. (66) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Pfleger oder Träger. (67) [2 Abb.]: (1)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Delegiertenschreiber mit dem Range eines Zugführerstellvertreters. (2)Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Sektions-(Gruppen-)Führer. (68) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege nach August 1916, Ablösungs- und Ersatztransporte. (69) [Abb.]: Die ersten Rote Kreuz-Medaillen. (70) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Delegierte (Inaktive Offiziere, Johanniterritter, Delegierter in der Uniform der freiwilligen Krankenpflege). (71) [Abb.]: Der Generaldelegierte-Ost, Fürst zu Hohenlohe-Langenburg, bei einer Inspektionsreise in Lodz. (72) [Abb.]: Im Grabe eines freiwilligen Krankenpflegers. (73) [Brief]: "Berlin, den 2.12.1918. gez. Fürst Hohenlohe-Langenburg." (73) [Abb.]: Bekleidung und Ausrüstung der freiwilligen Krankenpflege, Ersatztransport. (74) 2. Das Zentralkomitee der Deutschen Vereine vom Roten Kreuz und die Landeskomitees. (74) [Abb.]: Der Vorsitzende des Preußischen Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz, General der Kavallerie z.D. von Pfuel. (75) [Abb.]: Sitzung des Zentralkomitees der Deutschen Vereine vom Roten Kreuz. (76) [Abb.]: Eisenbahner- und Soldatenheim in Brüssel. (77) [2 Abb.]: (1)Eisenbahnerheim Schaarbeck. (2)Soldatenheim in Löwen. (78) [2 Abb.]: (1)Genesungsheim Kaiserbad vom Roten Kreuz in Rosenheim. (2)Lesehalle im Soldatenheim Lodz. (79) [Abb.]: Zeitungsabteilung des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz, Berlin, Abgeordnetenhaus. (80) [Abb.]: Kameraden-Nachforschung durch Vermittlung des Internationalen Komitees in Genf. (81) [Abb.]: Gefangenenfürsorge, Ankunft deutscher Austauschgefangener aus Rußland in Saßnitz. (82) [Abb.]: Gefangenenfürsorge, Ankunft deutscher Austauschgefangener aus Rußland in Saßnitz. (83) [Abb.]: Ankunft der ersten Austauschgefangenen, Verpflegungsstelle des Vereins vom Roten Kreuz Aachen-Stadt. (85) [Abb.]: Sammelstelle des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz in Berlin. (88) [Abb.]: Sammelstelle des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz in Berlin. (89) 3. Die deutschen Frauenvereine vom Roten Kreuz. (90) [Abb.]: Verband- und Erfrischungsstation Olivaer Tor des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Danzig. (91) [Abb.]: Erfrischungsstation des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Altenkirchen. (92) [Abb.]: Liebesgaben aus der Heimat, Weihnachtspakete des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins. (93) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Mutterhaus und Krankenanstalt des Bayerischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz in München. (94) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug H.1 des Provinzialvereins vom Roten Kreuz für Hannover. (95) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz Orangerie Potsdam. (96) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz Orangerie Potsdam. (2)Gartenfest im Vereinslazarett Orangerie Potsdam. (97) [Abb.]: Lebensmittelsammlung des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Straßburg im Elsaß zum Geburtstag der Kaiserin 1915. (98) [Abb.]: Damen des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Braunschweig beim Ausbessern von Lazarettwäsche. (99) [Abb.]: Reservelazarett Lehrerseminar Krotoschin, Speisekammer. (100) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz Kaiserslautern-Rheinpfalz. (2)Nähstube des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Naumburg a.d. Saale. (101) [Abb.]: Kriegsfrauenhilfe in Duisburg, Ausgabe von Heimarbeit. (102) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für Angehörige von Kriegsteilnehmern, Lebensmittelverteilung durch den Nationalen Frauendienst Ostrowo. (103) [Abb.]: Fürsorge in der Heimat, Säuglingsfürsorgestelle in Hannover. (104) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Kinder auf Erholungsreise. (105) [Abb.]: Fürsorge in der Heimat, Heim für Kriegerkinder in Schneidemühl. (106) [2 Abb.]: (1)Kinderspeisung des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Ostrowo. (2)Kriegskinder bei der Mahlzeit im Wiesbadener Ferienheim. (107) [Abb.]: Fürsorge in der Heimat, Essenausgabe in einer Volksküche. (108) [Abb.]: Schuhflickwerkstätte des Badischen Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz in Karlsruhe, von Frau Luise Kautz geschaffen. (109) [2 Abb.]: (1)Rotes Kreuz Kiel, Unterricht für Kriegerfrauen. (2)Kursus in der Schuhflickwerkstätte des Badischen Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz in Karlsruhe. (110) [Abb.]: Bürgerspeisehalle des Roten Kreuzes Berlin, Moritzplatz. (111) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge in Ostpreußen. (114) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge in Ostpreußen. (115) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge, Essenausgabe in der Verband- und Erfrischungsstelle vom Roten Kreuz auf dem Ostbahnhof in Braunsberg in Ostpr. (116) [Brief]: An den Kaiserlichen Kommissar und Militär-Inspekteur der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. Neues Palais, den 24. Dezember 1916. gez. Auguste Viktoria. (117) [Gedicht]: (117) 4. Die Ritterorden. (118) [Abb.]: Johanniter-Krankenhaus Sonnenburg, Neumark. (118) [Abb.]: Johanniter-Krankenhaus Sterkrade, Rheinland. (119) [2 Abb.]: (1)Johanniter-Krankenhaus Lauenburg, Pommern. (2)Vereinslazarettzug Y des Johanniterordens, Operationswagen. (120) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Johanniter-Krankenhaus Bad Polzin, Pommern. (121) [Abb.]: Johanniter-Krankenhaus Pritzwalk, Brandenburg. (122) [Abb.]: Malteser-Krankenhaus und Mutterhaus der Borromäerinnen Kloster Trebnitz, Schlesien. (123) [Abb.]: Malteserritter in Felduniform. (124) [2 Abb.]: (1)Malteser-Krankenhaus und Mutterhaus der Borromäerinnen Kloster Trebnitz, Schlesien. (2)Apotheke des Malteser-Krankenhauses Kloster Trebnitz, Schlesien. (125) [2 Abb.]: (1)Malteser Charitas-Heim in Breslau. (2)Vereinslazarettzug R1 des Vereins der Schlesischen Malteserritter. (126) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug R1 des Vereins der Schlesischen Malteserritter. (127) [2 Abb.]: (1)Malteser-Krankenhaus St. Anna in Breslau. (2)Malteserlazarett an der Tiroler Front. (128) 5. Das Internationale Komitee des Roten Kreuzes und das Rote Kreuz der neutralen Staaten. (129) [Abb.]: Krankenzimmer in einem Vereinslazarett vom Roten Kreuz in Markt Redwitz, Bayern. (129) [2 Abb.]: (1)Sitzung des Internationalen Komitees des Rotes Kreuzes in Genf. (2)Die Internationale Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (130) [Abb.]: Gustav Ador, Präsident des Internationalen Komitees des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (131) [2 Abb.]: (1)Deutsche Abteilung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (2)Deutsche Abteilung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf, Kartothek. (132) [Abb.]: Französische Abteilung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (133) [Abb.]: Vermißten-Nachforschung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf, Annahme mündlicher Nachfragen. (134) [2 Abb.]: (1)Französische Gefangenen-Liste, Deutsche Kriegsgefangene. (2)Russische Gefangenen-Liste, Deutsche Offiziere. (135) [Abb.]: Schreibmaschinen-Abteilung der Internationalen Agentur des Roten Kreuzes in Genf. (136) [Abb.]: Nachricht eines Deutschen aus französischer Kriegsgefangenschaft. (137) [Abb.]: Bücherei in einem sibirischen Gefangenenlager. (138) [Abb.]: Baracke in einem sibirischen Gefangenenlager als Kirche eingerichtet. (139) [Abb.]: Schwedische Delegierte transportieren Liebesgaben über die sibirische Steppe. (140) [Abb.]: Elsa Brandström. (141) [Abb.]: Empfang von Austauschverwundeten in der Schweiz. (142) [Abb.]: Die ersten Austausch-Invaliden aus Rußland mit Elsa Brandström, August 1915. (143) [Abb.]: Verteilung norwegischer Liebesgaben. (144) [Abb.]: Amerikanische Ambulanz in Gleiwitz. (145) [Abb.]: Amerikanische Ambulanz in Gleiwitz. (146) [Abb.]: Amerikanische Ambulanz in Gleiwitz. (147) [Abb.]: Amerikanische Ambulanz in Gleiwitz. (148) [Abb.]: Kinder auf Erholungsreise ins Ausland. (149) III. Die freiwillige Krankenpflege im Felde. (151) [Abb.]: Eintreffen von Verwundeten auf einem Hauptverbandplatz. (152) [Abb.]: Westlicher Kriegsschauplatz, Sanitätskompagnie bricht zum Absuchen eines Schlachtfeldes auf. (153) [Abb.]: Operationsbaracke in einem Feldlazarett. (154) 1. Pflegedienst. (154) a) Im Bewegungskriege. (154) [Abb.]: Etappensanitätsdepot (Schwestern des Gräfin Ritterberg-Mutterhauses vom Roten Kreuz, Berlin-Lichterfelde). (155) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. St. Johann von Baßel, den 26. August 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester S. (156) [Abb.]: Blick vom Kriegslazarett auf Laon. (157) [Abb.]: Lazarett in einer Scheune. (158) [Brief]: Liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre B.P. (158) [Brief]: Tirlemont bei Löwen (Belgien) am 26. August, 4 Uhr nachmittags. Schwester Johanna. (158) [Abb.]: Baracken, durch Mannschaften der freiwilligen Krankenpflege errichtet. (159) [Brief]: Cambrai, den 16. September 1914. Sehr geehrter Herr Professor! Schwester Käte Eggler. Schwester Hedwig Woldt. Schwester Berta Nitz. Schwester Martha Barkowski. Schwester Lucia Müller. Schwester Helene Kroll. (159) [Brief]: F., 5. September 1914. Hochverehrte Frau Oberin! (160) [Abb.]: Krankenzelte, errichtet durch Mannschaften der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (161) [Brief]: M., den 15. September 1914. Hochverehrte Frau Oberin! Ihre sehr ergebene Schwester Erika. (161) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. D.-A., 4. September 1914. Sehr verehrte liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Martha. (162) [Abb.]: Beladen eines Lazarettzuges in Frankreich. (163) [Brief]: C. (Frankreich), den 12. September 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Lena. (163) [Brief]: .(Frankreich), den 13. September 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester E. (164) [Brief]: Chimay, den 7. September 1914. Meine liebe Schwester Irene! Herzlichen Gruß für Dich und Deine Geschwister von Deiner treuen Hede. (164) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Unterm Roten Kreuz" von Emmy von Rüdgisch, Lahr in Baden 1915. (165) [Brief]: Schwesternbrief. Franziska Rieger. (166) [Abb.]: Russisches Lazarett in Suwalki nach der Einnahme der Stadt durch die Deutschen. (167) [Abb.]: Überführung nichttransportfähiger Verwundeter in das Etappenlazarett zu Nawaruska. (168) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. Sch., den 22. August 1914. (168) [Abb.]: Deutsche Sanitätssoldaten in Rußland. (169) [Brief]: Erlebnisse unter russischer Herrschaft. (169) [Brief]: Königsberg, 18. IX. 1914. S.P. (170) [Brief]: Insterburg, den 8. November 1914. Sehr geehrte Frau Oberin! (171) [Brief]: Erlebnisse der Krankenschwester Elli Weinhöfer in russischer Gefangenschaft. (171) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Briefe der Schwester Jula Delbrück. (173) [Brief]: L. (Östlicher Kriegsschauplatz), den 10. Februar 1915. Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Helene Adrian. (173) [Brief]: Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre Schwester Sophie. (174) [Brief]: Bericht der Schwester Karla Freiin von Wangenheim aus: "Das Geschlecht der Freiherrn von Wangenheim im Weltkriege". (175) [Brief]: Briefe der Schwester Paula. Maluszyn, den 3. November 1914. Schwester Paula. (175) [Brief]: Redez-Wielki, 20. November 1914. Schwester Paula. (176) [Brief]: Schwesternbrief. Ostrowo, Ende Februar 1915. Mit herzlichen Grüßen Deine Schwester Ch. (176) b) Im Stellungskriege. (177) [Abb.]: Lazarettbaracke in Auvigny. (178) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. H. (Etappenlazarett), den 6. Oktober 1914. Liebe verehrte Frau Oberin! Schwester M. (178) [Abb.]: Truppenverbandplatz im Stellungskriege. (179) [Brief]: St.Qu. (westlicher Kriegsschauplatz), Waisenhaus, 27. Januar 1915. Schwester Käte. (180) [Brief]: Bericht des Zugführers Friedrich Engelhardt. (180) [Abb.]: Barackenbau durch Mannschaften eines Transportzuges. (181) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. C. (Belgien), Weihnachten 1914. Sehr liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester L.R. (181) [Abb.]: Vor der Kirche in Rethel. (182) [Brief]: C., den 31. Dezember 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Marie. (182) [Abb.]: Weihnachten im Lazarett in Montmedy. (183) [Brief]: (Osten), den 21. März 1915. Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Emma. (183) [Brief]: Bericht des Delegierten der Seuchenabteilung Spaethe im Generalgouvernement Warschau. (184) [Abb.]: Lazarett bei Reims, im Operationssaal. (185) [Brief]: Bericht des Delegierten bei der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung 51, von Chlapowo-Chlapowski. (185) [Abb.]: Zeltbau durch Mannschaften eines Transportzuges. (186) [Brief]: Bericht des Delegierten beim Kriegslazarettdirektor 57, Grafen Spreti. (186) [Abb.]: Entseuchungsanstalt Blanc-Misseron, der fertiggestellte Warteraum. (187) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. L., den 19. April 1915. Liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre stets dankbare Schwester Luise. (187) [Brief]: Galizien, R., den . Liebe Frau Oberin! Seien Sie herzlich gegrüßt von Ihrer Schwester Frieda. (188) [Abb.]: Grab des Sektionsführers der freiwilligen Krankenpflege Erhard in Lille. (189) [Brief]: Przemysl, den 11. Juli 1915. Sehr geehrte Frau Oberin! Seien Sie, sehr verehrte Frau Oberin, sowie alle Schwestern auf das herzlichste gegrüßt von Ihrer sehr ergebenen dankbaren Schwester Käte. (189) [Brief]: P. (östlicher Kriegsschauplatz) Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Mit den herzlichsten Grüßen Ihre ganz ergebene Schwester Hedwig. (190) [Brief]: K. (östl. Kriegsschauplatz), den . Liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Frieda. (191) [Brief]: (191) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Hessischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz und des Alice-Frauenvereins über ihre gemeinsame Tätigkeit während des Krieges 1914-1918. (192) [Brief]: Die Einrichtung eines solchen Badezuges beschreibt der Kriegsberichterstatter, Hauptmann a.D. Pietsch wie folgt: (192) [Abb.]: In einer feldmäßig hergestellten Entlausungsanstalt. (193) [Brief]: Schlicht und sachlich berichtet im April 1916 der Delegierte bei der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung 123, Bertram: (194) [Abb.]: Krankenzelte im Feldlazarett und Erholungsheim Chateau Belval. (195) [Brief]: Aus dem Bericht des Delegierten von Chlapowo-Chlapowski. (195) [Brief]: Aus der Flandernschlacht des Jahres 1917 berichtet der Etappendelegierte der 4. Armee, daß zu Beginn des Jahres . (195) [Brief]: Schilderung einer Nachtwache in M. Von Schwester Dora Wieland. (196) [Brief]: So heißt es im Bericht des Etappendelegierten der Armeeabteilung C, von Normann: (196) [Abb.]: Schwestern der freiwilligen Krankenpflege erwarten zusammen mit dem Kronprinzen an der Aisnefront die Ankunft des Kaisers. (197) [2 Briefe]: (1)Bericht des Etappendelegierten der 4. Armee, Freiherrn von La Roche-Starkenfels. (2)Der Delegierte bei der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung bayer. 24, Graf von Rechberg-Elkofen, schreibt in seinem Bericht über die Tätigkeit des ihm unterstellten Trupps, es sei . (197) [Brief]: Schwesternbrief. Westen, P., den 26./27. Mai 1916. Sehr verehrte Frau Oberin! Schwester Wilhelmine. (198) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. Arbeit im Typhus-Lazarett. (198) [Abb.]: Krankentransport in Lille mit behelfsmäßig eingerichteten Straßenbahnwagen. (199) [Brief]: Silvester und Neujahrsnacht einer Nachtwache im Kriegslazarett. Schwester M.N. (200) [Brief]: Briefe aus dem Lazarett Kloster Bonsecours bei Peruwelz. (200) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser begrüßt Schwestern der freiwilligen Krankenpflege an der Aisnefront. (201) [Brief]: Briefe aus Cambrai. (202) [Abb.]: Sanitätspersonal beobachtet auf Bahnhof Barconcourt feindliche Flieger. (203) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. (204) [Brief]: Brief der Schwester Dora vom Februar 1915 aus Moorseele. (204) [Brief]: St. den 13. Februar 1915, Ref.-Feldlazarett. (204) [Abb.]: Feldlazarett in Sedan. (205) [Brief]: St., Reserve-Feldlazarett, den . (205) Nicht nur Schwestern, auch freiwillige Krankenpfleger leisteten in Feldlazaretten wertvolle Dienste. (206) [Brief]: Bericht des freiwilligen Krankenpflegers, Zugführers Gustav Augustin, des bayerischen mobilen Begleitzuges Nr. 8 der 6. Armee. (206) [Abb.]: Operation im Feldlazarett. (207) [2 Briefe]: (1)Bericht des Delegierten der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung 123, Bertram, im April 1916. (2)Bericht des Etappendelegierten der Kriegslazarett-Abteilung 123 von Norman. (208) [Abb.]: Durch Fliegerbombe zerstörtes Soldatenheim. (209) [Briefe]: Schwesternbriefe. (209) [Brief]: (209) [2 Briefe]: (1)Brief aus Bereza-Kartuska, April 1916. (2)S., Pfingsten 1916. Hochverehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Schwester Toni. (210) [Brief]: Rußland, den 24. Mai 1916. Sehr verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre dankbar ergebene Schwester Eugenie. (210) [Abb.]: Einweihung eines Denkmals für Deutsche und Franzosen auf einem Friedhof in St. Quentin. (211) [Brief]: L. (Rußland), den . Liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre dankbare Schwester Luise W. (211) [Abb.]: Militärfriedhof und Kriegslazarett in Laon. (212) [Brief]: Drohobycz, den 11. August 1916. (212) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport auf Bahnhof Douai während der Arrasschlachten April 1917. (213) [Brief]: Aus Aufzeichnungen der Schwester Jutta Freiin von Wangenheim. (213) [Abb.]: Beerdigung des bei einem Fliegerangriff gefallenen Krankenpflegers Georg Kinner (Transportzug 4). (215) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Tagebuch der Schwester Fanny von Kurowski. (215) [Abb.]: Zerstörungen durch einen Fliegerangriff im Jahre 1918. (217) [Brief]: Erlebnis der Schwester Martha Farchmin. (218) [Brief]: Aus dem Bericht einer Schwester des Mutterhauses in Düsseldorf. (218) c) In fernen Ländern. (219) Auf dem Balkan. (219) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. (220) [Brief]: Brief aus Serbien. (220) [Abb.]: Deutsches und bulgarisches Pflegepersonal im Lazarett Trnowo. (221) [Brief]: Nisch, den 12. Oktober 1916. (221) [Abb.]: Pflegetracht in einem bulgarischen Seuchenlazarett in Uesküb. (222) [Brief]: ., den 12. November 1916. (223) [Brief]: ., den 22. Januar 1917. (223) [Abb.]: Lazarettschiff "Elisabeth" auf der Donau. (224) [Brief]: "Aufzeichnungen über meine Erlebnisse in Makedonien", von Schwester Maria von Studnitz. (224) [Abb.]: Einladen Verwundeter in ein Lazarettschiff (Serbien, Donau). (225) In Vorderasien. (227) [Abb.]: Deutsche Schwestern des Auguste Viktoria-Stiftes am Ölberg in Jerusalem im Gespräch mit Djemal Pascha. (227) [Brief]: Die Hilfsabordnung des Deutschen Roten Kreuzes beim türkischen Heere. (228) [Abb.]: Apotheke des Vereinslazaretts vom Roten Kreuz in Konstantinopel. (229) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe aus der Türkei. (232) [Brief]: Konstantinopel, den 19. Mai 1917. (232) [Brief]: Damaskus, den 3. Januar 1918. (232) [Abb.]: Der Kaiser im Gespräch mit deutschen Schwestern in Konstantinopel. (233) [Brief]: Konstantinopel, am . Verehrte, liebe Frau Oberin! Ihre dankbare Frieda K. (234) [Brief]: "Meine Reiseerlebnisse und Tätigkeit bei der Irak-Expedition des deutschen Roten Kreuzes Bagdad." Von Richard Burggraf, Mitglied der freiwilligen Sanitätskolonne vom Roten Kreuz in Jena. (235) In den Kolonien. (239) "Die Kriegsarbeit des Deutschen Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz für die Kolonien." Von Frau Dr. Lehr. (239) "Aus der Kriegsarbeit des Roten Kreuzes in Deutsch-Südwestafrika." Bericht des Pfarrers H. Siebold über die improvisierte Tätigkeit des Roten Kreuzes in Gibeon und Keetmanshop während des Krieges der Union mit Deutsch-Südwestafrika. Keetmanshop, den 11. Oktober 1915 (240) "Das Rote Kreuz in Ostafrika." Aus einem Vortrag, gehalten von Ihrer Exzellenz Frau Gouverneur Schnee in der Hauptversammlung des Deutschen Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz für die Kolonien. (242) 2. Transportdienst. (242) [Abb.]: Verwundete warten auf den Abtransport. (243) [Brief]: Einen allgemeinen Überblick über die Tätigkeit des Personals bei der freiwilligen Krankenpflege im Dienst einer Krankentransport-Abteilung zu Kriegsbeginn gewinnen wir aus nachstehendem Bericht des Delegierten bei der Krankentransportabteilung der 6. Armee, Generalmajors z.D. Fürer von Haimendorf: (244) [Brief]: Bericht des Delegierten bei der Krankentransport-Abteilung der Armee-Abteilung Gaede, Geheimer Hofrat Professor Dr. Fabricius. (244) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport auf Schleppkähnen in Nordfrankreich. (245) [Abb.]: Französische Verwundete auf dem Transport. (246) [Abb.]: Krankentransportstelle der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (247) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten bei der Krankentransport-Abteilung der Armee-Abteilung Strantz, Dr. Grafen von Drechsel. (247) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten bei der Krankentransport-Abteilung der 4. Armee, von Buch. (247) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport in Valenciennes (Mannesmannsche Anhänger). (248) [Brief]: Bericht des Sektionsführers Albert Klemm vom 9. badischen Begleittrupp, Etappe der 6. Armee, vom 26.3.1916. (248) [Abb.]: Sanitätskompagnie in Flandern im feindlichen Artilleriefeuer. (249) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport in Valenciennes. (250) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Etappendelegierten der 2. Armee, von Lindequist, vom Mai 1916. (250) [Brief]: Bericht des Führers der Etappen-Sanitäts-Kraftwagen-Abteilung der 6. Armee, Majors d.Ldw.-Kav. von Haidlen, vom 10.4.1916. (250) [Abb.]: Lazarettschiffe. (251) [Brief]: Berichte von Mitgliedern der freiwilligen Krankenpflege über ihre Tätigkeit im Transportdienst. (251) [Abb.]: Verwundetentransport in Valenciennes. (252) [Abb.]: Abtransport Verwundeter mit Straßenbahnwagen in Cambrai. (253) [Brief]: Bericht des Zugführers von Chrustschoff über einen Verwundetentransport Anfang November 1914. (253) 3. Begleitdienst. (254) a) Verwundeten- und Krankensammelstellen; Verband-, Erfrischungs- und Verpflegungsstellen. (254) [Abb.]: An beiden Händen verwundet. (255) [Abb.]: Gräberpflege durch die freiwillige Krankenpflege in Woippy. (256) [2 Briefe]: (1)Bericht des Delegierten bei der Etappeninspektion der 2. Armee, von Lindequist. (2)Der Delegierte zur besonderen Verwendung beim Etappendelegierten 2, von Diebitsch, berichtet. (256) [Abb.]: Schuhmacherwerkstätte eines Begleitzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (257) [Abb.]: Mannschaften eines Begleitzuges der freiwilligen Krankenpflege beim Herstellen von Verbandschienen. (258) [Brief]: Schwesternbriefe. M., den 29. August 1914. (258) [Abb.]: Krankensammelstelle auf Bahnhof Douai. (259) [Brief]: Brief aus Galizien. "Rohatyn, den 9. September 1915. (259) [Brief]: Briefe aus Frankreich. (260) [2 Briefe]: (1)M., den 16. September 1914. Liebe Frau Oberin! In Treue Ihre Schwester M. (2)28.9.1914. Schwester Dora. (260) [Brief]: St.S., den 3. Oktober 1914. Hochverehrte Frau Oberin! Schwester M. und L. (260) [Abb.]: Kinder im Etappengebiet, von Schwestern eines Lazarettzuges verpflegt. (261) [Brief]: Grodno, den 14. Oktober 1915. (261) [Brief]: Sarkuny, den 20. Oktober 1916. Schwester Jula Delbrück. (262) [Abb.]: Labung von Verwundeten vor dem Abtransport in einem Lazarettzuge. (263) [Brief]: Gent, den 9. November 1914. Schwester Dora. (263) [Brief]: Gent, den 14.11.1914. Schwester Mary. (263) [Brief]: Gnesen, den 16. November 1914. Schwester Bertha. (264) b) Lazarettzüge und Lazarettschiffe. (265) [Abb.]: Lazarettzug O3 Großherzogin von Hessen, Apotheke. (265) [Brief]: Auszug aus: Vereinslazarettzüge des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz, von Professor A. Kayserling, Berlin. (266) [Abb.]: Lazarettzug O3 Großherzogin von Hessen, Weißzeugvorräte. (267) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des Herrn Wilhelm Weicher, damaligen Rechnungsführers des Vereinslazarettzuges "Kronprinzessin Cecilie" (Vlz. L.) (267) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug D2 Siemensstadt, Offizierkrankenwagen. (269) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug B IV Julius von Waldhausen des Zweigvereins vom Roten Kreuz Essen, Operationswagen. (270) [Brief]: auszüge aus Berichten über die Fahrten des württembergischen Lazarettzuges H. (270) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug Q2 Hamburg und Posen. (271) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Vortrag des leitenden Arztes des Vereinslazarettzuges S 3 "von Hindenburg", Dr. Landsberg. (272) [Abb.]: Schlepper, von Mannschaften der freiwilligen Krankenpflege zu Lazarettschiffen umgewandelt. (273) [Brief]: Auszug aus: "Ein Verwundetentransport mit einem außerordentlichen Hilfslazarettzug" (274) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarettzug D2 Siemensstadt, Krankenwagen. (2)Vereinslazarettzug D 2 Siemensstadt, Verbandwagen. (275) [Brief]: Bericht einer Schwester des Clementinenhauses in Hannover. (276) [2 Abb.]: (1)Vereinslazarettzug D2 Siemensstadt, Verbandkiepen und Sterilisierapparat im Verbandwagen. (2)Vereinslazarettzug D2 Siemensstadt, Magazinwagen. (277) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Delegiertenbericht des Atappendelegierten der 2. Armee, Fürsten Castell Castell. (278) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Die Tätigkeit der freiwilligen Krankenpflege in Elsaß-Lothringen im ersten Kriegsjahre". (278) [Abb.]: Einladen von Verwundeten in einen zum Lazarettschiff umgewandelten Lastkahn an der Westfront. (279) 4. Fürsorgedienst. (279) a) Soldatenheime, Soldaten- und Schwestern-Erholungsheime. (279) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim Trilon (Nordfrankreich) des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Posen. (280) [Brief]: Sehr eindrucksvoll veranschaulicht ein Vortrag der Gattin des Regierungspräsidenten Gramsch aus Königsberg in Preußen über die "Tätigkeit der Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereine in den Soldatenheimen", wie die Errichtung und der wirtschaftliche Betrieb in den Heimen vor sich ging: (280) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim Conflans. (281) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim in Blankenberghe. (282) [Abb.]: Andacht im Soldatenheim. (283) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Bericht eines Frontsoldaten über das Soldatenheim in Warschau" von Kanonier Anton Kaup. (283) [Abb.]: Eisenbahner- und Soldatenheim in Brüssel, Lesezimmer. (284) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim Dunje des Zweigvereins Neidenburg vom Roten Kreuz in Mazedonien. (285) [Brief]: Brief der Leiterin des Soldatenheimes Oesel. (Aus einem Vortrag der Gattin des Regierungspräsidenten Gramsch.) (285) [Abb.]: Garten des Erholungsheims in Rostow am Don. (286) [Abb.]: Krankenbaracken eines Genesungsheimes an der Westfront. (287) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit der freiwilligen Krankenpfleger des 1. Zuges im Begleittrupp der Krankentransport-Abteilung der 4. Armee in der Leichtkrankenabteilung Kloster St. Andreas-Lophem". Zugführer Max Niehaus. (287) [Abb.]: Sonnenbad in einem Erholungsheim an der Westfront. (288) [Abb.]: In einem Erholungsheim des Marinekorps. (289) [Brief]: "Erinnerungen aus dem Offiziersgenesungsheim Joeuf von 1916 bis 1918" von Schwester Julie von Goßler (Auszug). (289) [Abb.]: Krankenzelte in einem Erholungsheim an der Westfront. (290) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für die Einwohner des besetzten Gebietes, Schutzpockenimpfung in Wilna. (291) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarettzug R1 des Vereins der Schlesischen Malteserritter, Speisung bettelnder Kinder an der Ostfront. (292) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Etappendelegierten der 4. Armee. (292) [2 Briefe]: (1)Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten des Liebesgabendepots der 8. Armee. (2)Im Schwestern-Erholungsheim der .Armee. Osten. (293) b) Liebesgaben- und Depotdienst. (293) [Abb.]: Liebesgabenversandstelle auf dem Hauptbahnhof in Hamburg. (294) [Abb.]: Sammelstelle vom Roten Kreuz in Düsseldorf. (295) [Abb.]: Verladen von Sammelanforderungen in Posen. (296) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Tätigkeitsbericht des Delegierten beim Etappendepottrupp der 9. Armee, Dr. Reier. (296) [Abb.]: Etappendepot der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (297) [Abb.]: Ausladen von Liebesgaben auf dem Bahnhof von Bialystok. (298) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Liebesgabendepots Generalgouvernement Warschau seit seiner Errichtung bis zum Juni 1916", Delegierter Michaelis. (298) [Abb.]: Zelt für Liebesgaben am Bahnhof Bialystok. (299) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Leihbücherei. (300) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten beim Liebesgabendepot der 9. Armee, Dr. Reier. (300) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Leihbücherei. (301) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Leihbücherei. (302) [Brief]: Über die Erlebnisse auf dem Transport nach Ostpreußen schreibt Amtsgerichtsrat Dr. Paul Liebmann wie folgt: (302) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Speicherräume. (303) [Abb.]: Liebesgabendepot Warschau, Speicherräume. (305) [Register]: Der Provinzialverein der Provinz Schleswig-Holstein entsandte vom August 1914 bis zum April 1919 an Liebesgaben 1206 Eisenbahnwagen und 1300 Stückgutsendungen, und zwar: (305) [Abb.]: Soldatenheim in Blankenberghe, Bücherei. (307) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten beim Liebesgabendepot der 8. Armee. Lesehallen für Armee und Marine. (307) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für die Front, Feldbuchhandlung und Lesehalle in Wolhynien. (308) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten beim Liebesgabendepot der Etappeninspektion der 3. Armee. (308) [Abb.]: Bücherausgabe an der Front. (309) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Tätigkeitsbericht des Provinzialvereins vom Roten Kreuz für die Provinz Westfalen über die Kriegstätigkeit vom 1. August 1914 bis 31. März 1921. Verteilung von Lesestoff im Felde und in den Lazaretten. (309) [3 Briefe]: (1)Auszug aus dem Bericht über die "Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Roten Kreuzes, 1914-1919". (2)Auszug aus dem Bericht des Mobilmachungsausschusses vom Roten Kreuz für die Provinz Sachsen. (3)Auszug aus "Die Kriegsarbeit des Württembergischen Roten Kreuzes" von Theodor Bickes. (310) [Abb.]: Bücherkiste des Marineheims. (311) [2 Briefe]: (1)Auszug aus dem Bericht des Roten Kreuzes zu Jena. E. v. E., Generalleutnant und Kommandeur der x.ten Reservedivision. (2)Ein anderes, uns vom Kommandeur des Reserve-Regiments, welches vorwiegend die Bücherei benutzt, zugegangenes Schreiben lautet: (311) [Abb.]: Kriegsfrauenhilfe in Duisburg, Ausgabe von Heimarbeit. (312) [Brief]: "Auf besondere Anregung Ihrer Majestät der Kaiserin hat das Zentralkomitee vom Roten Kreuz in Übereinstimmung mit den Wünschen des Kriegsministeriums einen Kriegsausschuß für warme Unterkleidung eingesetzt, mit dessen Leitung das Mitglied des Zentralkomitees, Geheimrat Professor Dr. Pannwitz, betraut ist. Die Aufgabe des Kriegsausschusses lautet: (312) [Abb.]: Der erste Tag der Reichswollwoche in Berlin. (313) [Abb.]: Vaterländischer Frauen-Verein in Sigmaringen, Vorbereitung von Heimarbeiten. (315) [Brief]: Über die Leistungen der Wollversorgung finden sich in dem schon wiederholt angeführten Bericht des Kriegsausschusses nachstehende Angaben: (316) IV. Die freiwillige Krankenpflege in der Heimat. (317) [Abb.]: Verwundete Franzosen auf der Fahrt. (318) 1. Begleit- und Transportdienst. (318) a) Verband- und Erfrischungsstellen; Verpflegungs-, Übernachtungs- und Krankensammelstellen. (318) [Brief]: "Die Verband- und Erfrischungsstelle vom Roten Kreuz in Königsberg i.Pr. (Produktenbahnhof)." Vortrag von Frau Margarete Samter. (Auszug). (319) [Abb.]: Übernachtungsstation des Roten Kreuzes in Hamburg. (321) [Abb.]: Verband- und Erfrischungsstelle des Zweigvereins Chemnitz vom Roten Kreuz auf dem Hauptbahnhof in Chemnitz. (322) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Kölner Roten Kreuzes vom November 1914. (322) [Abb.]: Erfrischung Schwerverwundeter in Braunschweig. (323) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Liniendelegierten Karlsruhe, Herrn Fabrikanten Himmelheber. (323) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht über "Die Tätigkeit der freiwilligen Krankenpflege in Elsaß-Lothringen im ersten Kriegsjahre". "Bahnhofserfrischungsstellen". (324) [Abb.]: Verbandwechsel auf dem Verbandplatz am Soesttor des Ortsvereins vom Roten Kreuz Lippstadt. (325) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht von Frau M. Model über die Tätigkeit des Roten Kreuzes in Thorn. (325) [Abb.]: Übernachtungsräume des Roten Kreuzes auf dem Hauptbahnhof Mainz. (327) b) Abtransport in die Lazarette. (327) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Badischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz. 1914-1918. (328) [Abb.]: Ankunft Verwundeter auf dem Venloer Bahnhof in Hamburg. (329) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Delegierten, Kommerzienrats B. Knoblauch, Berlin. (329) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die in Dresden bestehenden Einrichtungen zur Beförderung der in Lazarett- und Krankenzügen eintreffenden Verwundeten und Kranken in die Lazarette" des Reservelazarettdelegierten, Generalmajors a.D. Freiherrn von dem Bussche-Ippenburg. (330) [Abb.]: Schnee-Kippkarren für Verwundetentransport eingerichtet. (331) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Aachener Roten Kreuzes. (331) [Brief]: Sanitätskolonne vom Roten Kreuz Marggrabowa. Aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit der Organisation vom Roten Kreuz in der Provinz Ostpreußen während des Weltkrieges 1914 bis 1919". (331) [Abb.]: Fahrgestell für Krankentragen zum Verwundetentransport. (332) [Abb.]: Ausladen eines Lazarettzuges in der neuen Zollhalle München. (333) [Abb.]: Sanitätsauto für acht liegende und sechzehn sitzende Kranke, Spende der Frau Konsul Flora Fränkel, Berlin. (334) 2. Pflegedienst. (334) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Vilshofen in Bayern, Arztvisite. (335) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt. (336) [Brief]: Drei Monate Arbeit im Vereinslazarett Kaiserpalast Straßburg i. Els. Dr. Steidl, Arzt am Kaiserlazarett. (336) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Krankensaal mit 140 Betten. (337) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Elektrische Küche. (338) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Reservelazarett-Delegierten, Kommerzienrat B. Knoblauch. (Vom Juli 1920). (338) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Röntgenzimmer. (339) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Tagesraum. (340) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht über "Die Tätigkeit des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz Ortsgruppe Siegburg während des Krieges". Von Frau Clara Hansen. (340) [2 Abb.]: (1), (2)Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Ausladerampe mit Vereinslazarettzug D 2 Siemensstadt. (341) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des Dr. lange-Hermstädt über das Seuchenlazarett Karlsruhe. (342) [Abb.]: Aus einem Vereinslazarett vom Roten kreuz in Braunschweig. (343) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Siemensstadt, Ankunft eines Verwundeten-Transportes. (344) [Zeitungsartikel]: Wie ein neutraler Ausländer, durch den Widerstreit der Meinungen, über die Organisation der deutschen Lazarette und über die Behandlung verwundeter feindlicher Gefangener urteilt, zeigt nachtstehender Artikel der "Basler Nachrichten" von Dr. rer.pol. A. Erb aus Bern, der im Oktober 1914 zusammen mit mehreren anderen Schweizer Bürgern die deutschen Lazarette in Freiburg besuchte: (344) [Abb.]: Weihnachtsfeier in einem Vereinslazarett des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Lichtenberg. (345) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett Heide in Holstein, Speiseraum. (346) 3. Fürsorge. (346) [Abb.]: Vereinslazarett des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Forst i.d. Lausitz, Tagesraum. (347) a) Fürsorge für Verwundete und Kriegsbeschädigte. (347) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Verwundete auf einer Spazierfahrt. (348) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Beim Ringspiel. (349) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit der Kriegsstelle der Kaiser-Wilhelms-Universität Straßburg". (349) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Lazarettpfleglinge bei der Gartenarbeit im Vereinslazarett Gummersbach. (350) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Beschäftigung mit Korbflechten. (351) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Rotes Kreuz Stadt Posen (Mobilmachungsausschuß) 1915-1916". Fürsorge für Lazarettinsassen. Unterhaltungsspiele. (351) [Abb.]: Verwundetenfürsorge, Ausstellung von Handarbeiten der Verwundeten. (352) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Unterrichtsveranstaltungen für Offiziere und Mannschaften im Bezirk des Reservelazarettdelegierten F. Schlecker, Charlottenburg". (352) [2 Briefe]: (1)Bericht des Roten Kreuzes in Jena. (2)Der folgende Bericht des Württembergischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz zeigt, wie eine derartige Rechtsauskunftsstelle aus dem Bedürfnis heraus entstanden ist: (354) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Kriegsbeschädigte bei der Gartenarbeit in der Lazarettschule Hannover. (355) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Rote Kreuz in Jena vom 1.8.1915 bis 31. Dezember 1916" (355) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Reservelazarett-Delegierten im Bezirk des Lazarettdirektors Köpenick-Berlin, Herrn Lüdke. (355) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Kriegsbeschädigte bei der Herstellung von Prothesen in der Lazarettschule in Hannover. (356) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Rote Kreuz von Berlin im Weltkriege 1914 bis 1919" (356) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Hessischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz, Teilbericht der Abteilung für Unterricht und berufliche Fürsorge für Kriegsbeschädigte. (356) [Abb.]: Verwundeten-Fürsorge, Reservelazarett Bielefeld, Maschinenschreiben. (357) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Beschäftigung Kriegsbeschädigter in einem landwirtschaftlichen Betriebe. (358) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des Direktors Dr. Teichert. Kurse für Kriegsbeschädigte an der Milchwirtschaftlichen Lehr- und Forschungsanstalt Wangen im Allgäu. (358) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Kriegsbeschädigte bei der Lazarettbeschäftigung im Helenenstift Altona. (359) [Abb.]: Verwundeten-Fürsorge, Reservelazarett Bielefeld, Technische Rund- und Kunstschrift. (360) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Rote Kreuz Stadt Posten 1915/1916" Fürsorge für Kriegsbeschädigte. (361) [Abb.]: Kriegsbeschädigtenfürsorge, Kriegsblinde mit Führerhunden. (362) b) Fürsorge für Urlauber. (363) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz 1914-1919" (363) c) Fürsorge für Kriegsgefangene. (364) [Abb.]: I.M. die Kaiserin Auguste Viktoria in Saßnitz die Einfahrt eines Lazarettschiffes erwartend. (365) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht des Territorialdelegierten für das Königreich Württemberg. Juni 1915. (365) [Abb.]: Empfang von Austauschverwundeten in Hamburg. (367) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Hamburgischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz im Zusammenwirken mit dem Vaterländischen Frauen-Hilfsverein zu Hamburg, der Genossenschaft freiwilliger Krankenpfleger im Kriege vom Roten Kreuz, Verband Hamburg, und der Hamburger Kolonne vom Roten Kreuz für das Kriegsjahr 1916" (367) [Brief]: Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Ausschusses für Deutsche Kriegsgefangene der Vereine vom Roten Kreuz, Aachen. (368) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Skizzen aus russischer Kriegsgefangenen-Fürsorgearbeit von Oberin Elisabeth von Gagern". (369) [Brief]: Auszug aus einem Bericht der Schwester Anne-Marie Wenzel über ihre Tätigkeit in der Kriegsgefangenenfürsorge in Rußland. (372) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Die Vereine vom Roten Kreuz Aachen-Stadt im Weltkriege 1914/1915" (374) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht des Reservelazarettdelegierten für Oberbaden, B. Welsch. (374) [Abb.]: Der Großherzog von Baden im Gespräch mit Austauschgefangenen. (375) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz 1914 bis 1919" (375) d) Fürsorge für Flüchtlinge und Vertriebene. (377) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Die Kriegstätigkeit der Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereine in Ostpreußen". (377) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge, Unterbringung ostpreußischer Flüchtlinge im Landgestüt zu Braunsberg i. Ostpr. (379) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Die Fürsorge des Badischen Roten Kreuzes für die aus Frankreich geflohenen Deutschen". (379) [Abb.]: Flüchtlingsfürsorge, Unterbringung ostpreußischer Flüchtlinge im Landgestüt Braunsberg i. Ostpr. (381) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht der Jugendhilfe vom Roten Kreuz". (381) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Zentralkomitee der Deutschen Vereine vom Roten Kreuz und die Rückwandererhilfe". (384) e) Fürsorge für Angehörige und Hinterbliebene von Kriegsteilnehmern. (385) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für Angehörige von Kriegsteilnehmern, Säuglingsfürsorgestelle des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins Hannover-Stadt. (385) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Der bayerische Frauenverein vom Roten Kreuz im Kriege 1914 bis 1919". (386) [Brief]: Die Friedensarbeit des Frauenvereins während des 4. Kriegsjahres. (387) [Abb.]: Kriegskomitee vom Roten Kreuz Wiesbaden, Kleider- und Möbel-Sammelstelle. (387) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über die Tätigkeit des Mecklenburgischen Marien-Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz während des Krieges 1914-1919", bearbeitet von Gymnasial-Oberlehrer Karl Reuter. Abteilung Landaufenthalt für Stadtkinder. (388) [Abb.]: Kriegswaisenhaus des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz in Saasa bei Eisenberg, Sachsen-Altenburg, bei der Morgenwäsche. (389) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht über "Die Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Frauenvereins. 1914-1919". Kinder- und Säuglingsfürsorge. (390) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Kriegstätigkeit des Badischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz 1914-1919". Kriegswohlfahrtspflege. (390) [Abb.]: Fürsorge für Angehörige von Kriegsteilnehmern, Städtische Mütterberatungsstelle Duisburg. (391) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht über Entstehung und Tätigkeit des Kriegsausschusses für warme Unterkleidung". Die Tätigkeit der Wollkommission vom 1.10.1915 bis 31.12.1917. (392) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Das Rote Kreuz in Jena" Kriegsjahr 1914/15. (393) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem Bericht "Rotes Kreuz Stadt Posen (Mobilmachungsausschuß) 1915/1916". Volksernährung. Gulaschkanonen und Kriegsküche. (394) [Brief]: Auszug aus "Kriegs-Chronik des Württembergischen Landesvereins vom Roten Kreuz. Bezirk Heilbronn". Unterstützung der Familien von Ausmarschierten. (394) [Brief]: Auszug aus dem "Bericht des Mobilmachungsausschusses vom Roten Kreuz für die Provinz Sachsen vom August 1914 bis 25. Juni 1919" (395) [Abb.]: Schwesternerholungsheim des Zentralkomitees vom Roten Kreuz in Saasa bei Eisenberg, Sachsen-Altenburg, Schwesternzimmer. (396) [Zeitungsartikel]: Hinweis in dem Zentralorgan "Das Rote Kreuz" vom 20. April 1919: (396) f) Fürsorge für Angehörige der freiwilligen Krankenpflege. (397) [Abb.]: Eleonoren-Haus, das neue Schwesternheim des Alice-Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz Darmstadt. (397) [Brief]: Bericht vom Geheimrat Dr. Kahl nach Abschluß der Reise zum Besuch der Lazarette von Köln aus nach Gent, Thourout, Roulers, Iseghem, Lille mit Séclin, Douai mit Montigny, Cambrai mit Le Cateau, St. Quentin, Rethel, Sedan und Stenay. (397) [Abb.]: Schwesternerholungsheim Anschar-Strandhaus bei Heiligenhafen. (398) [Brief]: In diesen vertrauensvollen Aussprachen wurden alle Sorgen und Wünsche der Schwestern angehört und konnten meist auch gleich berücksichtigt werden. Denn im Grunde genommen waren es nur kleine Sorgen, und so konnte die Kommission nach ihrer Rückkehr auch berichten: (398) [Abb.]: Eleonoren-Haus, das neue Schwesternheim des Alice-Frauenvereins vom Roten Kreuz Darmstadt. (399) [Zeitschriftenartikel]: Auszug aus dem Artikel in "Das Rote Kreuz", Jahrgang 1918. (399) [Abb.]: Schwesternheim in Saasa bei Eisenberg. (400) [Abb.]: Schwesternheim in Saasa bei Eisenberg. (401) [Abb.]: Agnesheim, Schwesternheim des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins vom Roten Kreuz in Liebenstein. (402) [Abb.]: Schwestern-Kriegsheim des Vaterländischen Frauen-Vereins, Hauptvereins in Berlin, Tiergartenstraße. (403) V. Demobilmachung. (405) [2 Briefe]: (1)Ihren Majestäten dem Kaiser und der Kaiserin. Schloß Graf Bentinck, Amerongen (Holland). General von der Pfuel. Gräfin von der Groeben. (2)Exzellenz von Pfuel. Ihnen und Gräfin Groeben unsere herzlichsten Grüße. Auguste Viktoria. (406) [Brief]: Wir glauben diesem Buche keinen würdigeren und besseren Abschluß geben zu können als mit dem Worten, die General von Pfuel auf jenem denkwürdigen Abschiedsfest von Versammelten zurief. Sie waren ein Dank für das im Kriege Geleistete, sie waren zugleich ein Hinweis auf die neuen umfangreichen und schweren Aufgaben des kommenden Friedens: (407) Anlagen. ([409]) Anlage 1 Die Organisationen vom Roten Kreuz im Deutschen Reich. (410) [Register]: Landes-(Männer)-Vereine vom Roten Kreuz. (410) [Register]: Landes-Frauen-Vereine vom Roten Kreuz. (411) [Tabelle]: Anlage 2 Die Delegierten in der Etappe. (412) [Tabelle]: Anlage 3 Die Territorial- und Korpsbezirksdelegierten der freiwilligen Krankenpflege sowie die Delegierten zur besonderen Verwendung bei den Territorialdelegierten. (420) [Tabelle]: Anlage 4 Die Delegierten in den Reservelazaretten. (425) [Tabelle]: Anlage 5 Die Delegierten in den Festungslazaretten. (437) [Tabelle]: Anlage 6 Die Delegierten bei den Linienkommandanturen. (438) [Tabelle]: Anlage 7 Die Delegierten bei den Abnahmestellen. (440) Anlage 8 Die Delegierten bei der Marine. (442) I. Im Heimatsgebiet. II. Etappengebiet. (442) [Tabelle]: Anlage 9 Die während des Krieges aufgestellten Vereinslazarettzüge. (443) Anlage 10 Die Persönlichkeiten, die bei der Dienststelle des Kaiserlichen Kommissars und Militär-Inspekteurs der freiwilligen Krankenpflege im Großen Hauptquartier tätig waren. (448) Anlage 11 Die Persönlichkeiten, die zunächst bei der Dienststelle des Kaiserl. Kommissars, später bei der des Stellvertretenden Militär-Inspekteurs der freiwilligen Krankenpflege tätig waren. (449) Beirat. Leitung des Büros. (449) Ehrenamtlich b.d. Dienststelle tätige Personen. (450) Zentraldepot für Liebesgaben des Stellv. Milit.-Inspekteurs. Delegierte z. bes. Verwendung d. Stellv. Milit.-Inspekteurs. (451) Die Persönlichkeiten, die bei der Dienststelle des Generaldelegierten beim Oberbefehlshaber Ost tätig waren. (452) [Karte]: Operationsgebiet. Etappengebiet. Generalgouvernement. Heimatsgebiet. (453) Die Bilder wurden freundlichst zur Verfügung gestellt vom: ([uncounted]) Einband ([uncounted]) Einband ([uncounted])

Issue 9.2 of the Review for Religious, 1950. ; MARGH° 15, 1950 Diocesan or PonHfical ? 'Joseph F. Galle. 'Virtue of Faith . John M~hews Oh'Controversy . ~. Gera[~Kelly Works:of God Manifest . .Dominic Hughes (;)uesHons and Answers Book Reviews Communications Report to Rome VOLUME IX NUMBER 2 Ri::VII::W FOR RI:::LI IOUS VOLUME IX MARCH, 1950 NUMBER 2 CONTENTS DIOCESAN OR PONTIFICAL ?--Joseph F. Gallen, S.J . 57 THE VIRTUE OF FAITH IN THE SPIRITUAL LIFE-- John Matthews, S.J . 69 OUR CONTRIBUTORS . 72 ON CONTROVERSY~ (An Editorial)--Gerald Kelly, S.J . 73 SEARCHLIGHTING ~URSELVES . 77 WORKS OF GOD MADE MANIFEST--Dominic Hughes, O.P. . 78 FATHER ELLARD'S REPLY . 91 COMMUNICATIONS . 95 SUMMER SESSION . 96 BOOK REVIEWS-- The Mother of the Savior and Our Interior Life; Ignatlan Methods of Prayer; Little Catechism of Prayer . ~ . 97 BOOK NOTICES . " . 100 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS . 101 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS-- 7. Abandoned Wife Entering Religion . 104 8. Extending Postulancy, Novitiate, etc . 105 9. Postulancy outside Novitiate . 106 I0. Dowry When Transferring to Contemplative Order . 106 11. Sick Religious and Daily Communion . 107 12. Genuflections in,Chapel . 108 REPORT TO ROME . 108 THOUGHTS ON ST. JOSEPH . 112 IN MEMORIAM (Alf'red F. Schneider, S.J.) . 1 12 REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, March, 1950. Vol. IX, No. 2. Published bi-monthly: January, March, May, July, September, and November at the College Press, 606 Harrison Street, Topeka, Kansas, by St. Mary's College, St. Marys, Kansas, with ecclesiastical approbation. Entered as second class matter January 15, 1942, at the Post Office, Topeka, Kansas, under the act of March 3, 1879. Editorial Board: Adam C. Ellis, S.J., G. Augustine Ellard, S.J., Gerald Kelly. 8.J. Copyright, 1950, by Adam C. Ellis. Permission is hereby granted for quotations of reasonable length, provided due credit be given this review and the author. Subscription price: 2 dollars a year. Printed in U. S. A. Before wrltln9 to us, please cons,,It notice on Inside back cover. Diocesan or Pont:ific l? ¯Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. THE following pages constitute ~in effqrt to answer two practical canonical' questions: (1) should a diocesan congregation "Con-fine' itself to the diocese of origin? (2) should a' diocesa'n congregation become pontifical? These are very. important questions for many institutes. They are also questions to which angwers can. be given that are based solely on personal knowledge and espe'ciallT on personal preference. Such knowledge can be inadequate and the preference can be very subjective. Therefore, I l~ave tried to avoid mere.personal opinion and to base the answers primarily on the mind and 'v~ill of the Holy See and secondarily on the opinions that com-monly exist in the Church as found in approved authors. ~" I. DiSti~'~tion of Defi'nition between a Pontifical and a "" Diocesan Congregatiqn~ . . :,~., It is by no means unusual to encounter the mistaken opiniqfi.th, a~ a, diocesan religious institute is one that. is confined to a particul.ar. diocese and a pontifical institute one that has houses in seve.ral di0,- ceses. These false definitions are deafly excluded by canon 488, 3°: "'institute app~ou.ed bg the Hqlg See. (Religio iuris pontifical), ~every institute which has obtained from. the Apostolic S~e either ~p~r.o.-'.~ ba~ion'~o~'i.a.t, leas.t.the decree of commendation (decretur~,'l~udis)t;i Diocesan Institute, an institute erected by Ordinaries, which ~has ~not y~.t:.o."bthined this" decre~ ofcommendation.". Thu's the diStinCtiOn between a pontifical and a diocesan congregation has in itself nothing Whatever to do with territorial diffusion; it is based sblely on the p~es.ende or'absbnce of approval by the Holy See. We shall see tha~ a diocesan institute is also destined to spread to many dioceses, and d~ffu~ion~ to'. rrian~r diocese~ is only an ordinary, not ari absolfitel prerequisite for obtaifiing papal opproyal. In actual fact there are diocesan;. congregati6ns in the United 'States that haCce spread to several dioceses., It is equally true that some pontifical congregation~ in~thi~ c6dh~ry are confined to one diocese. ~All religious orders are pontifical institutes, since the approbation of 'an order is reserved to the Ho!y See. Ther?fore, institutes such as those of the Carmelite Nuns, Dominican Nuns, Poor Clares, Sacra-mentirie'Nuns, and Visithndines are pontifical. A religi0ds order is 57 JOSEPH F. GA'LLEN Review for Religious ¯ an institute whose particular law pr~scribes that at least some of the subjects at least should take solemn vows (can. 488, 2°). The hope of clarifying this o'ften misunderstood definitio'n is the justificat.for the tautology. It is not required that all of the members of the institute, but it is s~f~cient that only some of these, should either actually take solemn vows or be obliged to do so by the law of the institute. An institute can also be an order even if none of the mem-bers actually take solemn vows. It is sufficient that some should do so from the particular law of the institute.1 Solemn vows are not taken in mo~t of the monasteries of nuns in the United States, yet all of these institutes are orders since at least some of the members should take solemn vows in virtue of the particular law of the institute.2 A religious congregation is an institute in which all the members actually take simple vows, whether perpetual or temporary, and in which none of the members should take solemn vows in virtue of the law of the institute (canon 488, 2°). No religious institute can exist in the Church that has not been approved by legitimate ecclesi-astical authority. The foundation of a religious institute may certai.nly be approved by the Roman Pontiff, but in practice it is approved by the ordinary of the diocese of foundation. This approval of the local ordinary makes the congregation a diocesan institute. ~For example, article 37 of the Constitutions of the Ursuline Nuns of the Congre-gation of Paris, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. reads as follows: "By tight, these vows are solemn vows, as they were so approved by holy Church at the beginning: but, in fact, in this country, by disposition of the Holy See, they are only simple vows." Article 641 of the Constitutions of Dominican Nuns reads: "Those Nuns of our Order whose vows are, by constitution, solemn but who because of circumstances of time (cgn. 488, 70), by prescription of the Apostolic See, make only. simple VOWS . " -°In 1864 the Holy See declared the following monasteries of Visitation Nuns in the United States had solemn vows: Washington, (Georgetown), Baltimore (Roland Park), Mobile, St. Louis, and Kaskaskia. The last-mentioned later united with its daughter community in St. Louis. Mo. Since 1864 the monasteries that follow have received a rescript from the Holy See granting solemn vows. The year of the rescript is put in parentheses. Carmelite Nuns of the Ancient Observance: Allentown (1931): Discalced Carmelite Nuns: Philadelphia (1902, but solemn vows were first taken in 1925), Wheeling (1925), Bettendorf (1949), Louisville (1930), Morristown (1926), Loretto (1932), Rochester (1930), Mobile (1943), New Brunswick (1948): Dominican Nuns: Detroit (1929, Menlo Park (1929), West Springfield, Mass, (1928): Dominican Nuns of the Perpetual Rosary: Buffalo (1944), Camden (1947), Syracuse (1947): Poor Clare Nuns: Cleveland (1946); Franciscan Nuns of the Most Blessed Sacrament: Cleveland (1912), Canton (1925, but solemn vows were first taken in 1950): Nuns of Perpetual Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament (Spanish speaking) : E1 Paso (1930) : Visita-tion Nuns: Elfindale, Springfield, Mo. (1888). Solemn vows are taken in the Oriental Order of St. Basil the Great. Four other monasteries have applied for solemn vows¯ 58 March, 1950 DIOCESAN OR DONTIFICAL? After an initial period of growth the congregation usually peti-tidns the Holy See for papal approval. The attainment of papal approval makes the congregation a pontifical institute. It is sufficient that the Holy See approve either the institute or the constitutions. The present ordinary practice of the Holy See is to approve both. In answer to the first petition of the congregation for papal approval, the Holy See gives its first approval to the" institute by what is called a decree of praise or commendation. At the same time the Holy See gives a temporary and experimental approval to the.constitutions for a determined period of time, which now is usually seven years. At the end of this time the congregation sends another petition to Rome. The Holy See then gives a final approbation to the constitutions and, frequently at least, a definitive approbation to the institute.3 The practice of the Holy See can vary in many matters, and it has varied in the present case of the approval of religious congrega-tions. It is possible to find congregations that have long possessed papal approval and yet discern that the constitutions alone were approved by the Holy See. A doubt could and did arise as to the sufficiency of an approval of the constitutions alone, since the Code definition of a pontifical institute appears to be confined to a decree of~ praise or approbation of the institute. However, the presumption always is that a canon agrees with the pre-'Code law, and Leo XIII had originally defined pontifical institutes as those "in which in addi-tion the sentence of the Roman Pontiff has intervened, either by approval of their laws and statutes or also by the granting of praise or approbation.TM In this definition the approval of the constitu-tions is not only sufficient but apparently primary. All doubt was removed by a reply of the Sacred Congregation of Religious that the Sisters of Mercy, founded by Mother McAuley, were pontifical, whether it was a question of the independent communities or of the unions that had been established with the approval of the Holy See.5 3For the present practice of the Holy See, cf. P. Cosmas Sartori, O.F.M., duris-prudentiae Ecclesiasticae Elernenta (Romae: Pontif. Athenaeum Antonianum, 1946)~ p. 74. 4Leo XIII, Const. "'Conditae a Christo,'" 8 dec. 1900, Codicis luris Canonici Fontes III. p. 562. The same definition is repeated twice in the constitution. Cf., pp. 563, 564. nThis particular reply of Nov. 24, 1925, undoubtedly because of its general import, was published in the Acta Apostolicae Sedis, XVIII (1926), 14. It can be found in English in Bouscaren, Canon Law Digest, I, pp. 269-270. Valuable commen-taries on the reply have been written by. Maroto, Cornrnentariurn Pro Religiosis, VII (1926), 83-92: and Vermeersch, Periodica, XV (1927), 52-53. To any-one unaware of this reply the distinctive constitutions of the independent com-munities can' cause difficulty as to their pontifical character. 59 .JOSEPH F. GALLEN Review foF Religious The constitutions alone of the Sisters of Mercy were approved by the Holy See in 1841. The same thing is apt to be true of any.congrer gation of religious women approved before 1850, because of the varying practice of the Holy See in approving religious congregations. Therefore, a congregation is made pontifical by any one or m6re of the following.four approvals: approval of the institute by either a decree of praise or of definitive approbation; approval of the con-stitutions either experimentally or finally. To all congregations that have received any one of these approvals are equally applied" the rights, laws, and obligations of pontifical institutes. II. Should a Diocesan Congregation Confine Itself to the Diocese of Origin? 1. The Code of Cation Lau;.--Canon 495, § 1 reads: "A dioce-san religious congregation cannot establish houses in another diocese without the consent of both Ordinaries, namely: the Ordinary of the place where the motherhouse is situated and the Ordinary of' the place where it is desired to make the new foundation, but the Ordi- .nary of the place of delSarture, shall not without a grave reason refuse his, consent." For the first house to be erected by a dlocesan.institt~te in anothe~ diocese, this canon requires the permission not only of the ordinary of~the new house but also of the ordinary of the mother-house. We can s.ee in this law of the Code an implicit affirmation of the closer guardianship, of the greater interest, supervision, and direc-tion that the ordinary of the diocese of origin is to exercise over a diocesan congregation in the early years of its existence. The same canon explicitly forbids the ordinary of the mother? house to refuse permission for the erection of a house in another diocese unless he has not merely a. reasonable or a just reason but a serious reason for the refusal. The .Code of Canon Law, therefore, implicitly states that it is the or~linary thing for a diocesan institute to spr,ead to other dioceses and that this diffusion can be prevented only by reason of a serious obstacle. It cannot be held that thi~ seri-ous obstacle is ordinarily tO be fouiad in diocesan institutes.' If this-were factually tr.ue, there would be little sense in the law of the Code that forbids the ordinary'of the motherhouse to refuse the permissi?n, and the law would rather read: "and the Ordinary of the mother~ house may grant this permission in extraordinary cases.',Y Therefore, the" law 'of the Code is that confinement to one" dioces~ sli'~.uld ble restricted to the early years of the existence-of.a, diocesan dongrega:- fi0n wl~en the institute is a.c.qujri, ng strength rand:.sta,,~:ilit.~.: .~T.h.!.s. 60 March, 1950" DIOCESAN OR PONTIFICAL? period should not be excessively prolonged. Diffusion to other dioceses is a usual prerequisite for obtaining papal approval, but the Holy See stated before the Code of Canon Law that ten or fifteen years from the time of the foun'dation of the first house of theinsti-tute could suffice for the presentation of a petition for papal approval.6 2. Documents of the Holy See.--The Holy See both before and after the Code of Canon Law has issued norms that are to guide the local ordinaries in the erection of new institutes. One of the most important of these norms is that the ordinary, rather than found a n~w congregation, is to invite and admit into his diocese a congrega-tion already approved that has the purpose desired by the ordinary. In speaking of these congregations already approved the Holy See makes no distinction between pontifical and diocesan congregations.) Therefore, the Holy See again positively implies that diocesan insti-tutes are not to be confined to the diocese of origin. 3. Doctrine of authors.--Two authors, Fogliassos and Muzza-relli, 9 have recently made detailed studies into the juridical nature of diocesan congregations. Fogliasso states: "Certainly a diocesan con-gregation, even though it consists of only one house, unlike a mon-astery of nuns, is an organism that bg its verst nature tends to uni-versality . The purpose of the disposition of canon 495, § 1 is to prevent the local ordinary of the motherhouse from impeding the ordered diffusion of a new congregation. This diffusion together with spiritual fruits is required for the granting of a decree of praise. Furthermore, recourse can always be made to the Holy See against the arbitrary opposition of this ordinary. Therefore, the norm of canon 495, § I, while it immediately, furthers the fundamental liberty of a new congregation, which is the attainment of its own increase, paves the way for the congregation to reach the prescribed condition by which, through means of a decree of praise, it may take its place 6Normae Secundum Quas 8. Congr. Episcoporum et Regulariura Procedere Sofet in Approbandis Novis lnstitutis Votorurn Simpliciurn, 28 iun. 1901, n. 9. ~Leo XII][, Const. "'Conditae a Christo,'" § 1, III, C. I. C. Fontes, III, p. 563; Pius X, Motu Propr. "Dei providentis,'" 15 iul. 1906, C. I. C. Fontes, III, p. 675; S. C. de Prop. Fide, Instr., "'De Congregationibus Religiosis lndigenis Condendis,'° 19 mart. 1937, n. 1, AAS XXIX (1937), 276. SAemilius Fogliasso, S.D.B., lntroductio in Vigentem Disciplinara de luridicis Re-lationibus inter Religiones et Ordinarium Loci (Augustae Taur[norum: Schola T}'pographica Salesiana, 1948). 9Fridericus MuzzareIli, S.S.P., Tractatus Canonicus de Congregationibus luris Di-oecesani (Romae: apud Piam Societatem a S. Pau[o Aposto[o, 1943). 61 JOSEPH F. GALLEN Review for Religious among pontifical institutes.''~° Muzzarelli expresses the same doctrine: "The nature of a diocesan congregation precisely as diocesan is universal only in potency and capacity . . . indeed the mind of "the Holy See with regard to these congregations is not that from their foundation they should be aSso-lutely confined within the boundaries of one diocese. They are rather considered as the first stage, the first phase of juridical et~olution. When this evolution is completed they become pontifical and uni-versal in fact and in law . Hence it generally happens that these congregations become multidiocesan in a short time and l~hus are uni-versal in fact . If the ordinary (of the motherhouse) should refuse his consent, recourse is always open to the Holy See.''11 Father Vidal, S.J., whose eminence as a canonist and years of service as a consultor of various Roman Congregations should qualify him to know the mind and prac.tice of the Holy See, affirms: ". the ordinary of the place of dephrture is forbidden to refuse his " consent except for a serious reason (canon 495, § 1) ; and recourse against an unreasonable refusal would always be open to the Sacred Congregation, which will usually lend a ready ear to such a recourse, unless there is question of an institute that is faring badly and is destined rather for extinction.''x~ The doctrine that a diocesan institute should at least ordinarily spread to other dioceses is held implicitly by many of the authors mentioned below, who teach that diocesan congregations should ¯ become pontifical, since diffusion to other dioceses is in the practice of the Holy See an ordinary prerequisite for obtaining papal approval. 4. Diffusion does not imply separation.--Diffusion to other dioceses is the second phase of the natural growth of a diocesan con-gregation to the juridical maturity of a pontifical congregation. Evidently diffusion does not impiy but excludes separation from the houses of the diocese of origin. Canon 495, § 1 is speaking of the spread of the same institute to other dioceses, not of the erection of. new institutes in other dioceses. The fear of separation, however, can exist. The diffusion of diocesan and even of pontifical congrega-tions to other dioceses of the United States in the last century very frequently was followed by a separation from the houses of the diocese of origin (and the same thing occurred in other countries). ~-0Fogliasso, op. cir., 160-161. The italics in this and subsequent citations are mine. XlMuzzarelli, op. cir., nn. 51, 123. xZWernz-Vidal, Ius Canonicum, III, "De Religiosis,'" n. 61. 62 March, 1950 DIOCESAN OR PONTIFICAL Fortunately, many of these separated congregations have ultimately at least prospered in vocations and in the extent and excellence of their lives and work. These happy consequences have not always been verified. Some of these congregations are still small in number of subjects, and they toil in vain for increase in the rocky territories of few Catholics and few vocations. It would obviously .have been much better if they had remained.united to houses located in dioceses that are more fertile in vocations and also financially. Furthermore, such separations were not of their nature conducive to a progressive improvement in the spiritual and intellectual formation of subjects. These separations may not be effected now without the permission of the Holy See, since the separation would involve at least the erec-tion of a new institute and also the passing of professed religious from one institute to another, both of which require recourse to the Holy See (canons 492, § 1; 632). III. Should a Diocesan Congregation become Pontifical? 1. The Code of Canon Latv.--To Father Arcadio Larra-ona, C.M.F., the present undersecretary of the Sacred Congregation of Religious, we are especially indebted for evolving the answer from the Code of Canon Law. Father Larraona calls attention to the definition in the Code of a diocesan congregation, which is not described as one that has been approved by a local ordinary or as one that does not possess or has not obtained a decree of commendation but as one, "that has not yet (nondum) obtained this decree of com-mendation (canon 488, 3°).'' Thus the very definition of a dioce-san congregation in the Code of Canon Law manifests that it is only in an initial and transitory state and in the first phase of a juridical evolution that is to terminate in the attainment of pontifical approval,la Larraona could have derived the same conclusion from canon 492, § 2. The argument is clearer in the translation of Woywood- Smith, although it can also be d~duced from the Vatican translation. This canon reads: "A diocesan congregation retains that character though it has in the course of time spread to several dioceses, and it remains completely under the jurisdiction of the bishops, until it has obtained from the Holy See approval or, at least, the decree of praise." The Vatican translation of this last and pertinent clause is: "as long as it is without pontifical approval or the decree of commendation." The Code here again does not consider a diocesan congregation to be laLarraona, Cornmentarium Pro Religiosis, II (192 I), 284. 63 JOSEPH F. GALLEN Review for Religious . in a definitive but only in an initial and temporary state. 2. The initiative of bishops.--The most°manifest testimony of the i.nspiration, encouragement, and support of bishops to diocesan congregations becoming pontifical is the vast number of congr.egations that ha~e been approved by the Holy See. This support of bishops wa~ evident at an early date in the era of pontifical approval of congregations of Sisters. The Provinci.al Council of Avignon, held in 1849, enacted the following norm for the bishops of the province: "That [Sisters] may conform their lives to that prescribed by the rule they have professed and observe their constitutions and praiseworthy customs, that the constitutions also may have a greater authority, the bishops are to take care as' soon as possible that these be approved by the Holy See,. if they have not already been approved.''14 The bishops of the Plenary Council of Latin America, celebrated in 1899, established a similar law: "Since in congregations that have spread into several dioceses and whose constitutions have not as yet been submitted to the examination, correction, and approbation of the Holy See, here and there things have been done in good faith that are contrary to the laws and mind of the Hoist See, we decree that, the prescriptions of law being observed, such congregations which, in the judgment of the bishops, increase and give good expectations to the Church shall submit their statutes to the judgment of and petition the approval of the Holy See.''1~ 3. The doctrine of authors. Especially in this important ques-tion authors are cited primarily to manifest the mind and the will of the Holy See and also to give the answer that is generally held in the Church. Greater attention should clearly be given to the canonists who are acknowledged specialists in the field of canon law for religious. LARRAONA: This author has been engaged since 1920 in writing an exhaustive explanation of the canons on religious in the Cormnentariurn Pro Religiosis. The greatest tribute to his authority is the frequency and respect with which he is generally cited by other authors. Writing of pontifical and diocesan congregations before the Code of Canon Law, he states that diocesan congregations were not considered "as something fixed and stable but as incomplete entities, tending by their nature to juridical perfection, which in the second 14Concilium Provinciae Avenionensis, Collectio Lacensi#, tom. IV, col. 351, n. 2. l~Acta et Decreta Con¢ilii Plenarii Americae Latinae (Roinae: Typis Vaticanis, 1902), n. 324. 64 March, 1950 DIOCESAN OR PONTIFICAL? category, that is, in pontifical congregations, alone appeared to be found.''10 This same doctrine, although not with the same urgency, he later applies to diocesan congregations after the Code of Canon Law.17 He likewise affirms: ".-. the constitution of a di6cesan congregation is not very conducive to the internal unity, strength and liberty of diffusion of the institute. The result is that diocesan con-gregations have scarcely begun to evolve and to be diffused when they are borne along almost by their own weight to become pontifical, which corresponds completely to the mind of the Holy See.''~s He styles the diocesan state of a congregation as the novitiate of the insti-tute and says of this novitiate: ". the Sacred Congregation has tended and now tends to surround this [diocesan state] with suffi-cient protection and to affirm it as transitory by representing this state to the eyes of both the bishops and the congregation as a period of probation, which should not be prolonged longer than is necessary to test the spirit and stability of the.congregation and for it to obtain some diffusion. When this test has been surpassed, it is undoubtedly the mind of the Hol~l See that a decree of commendation should be requested.''1° He continues: "Unless congregations become pontifical when they reach the above maturity, experience certainly proves that they can scarcely preserve their unity of spirit, of ministries, and of government. Consequently the.i.r internal force and solidity is almost necessarily exposed to positive dangers, or at least the congre-gation is uselessly hindered and its tendency for diffusion and expan-sion impeded.''u° In another work he reaffirms the same principle: "From the nature of the case a unity of government is scarcely pos-sible if the government itself is practically divided into as many parts as there are dioceses in which the institute has houses.''~ Other passages could be cited from this outstanding author to confirm the doctrine he states above that the diocesan state of a congregation is of its very nature transitory and the mind of the Holy See is that such congregations should seek papal approval after the initial period of probation and diffusion. 16Larraona, 17Larraona, lSLarraona, 10Larraona, 20Larraona, Commentariura Pro Religiosis, I (1920), 137. ibid., II (1921)', 284. ibid., II (1921), 284. ibid., V (1924), 146. ibid., V (1924), 146. ~aLarraona, Acta Congressus luridici Internationalis, IV, "'De Potestate Dorainativa Publica in lure Canon&o," p. 153, nota 17. JOSEPH F: GALLEN Reoieto [or Religious FOGLIASSO22 and. MUZZARELLIz~ accept and assert the doc-trine of Larraona, but the latter adds: ". especially when a con-gregation has spread to distant territories a practical necessity exists of asking for a decree of praise and approval of the con'stitutions from the Holy See, if one wishes to provide for the security, unity, and becoming expansion of the entire institute.''24 BASTIEN, who is a most eminent authority on the canon law for institutes of simple vows, states in the editions of his book pub-lished both before and after the Code of Canon Law: "The condi-tion of a diocesan congregation, as described in the preceding pages, is rather precarious; spread in different dioceses, they are dependent upon various bishops, without a sufficiently strong central authority. No wonder, then, that the. Holg See desires them to leave this initial stage, and exhorts them to present their constitutions [or its ap-proval."~ 5 BATTANDIER, who is of equal authority on institutes of simple vows, states in the same editions of his hook: "But the,dioce-san institute can naturally have the desire to attach itself more closely to the Apostolic See, which will give more authority to its govern-ment, more stability to its laws, and will permit it to be assured of the future.''~° Among the authors who have expressed their opinion less strongly are the following: CREUSEN-ELLIS: "When the new institute shall have devel-oped sufficiently and shall have shown by the test of time the value of its religious spirit and its unity, it may ask of the Holy See a posi-tive approbation.''27 "The Code does not provide for the erection of provinces in an institute which is purely diocesan. When it has arrived at this importance, it should ask for approbation from Rome, which will make its life and its government more autonomous.''2s 22Fogliasso, op. cir., 160-161. Z3Muzzarelli, op. cit., nn. 51, 102. ~4Muzzarelli, op. cir., n. 102. ~SDom Pierre Bastien, O.S.B., Directoire Canonique a l'usage des Congrdgations ~ Voeux Simples (lst edit., 1904, Abbaye de Maredsous), n. 22; (4th edit., 1933. Bruges: Ch. Beyaert), n. 70. The translation is that of D. I. Lanslots, O.S.B., Handbook of Canon Law (New York: Pustet, 1931), n. 19. Lanslot's d!gest is based on Bastien. ~OMgr. Albert Battandier, Guide Canonique Pour Les Constitutions des Instituts Voeux Simples (Paris: Librairie Victor Lecoffre), 4th edit., 1908, n. 19; 6th edit., 1923, n. 20. :tTCreusen-Ellis, Religious Men and Women in the Code (Milwaukee: The .Bruce Publishing Company, 3rd English edition, 1940), n. 27. ~SCreusen-Ellis. ibid., n. 30. 66 March, 19 5 0 DIOCESAN OR PONTIFICAL? BOUSCAREN-ELLIS: "'It is the mind ot: the Church that after a diocesan congregation has developed its membership and spread to other dioceses, and has given satisfaction in its pursuit of good works, it may apply to the Holy See for pontifical approbation and thus become a po.ntifical institute.''2~ REGATILLO: "Diocesan congregations are not accustomed to be divided into provinces because when they are sufficiently diffused they become pontifical.''~° RAMSTEIN: "Since every religion of diocesan law normally entertains the hope of acquiring in time the status of a religion of papal approval . JOMBART: "A congregation spread into several dioceses and flourishing generally desires to become pontifical.''z2 "A multidioce-san and large congregation desires almost always to become pon-tifical, the better to safeguard its unity.''3~ Doctorate dissertations in canon law of the Catholic University of America have expressed similar opinions: ORTH: "The great difference that exists between episcopal and papal approbation is well known and, since the papal dxcels the epis-copal in extent, being wider and greater in effects and giving assur-ance of an unerring guidance, it is not in the least surprising that from the start, a new religious congregation will have this in view, to obtain a favorable decision'concerning itself from the Holy See. In its early stages a new community is still in an imperfect condition. Though entirely an autonomous society, yet it is subject to many restrictions on the part of the bishop. Besides formerly if it should chance to spread into other dioceses many things militated~ against unity which is a prime requisite in order that the institute preserve its original nature and purpose. In this respect nowadays it is welI pro-tected by the Code. The aim of the new society will be to have firmness and stability, to be enriched with all the privileges and favors of Mother Church, which aim will not be fully obtained unless it has received the seal of definite approbation from the Head of all christendom.''34 "The spread to other dioceses is considered ~t0Bouscaren-Ellis, Canon Law (Milwaukee: The Bruce Publishing Company, 1946), p. 234. Z0Regatillo, lnstitutiones luris Canonici (Santander: Sal Terrae, 1946), I, n. 650. 81Ramstein, A Manual of Canon Law (Hoboken: Terminal Printing ~ Publishing Co., 1947), p. 299. a22ombart, Traitd de Droit Canonique (Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1946) I, n. 810, 2. 33Jombarr, ibid. 8'~C. R. Orth, O.M.C., The Approbation of Religious Institutes (Washington: The Catholic University of America, 193.1), p. 131. 67 JOSEPH 1::. GALLEN the best reason for asking the approbation of the Holy See, because in that case there would be as many heads as there are bishops of the places where the community is established and this multiplied gov-ernment is not conducive to unity.''s5 FARRELL: "When a congregation has received pontifical appro-bation many phases of its subjection are withdrawn from the local Ordinaries in whose territory the congregation exists, and this juris-diction is supplanted by direct subjection to the Holy See. Thus, unfettered by the divergencies of the multiplicity of diocesan juris-dictions, the congregation achieves an extensive opportunity to exer-cise in a wider way the autonomy of moral personality, affording a unity of purpose through the various ramifications of its internal government to accomplish more effectively the work and purpose of its foundation.''s° IV. Conclusion The reader is now in a position to give his own answers to the questions of this article. These answers should be based primarily on the mind and will of the Holy See and on the common opinion in the Church. If the will of the Holy See is evident with regard to any action, arguments in favor of or contrary to that action are simply a matter of indifference. The intrinsic arguments for seeking papal approval emphasized by the authors cited above are: (1) the government and the constitu-tions of the institute receive a greater authority; (2-) the central and internal government becomes stronger; (3) the unity of govern-ment, spirit, and ministries of the institute is preserved;. (4) the in-stitute is endowed with a greater stability and is thus better able to preserve its original nature-and accomplish its original purpose: (5) the life and government of the institute become more autono-mous; (6) the institute has a greater liberty of diffusion and thus of increase. To these can be added (7) the more autonomous character of the institute naturally begets a greater internal initiative; (8) the immediate subjection to the Head of all Christendom and the wider diffusion of the institute are more apt to engender the universal view-point of the Holy See; (9) the constitutions approved by the Holy See and examined and corrected by specialists will very likely possess a greater excellence and utility. s~Orth, ibid., p. 145. SOB. F. Farrell, The Rights and Duties of the Local Ordinary Regarding Congrega-tions, o[ Women Religious o[ Pontifical Approval (Washington: The Catholic Uni-versity of America Press, 194~1), p. 56. 68 The Vir :ue of F:ait:h in :he Spiri :ual Life ~lohn Matthews, S.~I. BY ITS BAPTISMAL BIRTH man's soul receives divine life for the first time. It takes on a wholly, new and higher life. A second life comes into the soul and into its powers of mind and will. While sanctifying grace lifts the soul to a divine way of life, the virtues of faith, hope, and charity fill man's mind and will with the strength he needs to live his higher life. Thus grace thrbugh faith, hope, and charity makes us new men with new minds and wills. But what is faith? Life means power; faith is a God-given power of our grace-life. Life means lasting power; on this earth the holy person always possesses faith. This faith is a virtue, a power to take God at His word. By faith in action we believe God just because it is God who has spoken. In faith we bend our minds to the authority of God, of God's Son 3esus Christ and of God's Church. Man has a duty of bowing his whole self before God; through faith be subjects his mind to God. Thus faith is belief in God because He knows and tells the truth; those who enjoy such faith we call the faithful. In our Christian life this virtue is absolutely necessary. ~¢ usually comes through baptism and is lost only by mortal sins against faith such as heresy and apostasy. So the grown-up without faith lives in serious sin and has turned himself away from both God and heaven. "But without faith it is impossible to please God" (Heb. 11:6)--in the way God wants to be pleased, honored, adored, loved and obeyed, i.e., in the supernatural way of life. Again, we need faith because it enters into every deed of our grace-life. In all these works faith is at least implicit. Lastly, as souls born of God, we must have faith. For, as the child must be able to take his parents at their word, so we must be able to believe our heavenly Father: and we do this by faith~ "For you are a11 the children of God by faith" (Gal, 3:26). This important virtue of which we speak is a supernatural gift. It forms part of the equipment by which holy souls live and grow in the divine life. With this faith we know truths man could never know of himself. All the genius of Aristotle, Shakespeare, and 69 JOHN MATTHEWS Review [orReligious Edison could never figure them out; all the power of all men's minds could, never guess them. For by faith we know divine truths in a divine way. We see with certainty what God has told men through Christ and the, Church;; we take a .deeper look into God's teachings; we view everything with a sight and understanding far beyond the human. Through faith, furthermore, we possess the mind of Christ. "But we have the mind of Christ" (1 Cot. 2 : 16). This is the new mind we receive along with the new life of grace. No longer do we think and plan in a merely human{ way but we think as Christ did, we plan as Christ planned, we value what Christ valued. We think holy thoughts; we know the truths Christ knew and chose to tell us; we accept His judgments and values on everything, e.g., on the world, on race and color, on the human soul. With the new mind of faith the supernatural man looks on all things in their relation to God and to his own salvation. This is faith at work--a living active fruitful faith: The virtue of faith, while itself interior, produces acts of faith both interior and exterior. Indeed, the faith of God's children must be a working faith. Such is the message of St. James in his Epistle. "For even as the body without the spirit is dead, so also faith without works is dead" (James 2:26). Possessing the mind of Christ, we must use that mind to live our divine life. For faith is the rock-foundation of our morals, our devotions, and our liturgy. Hence our holy deeds must be rooted in and must spring from faith in action. The "man of God must live by faith, and this he does when he bows his mind to divine truth on God's authority and when he guides his actions by that truth. Faith guides our actions by entering into there. It underlies and penetrates all our virtuous acts. The Catholic can hope for heaven only after faith tells him heaven exists. The faithful obey Christ's Church because faith assures them it is the true. church. Penitents by approaching the confessional bear witness to their faith that God's priest has power to forgive sins. In his belief that bap-tism is necessary for salvation, the Catholic father bears his child to the font of eternal life. Confirmed in faith, God's children adore the Eucharistic Christ, receive Holy Communion, and offer the Holy Sacrifice. As another instance of how faith penetrates.our life of holiness, let us consider charity. This latter virtue shows .itself in many diverse acts (1 Cot. 13:~r-8). There is the love of God above all 70 March, 1950 VIRTUE OF FAITH else, which we must practice in order to continue living the divine life. There are the works ofmercy, compassion' for one's fellow men, perfect contrition, almsgiying, the love of our neighbor in Christ, th~ expending of self for God's sake and for others. The reason why holy souls do these charitable deeds is the love of God in Himself and of men in God. But this infinite lovableness of God they know through.faith, which teaches them that God deserves to receive our purest love. Thus faith enters into our works of charity by supplying a supernatural reason for doing them. So too in all the circumstances of life does faith play its divinely assigned part. The truths we believe have power to overcome our human fear, weakness, and distrust of seIf. How often Our Savior spoke these words: "thy faith hath made thee whole" (Matt. 9:29; 15:28; Luke 8:48; 17:19). In the face of temptation, sickness, evil habits, poverty, andpersecution our faith gives us grounds for confidence that we can overcome all hardships in a Christlike man-ner. "This is the victory which overcometh the world, our faith" (1 dohn 5:4). In. order to see further the force and value of Catholic belief in the soul, let us view two men-~one with and the other without faith. On the death of a relative the latter can give only human sympathy, cannot help the deceased, can only send flowers and'can-not comfort the bereaved very'greatly. The real Catholic through his faith speaks words of divine sympathy. He helps both his dead relative and bereaved kinsfolk--by his comforting words, by his prayers and Masses and virtuous deeds. The soul without faith grieves as those "who have no hope" (I Thess. 4:13); the faithful soul sees in death God's will, entertains the hope of eternal happi-ness for his dear deceased, and offers his pain at bereavement to help his relative into heaven. Again the work of faith appears when these same men yisit a Catholic church. To the faithless person the church is a structure--perhaps, a thing of beauty; to the faithful, it is a home, a holy place, the house of God. For the former the stained-glass windows may be works of art; for the Catholic they serve to recall the mysteries of his religion and to hold his mind in prayer. In the opinion of the man without faith the baptismal font, confes-sional, and altar rail are the ordinary furnishings of a church; the child of God esteems them as sources of divine life in his soul. To his mind the tabernacle is no mere happening but the abode of Christ in the Eucharist; the altar is no chance property but the place of daily sacrifice, the bne thing withoutt which no building can be a church: 71 JOHN MATTHEWS the sactuary lamp is not just an adornment but a sign to the faithful that Jesus is at home, waiting for their visit. In the Catholic church the person who has not faitl-J is a stranger and sight-seer, the man of faith is at home with Jesus in His Father's house. So vast is the difference between the person without faith and the man whose actions are wholly penetrated by tiis Catholic faith! Let us sum up now the work of faith in the divine life of our soul. The virtue of faith gives us a new mind, enlightened with the new truths of Our Lord's Testament. A grown-up receiving the virtue of faith, may seem the same after his conversion as before-- ¯ but he is not. He has new thoughts; he knows God's new com-mands; all events in his life take on a divine meaning for eternity: his belief gives a heavenly purpose to his actions: he will soon show by his outward deeds of virtue the inward change within his mind. "For with the heart we believe unto justice: but with the mouth confession is made unto salvation" (Rum. 10:10). Moreover, to live the life of grace we must 1ire a life of faith. This virtue must influence' a11 our actions. Hence our every deed must be an act "of faith, must bear witness that we choose~ to be amongst God's faithful, must be a profession of our belief. Our religion, which is our .faith, must underlie all the circumstances of our lives and give them a Catholic tone and value. That is the work ¯ of faith. Thus by living a life of faith we actively live our grace-life. "The just man liveth by faith" (Rum. 1:17). Indeed, our faith and our divine life grow step by step together. For every holy deed we do God gives us this reward: our grace-life grows fuller and at the same time our virtue of faith is so deepened and enriched that it becomes stronger against temptation, that we are more Christ-minded, that we can make greater acts of faith. In this manner faith plays its important part in the growth of our divine life. OUR CONTRIBUTORS JOSEPH F. GALLEN and JOHN MATTHEW8 are members of the faculty at Woodstock College, Woodstock, Maryland. DOMINIC HUGHES is a member of the Pontifical Faculty of Theology, Dominican House of Studies, Washington, D. C. 72 On Controversy WE HAVE RECEIVED certain c,r, iticisms for publishing "Thd Three Ages o~f the Interior Life, by G.'Augustine Ellard, S.3". (Cf. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, VIII, 297-317.) One criti-cism is that the "theological erudition" of Father Ellard's article "takes advantage of readers who lack the technical preparation neces- Sary to measure its true weight." (Cf. IX, 42~-43.) Another criti-cism, not sent for publication, is that Father Ellard's article contains controversial matter, and that a magazine like ours should keep clear of controversy. It seems advisable to explain our position. Father Ellard's article was a book review; and the work he reviewed (The Three Ages of the Interior Life, by Father R. Garri-gou- Lagrange, OIP.) is decidedly theological. It is difficult to see how a v~ork of this kind could be reviewed without using theological erudition. Moreover, The Three Ages is intended, as least partly, for just such people as our readers; hence it seems that the theological erudition used in reviewing the work would no more take advantage of readers than would the work itself. It might be added here that one of the precise purposes for founding this REVIEW was tO present sound theology without the technical accompaniments that are usu-ally found in a strictly theological journal. As for controversy, we have always tried assiduously to avoid controversial topics or at least to avoid taking sides in any theologi-cal debate. Less than a year ago, when we published "Mystical Life--Mystical Prayer," by M. Raymond, O.C.S.O., we were care-ful to prefix to the article an editorial note indicating that Father Raymond's view was only one of three legitimately defended opin-ions on the normal development of the spiritual life. We expressed no preference for any of the opinions. (Cf. VIII, 121,) No one objected to our calling attention to the controversial nature of Father Raymond's article. Why, therefore, should anyone object to Father Ellard's pointing out that certain basic questions in The Three Ages are subjects of legitimate controversy? It would be naive to imply that, in publishing Father Ellard's .article, we did not expect contrary reactions. Since the author of The Three Ages has many admirers, it was quite likely that some of 73 ON CONTROVERSY Review for Religious them would come to his defense. It is clear, then, that in publishing the book review, we had to run the risk of controversy. The only ways oi~ avoiding it would be to refuse to review the work, or to publish an insincere review, or to print a sincere review without allowing a rebuttal. None of these procedures was or is desirable. Hence, we have some controversy, and perhaps it may continue for a time. We trust that our readers will find it both interesting and profitable. In this issue we present an article by Father Dominic Hughes, O.P., in rebuttal to Father Ellard, together with a brief reply by Father Ellard and a communication defending his position. Other'expres-sions of opinion on either side will be accepted. However, lest this subject .matter consume disproportionate space in the REVIEW, it seems necessary to limit further contributions to communications. Conditions for acceptance of these communications will be found on page 96. Now a word about Father Hughes's article. In some aspects it differs from our usual editorial policy; yet it seemed better, under the circumstances, to waive insistence on policy. What he says, however, about doctrinal authority in the Church, especially the authority of Doctors of the Church in general and of St. Thomas Aquinas in particular, calls for special editorial comment. For the most part this comment will simply agree with him and emphasize the truth of what he says; in one point it will at least qualify one of his views if not express a complete difference of opinion. Father Hughes rightly observes that the highest doctrinal author-ity in this world is the teaching Church. And this truth needs emphasizing in our times, even in the case of many devout laymen. This teaching Church is composed of the Pope himself, and of the bishops of the world united with tbe Pope, whether in a general council or ~in their respective dioceses. Theologians graphically and reverently style the~e successors to the Apostles theVioum Magisterium (the living teaching body) or simply the Ecclesia Docens (the teaching Church). It is a wonderful thing, this living teaching Church; it pos-sesses not only the great truths of revelation with which Christ and the Holy Spirit endowed the Apostles but also all the wisdom of the succeeding centuries which has been used in the exploration and explanation of the original endowment (the Deposit of Faith,. as it is. called), The Doctors and other theologians have authority only in so far as they express either the doctrine of this living .Church or 74 March, 1950 ON CONTROVERSY speculations which are in conformity with that doctrine. The revelation confided to the Church is a limitless treasure; and our knowledge of the doctrine and its implications is subject to con-stant growth. In this process 9f growth through the centuries there have always been questions that were not clear, that needed further exploration and illumination. Consequently, there have been and are divergent opinions, with abIe scholars defending contrasting views, without remonstrance and even with encouragement from the Church. The interesting question thus arises: how is the theologian of today to align himself in such controversies? Thd first duty of the true theologian is to judge the reasons of the respective sides in the light of already established principles and doctrines. Finding the reasons lacking sufficient cogency to win his preference, he might then inspect the authorities holding the different views. Suppose that in a debated question such as I have just outlined, a Doctor of the Church would be the principal defendant of one opinion. Should he, by the very fact that-he is a Doctor, win the theologian's intellectual preference? I get the impression from Father Hughes's article that he would answer this question in the affirma-tive. If this impression is correct, there is room here for a difference of opinion. The title of Doctor of the Church includes an official declaration of eminence in theological learning, but not necessarily pre-eminence over all uncanonized scholars. The eminence of some of these uncanonized theologians is attested by the constant use of their works in theological schools and even by the great, confidence placed in them by the Church while they were still living. Father Hughes suggests that in the canonized Doctor there is the added con-sideration of supernatural wisdom. But this wisdom is not limited to the canonized; it accompanies grace and virtue, not canonization. And history attests that many of the uncanonized scholars were men of lofty virtue. For example, speaking for Benedict-XV, Cardinal Gasparri styled Scotus a "most holy man,"; and speaking for himself Leo XIII referred to eminent Jesuit scholars (none of whom .were then Doctors of the Church) as men of "extraordinary virtue." So much for the authority of Doctors of the Church in general. As for St. Thomas Aquinas in particular, it is unquestionable that the Church's esteem for him is unique. Canon 1366, § 2, directs that professors of philosophy and theology should treat these subjects after the method, doctrine, and principles of the Angelic Doctor, and ¯ should hold these as sacred. An examination of the many documents 75 ON CONTROVERSY Review for Reliflious referred to in the sources of this' canon shows that it is but a capsule formulation of the insistent injunctions and directives of Leo XIII, Plus X, and Benedict XV. These Popes considered him not merely as an individual but also as the representative of all the great Scho-lastics of his time because in his works the best of their teaching is most perfectly embodied. Six years after the promulgation of the Code of Canon Law, Plus XI reaffirmed the praise and injunctions of his predecessors in an encyclical letter (Studiorum Ducem, June 29, 1923) which is rightly called a papal commentary on canon 1366, § 2. Finally; just a few months after he became Supreme Pontiff, Plus XII, in an address to clerical students in Rome, .recalled and approved all these directives (June 24, 1939). Obviously, therefore, the Church wants professors and students of philosophy and theology to follow St. Thomas. Ye~ it is not to be a slavish following which, in the words of Benedict XV, "would clip the wings of genius with consequent injury to the deeper study of theology," (Spoken in an audience granted to the Jesuit General and his Assistants, Feb. 17, 19.15.) 'This is not the place to try to indicate precisely the legitimate limitations to the following of St. Thomas; but it may be well to show, through the words of the Popes themselves, that the~e are some limits. Speaking of the "wisdom of Aquinas," Leo XIII insisted that he did not wish to propose to our age for imitation "anything which does not duly agree with the proved findings of a later age;" or any-thing "which does not hax~e its measure of probability." (Cf. the encyclical Aeterni Patrfs, in Fontes Codicis, III, p. 149.) Benedict XV declared in a letter to the Jesuit General (Mar. 19, 1917) that the Roman Pontiffs "have invariably held that St. Thomas must be regarded as the guide and master in the study of theology and phi-losophy,, although everyone retains full freedom to argue for either side of those questions which can be and are wont to be disputed." Pius XI, having enjoined the strict observance of canon 1366, § 2, added: "But let no one require of others more than is required of all by the Church herself who is the teacher and mother of all; for in those matters in which there is division of opinion among the best authors in Catholic schools, no one is forbidden to follow that opinion which seems to him to be nearer to the truth." (AAS, XV, 324.) Finally, in the address previously referred to, Pius XII said: "At the same time we make Our own the warnings of these same Predecessors, whereby they sought to protect genuine progress in sci- 76 ON CONTROVERSY ence and lawful liberty of research. We thoroughly approve and recommend that the ancient wisdom be brought into accord, if need be, with the new discoveries of scholarship; that there be free discus-sion of points on which reputable students of the Angelic Doctor commonly argue; that fresh resources be drawn from history for the better understanding of the text of St.Thomas." (AAS, XXX; 246-47.) Some people, hazily cognizant of historical disagreements on certain profound questions, seem to think that Dominicans and Jesuits are always on opposite sides of a theological debate and that Jesuits are not followers of St. Thomas. The impression is false. And it may be informative to add here that St. Ignatius enjoined the study of the "Scholastic doctrine of St. Thomas," and that this rather general prescription of our constitutions was made very definite by our Fifth General Congregation (1594), which legislated that Jesuits must consider St. Thomas as their own special doctor. The words of Leo XIII are witness to the fidelity of Jesuits in carrying out this command. Speaking of eminent Jesuit theologians, the Pope said that "being as they were, men of extraordinary virtue and talent, and applying themselves assiduously to the works of the Angelic Doctor, with certain arguments they expounded his tenets in a manner full and excellent,, they adorned his doctrine with the rich trappings of erudition, they made many keen and practical deduc-tions therefrom for the refutation of new errors, adding besides what-ever declarations or more exact decrees had since that time been made by the Church in this same field. The fruits of their industry no one in truth can spurn without loss to himself." (Apostolic Letter Gravissirne Nos to the Jesuit General, 1892.) --GERALD KELLY, S.J. SEARCHLIGHTING OURSELVES Many shrewd observations for retreats and tridua are found in Searchlighting Ourselues, the Retreat Notes of Father Timothy Brosnahan, S.J., edited by Francis P. LeBuffe, S.J. The book contains notes on the various meditations of The Spir-itual Exercises, several conferences on basic points of the spiritual life, and a number of special meditations, notably a series on the Beatitudes, for use during tridua. Jesuit Seminary and Mission Bureau, 51 East 83rd St., New York 28, N.Y. 77 Works of Made/v anit:es!: Dominic Hughes, O.P. CHARITY and solicitude for souls moved .Father Ellard (RE-VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, November, 1949) to lay several stric-tures upon Father Garrigou-Lagrange's Three A~es of the Interior Life. That same charity now prompts a staying hand. Petulance or truculence cannot rise to defend either side in chari-table controversy. Neither party can reprove the sincere expression of an opinion any more than either can approve indefiniteness in doc-trine or ineptness in expression. Rather both must call upon charity's constant companion, wisdom, whose "abode is in the full assembly of the saints" (Ecclesiasticus 24: 16). However unqualified writers or readers may be in matters secu-larly or sacredly scientific, their judgment from wisdom will partake of that calm and certitude of those aware that "If anyone desires to do His will, he will know of the teaching whether it is from God" (,John 7:17). Even in these controversies about subsidiary doc-trines and their suitable expression something of the clarity and security of a truly wise appraisal is attainable, "for the spiritual man judges all" (I Corinthians 2 : 15). The judgment of the spiritual man is based on neither caprice nor allegiance, but solely upon wisdom. "It pertains to wisdom," --St. Thomas, the Common Doctor, expressed the common doc-trine--" to consider the highest causes through which it may judge of other things with the greatest certitude and according to which it should order other things" (Summa Tbeolo~qica, II-Ilae. q.45, a.1). Wisdom, then, has one main product and two by-products. The primary product of any habit of wisdom is a "consideration of the highest causes." In the different orders of reality and knowl-edge, various highest causes attract the attention of divers kinds of wise men. In any case, however, the object of wisdom's considera-tion is the ultimate, in words as in works. In works the absolute ultimate in no way ordered to anything further, and the measure of all, are the works of God made manifest in the works of Christ. Relatively ultimate, first and last in a particular line, and the measure of that group, are the works, for example, of a founder of a religious society, so that St. Ignatius would be the measure of the accomplish-ments as Jesuits of his followers, even of the glorious achievements 78 March, 1950 WORKS OF GOD MADE MANIFEST of St. Francis Xavier and St. Robert Bellarmine. In words, the absolute and unassailable ultimate is the voice of the Church and Sacred Scripture. Relative ultimates, too, are found in various writings: .those of St. Thomas for the whole of theology, those of St. Alphonsus Liguori for practice in moral problems, and those of St. 3ohn of the Cross inmatters mystical. Upon the basis of this "consideration of highest causes" wisdom has as one of its by-pr0ducts a judgment of things other than the highest cause itself "with the greatest certitude." The maximum of security in judgment is not invariable, but will change according as the highest cause is either absolutely or only relatively ultimate. In matters in which the Voice of God has not yet been heard---or may never be--the certitude attainable cannot be as unqualified as when the Church has spoken. Yet various other causes may be given a limited but appreciable certitude as they more or less cogently elimi-nate any worthy fear of contradiction. Moreover, some considera-tions within the scope of wisdom's judgment, metaphysics for example, need admit of no exceptions. Moral judgments, of which the mystical is a phase, however, can attain a certitude about human actions only "as they most often happen." "For it is the mark of the educated man to look for certitude in each class of things just so far as the nature of the subject admits" (Aristotle, I Ethics, c. 3). In this spirit, St. Augustine, who was well aware that no case was finished until Rome had spoken, expressed a wise certitude: "I do not wish my reader to be bound down to me, so I do not wish my corrector to be bound down to himself. Let not the former love me more than the Catholic faith, let not the latter love himself more than the Catholic verity . Do not be willing to amend my writings by thine own opinion or disputation, but from the divine text or by unanswerable reasons." (On the Trinity, Bk. III, Preface.) The mere possibility of an unwarranted contradiction because his every word was not inspired or even uncontested--was not enough to unsettle the mind of St. Augustine, even about what he himself had written. Certainly others reading his words so often approved by the Church can reach the "greatest certitude." Like-wise, concerning a wide variety of matters, even without a decision of the Church or a consensus of theologians, certitude can be had upon the basis of either the arguments proposed or auth6rities cited. The citing of authorities is not a matter of number but of weight. The weight of one Doctor of the Church can overbalance toward 79 DOMINIC HUGHES Review [or Religious certitude any dispute, despite the contradictions of a multitude of theological scribes. Weighing such authority is the second by-product of wisdom. From a catalog of opinions or an enumeration of members of various schools a deep appreciation of human limita-tions may be derived, but scarcely a wise judgment. Wisdom, in addition to considering the highest causes and judging other things with the greatest certitude, orders other things .acgording to the highest cause, either in any particular grouping or according to the absolute ultimate itself. It does not gather a crowd but establishes a hierarchy. Not how many authors may be found who differ from one another, but how they are arranged relative to the primary master of the subject, e.g., ~lohn of the Cross~such is the judgment of wisdom. This wise ordering of authors, moreover, avoids two extremes. Spiritual atavism is inclined to bow so low and so often before the ancestral authority of a father, either of the Church or even of a particular spiritual family, that little opportunity is afforded for examining or explaining doctrinal implications or making practical applications. The other extreme to be shunned, more a tendency than a tenet, is a mollified "modernism." Those affected by it are disposed to judge the latest as the best, the more contemporary as the, more commendable. The foundation for avoiding both extremes, too much of the past, too much of the.present, and of formulating a truly wise judgment is an ordering, not according to.personal prefer-ences but according to principles. The principles of wise judgment are not personal but the peren-nial preferences and special approbation of the Church. When the Popes have praised and so often used particular authorities, e.g., St. Augustine or St. Thomas, as the highest, though not the exclusive causes for engendering certitude in the judgments of the faithful, there is little fear of worthy contradiction in following their example. In that case, other theological or spiritual writers, as they more or less approach and approximate the doctrines of these highest causes of the greatest possible certitude will take their place in the estimate and esteem of wisdom. The impressiveneses of such considerations as numbers, either of authors or copies of their works sold, avail-ability in English, or other such shavings of certitude is, for wisdom, negligible compared to the arguments or authority of but a single Doctor of the Church. These teachers of the "mind of Christ" offer principles at once profound and practical. The highest in heaven always seem the most down-to-earth. None realized more than they how each soul 80 March, 1950 WORKS OF GOD MADE MANIFEST must budget its talents, using a few well-coined principles through- Out its spiritual life to make both ends meet---in God. Prodigality in principles and in words, they were sure, would contribute to neither practicality nor profundity. With but little, and all of that Christ's, they sought and saw the deep things of God and the deep things of each soul on its way towards Him. The profundity and practicality of other spiritual writers can be wisely appraised only as it more or less approaches what is found in the Doctors both in their wisdom by infusion and their Wisdom by 'industry. Together in a single act these fountainheads of truth converged to give the saintly doctors their certitude. In others--so often what is united in superiors is divided in inferiors--an actual judgment is the result of either one or tlSe other, either of wisdom by infusion or of wisdom by industry. Wisdom by infusion, the science of the saints, as a Gift of the Holy Ghost judgeswith certainty and orderliness, not through metaphysical discourse, but by a loving accord with its object--"by tasting and seeing that the Lord is sweet." Wisdom by industry, the science of theology, on the other hand, secure though it is in the principles of faith, suffers the labors and infirmities of all human effort. Yet,. at times, wisdom by infusion must appeal to wisdom by industry to corroborate its expressions and to co-ordinate its findings; the mystics and spiritual writers must submit divine truth to the scribes in theology for a test in human terms. Wisdom's test, in human terms, concerning the charitable contro-versy over the divergent views of Father Garrigou-La~range and Father Ellard involves two major considerations: doctrine and method. The points of doctrinal divergence most worthy of mention con-cern the Gifts of the Holy Ghost: contemplation: its place and kinds; and the unity of the interior life. The methodological differences arise either positively from the stress or emphasis of one doctrine more than another, or negatively through the omission of detail by some considered as integral to any spiritual treatise. WISDOM IN WORDS: DOCTRINE The points controverted concerning the Gifts of the Holy Ghost are their necessity, nature, function, and number. " Concerning each of these points separately, and cumulatively, too, Father Ellard brings forth his hobgoblin--uncertainty. Upo'n how little might be said with certainty there can be found only the sole small voice of scholarly research, Father DeBlic, who 81 DOMINIC HUGHES Review [or R'eligious minimizes w.hat even Father De Guibert, S.J., thought .an irredu-cible denominator. Many Dominican theologians, are cited as recog-nizing a.controversy upon the matter, but the conclusions of each do not seem worthy of mention by Father Ellard. If thi~. process were pushed to its principle, it would imply that as soon as a point is questioned it immediately becomes questionable, and as soon as doubted, doubtful. Such can. scarcely be a moving principle to wis-dom which has ordered authorities according .to the highest among them and thus attained the "greatest certitude." To corroborate the general judgment of wisdom, however, each subordinate point which has come under scrutiny may well be examined. The necessity of the Gifts, as explained by St. Thomas, seems to have suffered the least from the minimizing tendencies of later and lesser theologians. None of the mystics, moreover, have found them a luxury. They are vital to the life of divine grace; "the just man," Leo XIII testified in his Encyclical Dioinum illud munus (May 9, 1897), "has need of these seven gifts." Because of the overwhelming testimony in tradition to the intimate association of the state of grace and presence of the Gifts, even the doughtiest opponent of Thomistic doctrine on the Gifts must treat the denial of this point as negligible. The nature of the Gifts, however, is quite another matter. "They make us docile to the Holy Ghost," according to a formula suffi-ciently broad to embrace all'variants, but not to preclude precisions. While all would agree that docility to the Holy Ghost is of the essence of the Gifts, as Father Ellard triumphantly pointed out to drive in the wedge of uncertainty, "not all" would ,concur with St. Thomas in finding them distinct habits in the soul. The words of Sacred Scripture itself give warrant for St. Thomas's doctrine, inasmuch as they imply a unique divine influx. This,doctrine of St. Thomas cannot lightly be set aside. His reason cannot be dis-proved, his authority no one can gainsay. Although obviously not of Faith, his doctrine has an approbation by the Church incompar-ably above any i~f those proposed by Father Ellard as competitors for our certain allegiance. Ordinary permission to teach or publish thisis only a faint resemblance to the abundant approval given to Doctors of the Church. In them, because of their sanctity and the special scrutiny of their works, the Church recognizes unique wit-nesses and guardians of her patrimony, the doctrine of Christ. Over and above the acclamations usually given to a Doctor, St. Thomas has received frequent and unique marks of esteem from the Church. Pope Pius V referred to him as "the most certain rule of Christian 82 March, 1950 X~rORKS OF GOD MADE MANIFEST doctrine," and Pope Clement VIII was sure that he could be "fol-lowed without any danger of error." These" and many other state-ments by successive Popes are not private hyperbole but public declarations, normative if not mandatory in Faith. Against this weight of certitude from St. Thomas, Father Ellard proposes (p. 305) a theologian described, in a citation from clerical students, as the."Subtle Doctor." Of the su.btlet~r of'Scotus there is no doubt; but of the tebm "Doctor" as applied to him there is con-siderable reason for hesitance. No more of a' Doctor of the Church than so many others who have taught in her schools throughout the centuries, Scotus has neithe~ the approval of his sanctity nor of his doctrine that is required of a Doctor. His opinion is, therefore, of an entirely other brder in certitude from that of St. Thomas. It is on a plane "with that of Suarez, who could not concur with St. Thomas in the matter of grace but could affirm against Scotus that he appreciated the importance of distinguishing between the virtues and the Gifts. The allegiance, moreover, of St. Francis de Sales to the doctrine of Scotus cannot be alleged'with certitude. The Gifts are, in the words cited by Father Ellard' (p. 306), "the virtues, properties and qualities of charity." (Cf. The Looe or: God, XI, 15.) "Speaking precisely," as St. Francis assured us he was doing, all these entities are distinct from the essence, although perhaps inseparable from it. In like manner, although the Gifts and charity are always together, they do not merge into one habit, otherwise the same might be said of St. Francis de Sales' doctrine of the relation of charity and the other infused virtues. Charity would not then be the "gift of gifts" (XI, 19), but the one gift, n6t the essence or bond of perfection, but the whole of the spiritual organism. There is nothing suffi-ciently explicit in the words of St. Francis de Sales to indicate an approval of the Scotistic opinion or the disapproval of the doctrine of St. Thomas. Even if a rivalry were established between these two Doctors of the Church, inasmuch as the matter is one of theological principles, the preponderance of authority would easily go to St. Thomas. To St. Thomas, then, and not to Father Garrigou-Lagrange, wisdom looks for its "highest cause" according to which it might order other opinions and thus attain the "greatest certitude" possible concerning the nature" of the Gifts. Obviously, Pohle-Preuss, Forget; Van der Meersch, and legions of other writers who subscribe to what is least as what is safest, are far from disturbing the certitude of 'a 83 DOMINIC HUGHES Reoiew for Religious soul in which wisdom dwells. The judgment of wisdom appre-ciates the authority and approves the arguments, the sublimity and certainty, of the doctrine on the Gifts proposed without equivoca-tion by St. Thomas. Allegedly based upon St. Thomas and employing his authority is the more recent confection of two different modes of the Gifts in life. The gesture with which Father Ellard includes Cardinal Billot among Thomists is so expansive that it would embrace all who, for one point or another, approximate the teaching of the Angelic Doc-tor, whose method, doctrine, and principles are to be held by all teachers as sacred according to the mandate of the Church (Code of Canon Law, canon 1366, § 2). Moreover, the contemporary pro-ponent of the theory qf two modes of the Gifts in this life, one ordi-nary, the other extraordinary, was immediately and unhesitatingly denounced as having mistaken and misquoted St. Thomas by Fathers R. Dalbiez (l~tudes Carm$litaines, April 1933, pp. 250ff.) and P. P~rinelle (Revue des sciences philosophiques et theologiques, No~ember 1932, p. 692), as well as by Father Garrigou-Lagrange (La Vie spirituelle, November 1932, suppl, pp. [ 77 ] if). Such total misinterpretation of St. Thomas cannot be a "form of modern Thomistic theory on the Gifts," as Father Ellard would have it (p. 310), but rather a warning against making St. Thomas a wit-ness to any elaboration prejudicial to his principles. Certain, partly because it is "seamless," Thomistic doctrine preserves its purity and integrity by faithful adherence to the "method, doctrine, and prin-ciples" in the text of St.' Thomas, particularly in the question of the nature of the Gifts. The number of the Gifts is likewise clearly and authoritatively determined in the text of St. Thomas. As always, he is in full accord with the texts of Sacred Scripture which the Church and the best exegetes c~ansider most reliable, as well as the sense of the Church in the hymn Veni, Sancte Spiritus, and the Catechism of the Coun-cil of Trent. St. Augustine is of the same mind (cf. On Christian Doctrine, II, 7), and St. Francis de Sales refers to the "seven Gifts of the Holy Ghost" (The Love of God, XI, 19) in a text otherwise considered probative by Father Ellard (p. 306). To introduce and perhaps induce a doubt in the traditional enumerhtion as taxative or "limitative," Father Ellard cites (p. 309) an author who would amplify the number as by "an infinite variety of shades." This plethora, seven is a "plenitude," the same author affirms is the intention of the sacred authors, "as we know." How we are to know, 84 March, 1950 WORKS OF GOD MADE MANIFEST however, is not indicated. Either a private revelation or some extremely adroit exegesis would be necessary to belie the authority of Doctors of the Church, who, so close to the primary author of Sacred Scripture--the Holy Ghost--have considered the Gifts as numeri-cally determined. Determination by the Doctors on one point may leave still another undetermined with exactly the same cogency and certitude. St. Thomas himself, having given, on the authority of another, a general schema of the functions of the various gifts, found it neces-sary to reconsider one of its aspects. "Who will assure us that the . last is perfect?" Father EIIard quotes (p. 309) a scholar who has studied the point. Who, on the other hand, will be temerarious enough to.insist that the last is imperfect or.less perfec~ than any other proposed? A distinction and argument which, after long thought, had clarity and cogency for St. Thomas has the added note of authority for those who wisely appraise both the change and the conclusion. In making his schema, St. Thomas realized he was establishing an appropriate parallel, an educative device, an argu-. ment of convenience. Neither he nor St. Augustine--nor Father Garrigou-Lagrange--attributes the same probative force to a schema as to a syllogism. Indeed, The Three Ages evidences an admirable conformity to the doctrine of St. Thomas, and his classical commen-tator, John of St. Thomas, in the substance and schema for the functioning of the various Gifts. The final point concerning what Father Ellard chooses rather ungraciously to call "the present-day Thomistic hypothesis" of the Gifts is their association with the doctrine that some graces are intrinsically efficacious. A larger issue is involved here than the .mat-ter of the Gifts and it should not be treated by innuendo. If at this juncture "many people pause," as Father Ellard expects (p. 310), because the common pre-Reformation doctrine on the efficacy of grace and the nature of the Gifts are "indissolubly bound" in doctrinal integrity, will it be to neglect an assured and consistent teaching for one that is hopelessly entangled in affirmations, denials, and com-promises? Those who demur at the doctrine of grace as expounded by St. Thomas cannot fail to deny his teaching on the Gifts. Only a compromise could enable Suarez to affirm the doctrine of St. Thomas on the nature of the Gifts and deny his doctrine on grace. Such compromises are always uncertain, as the doctrinally internecine con-flict among Molinists and Congruists amply testifies. Somewhat as a summary of his consideration of the .Gifts, 85 DOMINIC HUGHES Review [or Religious Father. Ellard implies (p. 311) that because leading Thomists are aware of controversies they themselves are subject to uncertainty. Nothing could be further from the truth, unless that Catholics by their cognizance of heresy diminish their faith. Moreover, because the teaching of The Three Ages is based upon what "the great majority of theologians hold with St.Thomas," a wise judgment would con-cede Father Ellard but poor pleasure in having ferreted out an admission that "'not all [italics his] theologians agree on this par-ticular fundamental point." Upon such minimal evidence and defensive techniques only an artificial uncertainty and imprudent reservation or suspension of judgment can be built. Father Ellard-emphasizes complexity ;ind confusion, Father Garrigou-Lagfange the "certitude of the great directive principles that illuminate all spirituality (cf. p. 311)." In the matter of the Gifts, their neces-sity, nature, number, and fufiction, .not St. Thomas' and Father Garrigou-Lagrange's unassailable doctrine, but Father Ellard's unre-solved doubts lead to "'disillusionment and discouragement" which all are so solicitous to avoid. Another complex question in need of "great directive principles" is that of contemplation. Concerning the exposition of contempla-tion in The Three Ages, Father Ellard seems to find two points of difficulty: the presence of acquired contemplation; the place of the infused. With regard to acquired contemplation, Father Ellard finds reason for criticism in the fact that Father Garrigou-.Lagrange gives it "hardly any place" in his s'ynthesis of the entire interior life,, while the Carmelite Father Gabriel of St. Mary Magdalen devoted "half his work, St. dohn of the Cross" to justifying its place in Carmelite theology. The same Carmelite, however, gives as his wise and orderly conclusion (pp. 199-200) that "the central thesis of the Thomistic spiritual synthesis is supported by the doctrine of actlx;e contemplation." Even if Father Ellard, in the Three Ages, would replace "hardly" with "half" to suit his preferences, the wise ordering of part to whole in both Carmelite and Dominican is obvious. Moreover, "St. Theresa never speaks of any other than infused contemplation.,"~ Father Gabriel states categorically (p. 111), while he and others can find only equivalents of the term in St. John of the Cross. Both the problem of terminology and the point of doc-trine concerning the "beginning of contemplation" (Dark Night, I, 9) and the "acquired prayer of recollection" receive ample and appropriate treatment in the chapter on "Contemplative Prayer" in The Three Ages. More would.make a part into a polemic. 86 March, 1950 WORKS OF GOD MADE MANIFEST If others disagree with Father Garrigou-Lagrange in this matter it should not be surprising. The harmony he has indicated between St. Thomas and St. John of the Cross is well-founded in the best Carmelite and Dominican authorities. If a dissident attitude arises from the outside and even seeps within, the foundations, of accord in the Theresian and Thomistic teachings are not tragically undermined. Without mentioning either the Common or the Mystical Doctor, Father Ellard has assembled a variety of authorities (p. 303) to indicate a confusion on the place of infused contemplation. The teachings of Msgr. Saudreau, Tanquerey, Crisogono, and Naval-- all but the last two differing from one another--are arrayed against that of The Three Ages. No mention is made, however, of which of all in the field more closely conforms to the doctrine of the Doctor of Contemplation, St. John of the Cross. Tanquerey, Crisogono, and Naval are not even close. Msgr. Saudreau confines contempla-tion to the unitive way. With "a great difference indeed" (p. 303) Father Garrigou-Lagrange conforms exactly to the doctrine of St. John by placing infused contemplation in both the unitive way and--to use St. John's own words--"the way of proficients, which is also called the illuminative way, or the way of infused contempla-tion" (Dark Night, I, 14). This explicit testimony of the "highest cause" in matters of contemplation and Father Garrigou-Lagrange's strict conformity to it, leaves but one judgment ~or wisdom-- "greatest certitude" for the doctrine on the place of infused con-templa. tion in The Three Ages. Moreover, when it is a question of the relationship between the Gifts and contemplation, Father Ellard's strictures are utterly con-fused. His use as an argument from omission of inappropriate texts from St. Francis de Sales and St. Alphonsus "who would have advocated for all a form of mental prayer that is full of inspirations from the Holy Spirit" is pitiably feeble. Fantastic, nothing less, is his assertion that "although in their process nothing has been said about infused contemplation," persons have been canonized, and hence "we can safely conclude" from no mention, let alone non-manifestation, to the non-existence of interior intellectual movements of the Holy Ghost in their souls. Father Garrigou-Lagrange clearly indicates (I, 81) saints and situations in which the activity of the intellectual Gifts are "diffuse." In them the practical Gifts of coun-sel, fortitude, or fear are more apparent, yet all the gifts will be "highly developed" and wisdom will [egulate all. Since the highest of mystical experiences is within the scope of a moral consideration, 87 DOMINIC HUGHES Ret~ieto for Religious judgments must be wisely formed" of them "as they most often hap-pen." Exceptions corroborate, not corrupt, certitude in morals, "for the man educated to expect them." Neither the fact that "various exceptions" are admitted to the doctrine of the predominance of infused contemplation, nor its "being so closely associated with a questionable theory of the gifts (p. 312)" is ground for asserting that the Theresian-Thomistic position in the Three Ages "suffers" a loss of certitude. Only those who are con-stantly looking for some "phenomenon in consciousness" which is "humanly noticeable" (p. 31'~) complain of dangers of disillusion-ment because the truth of mystical experience did not fit into their preconceived patterns. From the doctrines on the Gifts and contemplation flows the final point of difficulty: the normality of infused contemplation or the unity of the interior life. To Father Ellard's wonderment, The Three Ages "embodies no great new discovery nor corrects any old error" (p. 311). His observation is remarkably exact. The discovery is old, the error is new. Until the seventeenth century no one lost sight of the unity of the interior life and no arbitrary and artificial cleavage between ascetical and mystical theology was introduced. With the publica-tion of Scaramelli's Ascetical Directory an.d Mystical Director~l, how-ever the division and its tragic consequences were popularized. Since things ascetical were conceived as ordinary and the mystical, i.e., infused contemplation, as extraordinary, humility became the motive for the humdrum, and many souls apt for contemplation were forced to excruciating torments on the treadmill of discursive meditation. This new error bade fair to destroy an old discovery. To Father Garrigou-Lagtange is due sincere tribute as one of the vanguard leading souls to an appreciation of the traditional teaching on the unity of the interior life, its contemplative graces and gifts. Those only need fear disillusionment or discouragement in his leadership whose limited ideals or faint heart stultify their wisdom. WISDOM AT WORK: METHOD Wisdom governs not only the principles of the interior life but their presentation. In The Three Ages, Father EIlatd finds its doc-trinal stress and seeming omissions particularly distressing. Father Garrigou-Lagrange's stress upon the Gifts of the Holy Ghost is indeed a strain for Father Ellard. For him, "The whole vast construction presented in these two large volumes stands or fails with the special doctrine on the Gifts of the Holy Spirit which 88 March, 1950 WORKS OF GOD MADE MANIFEST forms as it were the supporting framework for it" (p. 305). Yet Father Ellard himself declared (p. 297) that "degrees of virtues, the functions of the Gifts of the Holy Ghost, various purifications, arid the grades of prayer are assigned to each of the three ages." Perhaps the mere presence of the Gifts gives them too much prominence for Father Ellard. On~ of his authorities (p. 313), and a confrere, Father Poulain, apparently not a theologian, however proficient a psychologist, in his extensive work, The Graces of Interior Prayer, somehow manages to avoid any treatment of the Gifts. To anyone acquainted with their importance in traditional spiritual writers, the exposition of The Three Ages will seem the mere summary it was intended to be (I, 66). On the other hand, the omissi~)ns Father Ellard finds so lamen-table are more nominal than real. If the part;.cular examination deals with the predominant fault, a chapter on that subject should satisfy Father Ellard's justification of it as "one of the major tech-nique. s in modern Catholic asceticism." When "for the general examination no precise method is suggested," it need not be a strange omission.Once the "Sins to be Avoided" are mentioned, as Father Garrigou-Lagrange does in a chapter by that name (I, 299), the remainder is left to the individual conscience', even in the Spiritual Exercises, since of its five acts in this matter two are a preface, two an epilogue of prayers. Again in the case of mental prayer, concrete details appeal to Father Ellard as the source of certitude. As a mat-ter of fact, the opposite is true. The more particularized is the treat-ment, the more it is subject to doubt. The devious details of these devices for praying, whose security for some is largely in their famili-arity, are better consciously omitted by anyone who writes with the "certitude of the great directive principles of all spirituality" (cf. p. 311). The method of The Three Ages, moreover, cannot rather "stress theory than practice" (p. 302) if its principal excellence is "its inspiratio:lal value," and if "a reader feels his heart warmed and his enthusiasm enkindled" (p. 301). It can scarcely be labeled as more given to "metaphysics than psychology" (p. 302) when the author keeps reminding his readers of the grand dogmas of Christianity, their "infinite elevation," their implications for our "affective and practical lives" (p. 301). WORDS AT WORK FOR THE WISE For the wise, who are so either by industry in theology or by 89 DOMINIC HUGHES infusion .with God's love, a word of conclusion is sufficient. A wise word may not have rhetorical flair, but it cannot be faltering or fal-lacious. As an expression of the judgment of the "highest causes" with the "greatest certitude" and other things in an orderly manner, it is not an assembly of facts, but an appraisal of values. The relative values of both content and method between what Father Garrigou-Lagrange and Father Ellard offer for its appraisal leave wisdom no doubt whatever. In points of doctrine Father Ellard seems to be without the solid foundation of a man whos~ theological industry has made him wise. Despite his erudition-- sometimes amid the most trivial sources-~-his analysis lacks pro-fundity. Its practicality, too, since it fails in its calculated effect, is open to question. In the face" of an artificially imposed order, Father Ellard's thoughts ramble and lose themselves in details. When his conclusions are declarative, they waver over a "whatever" (p. 314) or a "whether or not" (p. 316), and when they are an interrogative they are most uncertain. His precision in labelling the doctrines of others he suddenly loses when he lets "Catholic" and "Church" slip into sentences containing ideas he favors (p. 302). All of this gives his article the appearance of a somewhat gauche polemic rather than of a sincere and solicitous appraisal. On the other hand, the mag-nificent proportions of The Three Ages are not often met with in contemporary spiritual writing. Because it presents so well the "great dogmas of Christianity" as well as "their implications for our affective and practical lives," each reader feels his "heart warmed and his enthusiasm enkindled for these great truths" (p. 301). Wisdom's final word concerning the providential purpose of this and other discordant notes in the harmony of the teachings in the Church on the interior life is after the Model of Wisdom Him-self. When the Apostles saw the man born blind, they balanced-- unknowingl~, perhaps--one rabbinical opinion against another: "this man or his parents?" They were forced to suspend judgment, because seeing only alternatives and not an order to a Highest Cause, they remained uncertain. When they appealed to Christ, He gave them an answer many rabbis would not have considered scientific or satisfying "in terms of human experience."" Yet it was sublime and secure. Wisdom Himself replied to the Apostles, and reassures all in the present instance: supernatural security and salvation are accom-plished through suffering and the triumph of wisdom--"because the works of God were to be made manifest . " (John 9:3). 90 March, 1950 FATHER ELLARD'S REPLY FATHER ELLARD'S REPLY In his inspiring introductory remarks on wisdom Father Hughes proposes a restricted, relative, and special sense of "certain." " If'we accept that, th~n really there hardly seems to be any necessity of my saying more. He' has virtually conceded the great cardinal point of my whole criticism, namely, that Father Garrigou-Lagrange's doc-trine on the gifts and the corresponding thesis on infused ~ontempla-tion insofar.as this depends on that doctrine, are not, in the plain and ordinary sense of the term, certain. Certaint~ , in this sense, espe-cially when predicated of a doctrine that is theological and specu-lative, is opposed not only to probability, bfit even to greater prob-ablity. Similarly, if the langu.age of The Three Ages is to be under-stood as expressing doctrine t~at is certain only in a limited and relative sense, I. was deceived, and my labor was in vain. Perhaps also some other readers will be misled too. It seems sufficient, therefore, to notice 'very briefly only what in Father Hughes's reply is most relevant to my four principal criti-cisms, and not to say more about certain matters in which he' has mistaken my meaning. Nor shall I advert further to several expres-. sions suggestive of what I would disclaim. Those four contentions were: "'The Three Ages is theoretical rather 'than practical; it is one-sided and narrow; an essential part of it, namely, its doctrine of the gifts of the Holy Spirit, is uncertain; and its main thesis is not after all really so significant" (p. 302). I shall follow the order in which Father Hughes deals with them. First, the gifts. As a simple and practical way of ending this ¯ particular argument, I will give to Father Hughes, if he wishes, a list of all the leading theologians of the twentieth century with their works and the appropriate references to what they teach on the giftsl Then he can see at once in black and white whether Catholic theo-logians agree in proposing as certain, in the usual sense, any such elaborate theory of them as that in The Three Ages. These theo-logians will embody, in varying degrees and ways of course, the present mind of the Church; they will be quite conversant with the altogether unique authority of St. Thomas, and they will be aware also of whatever else is pertinent. In [hem, considered adequately and properly, not merely arithmetically, will be found accumulated Catholic theological wisdom in its most mature and authoritative form. When the theologians, who are the most competent to judge in a question of this kind, are as greatly divided and as uncertain as 91 FATHER ELLARD'8 REPLY Review for Religious they actually are, on what evidence could particular persons come to certain knowledge in the matter? Possibly they can; but indeed it seems most unlikely. When the authorities disagree or "are not posi-tive, it would seem wise for individual persons to suspend judgment. If, as Father Hughes seems to agree, the two Thomistic doctrines on the efficacy of grace and the nature of the gifts stand or fall together, then most emphatically are theologians divided. As for the Doctors' of the. Church, the Augustinians claimed St. Augustine for their view on grace; and both Dominicans and Jesuits appealed to St. Augustine and St. Thomas. "Among the more modern Doctors, St. Alphonsus de' Liguori is cited for a modified version of the Augustinian theory; and St. Robert Bellarmine for the Jesuits. According to Von Pastor, St. Francis de Sales declared, in a memo-randum written for Pope Paul V, "that on the whole he shared the view of the Jesuits; and he added that he had made an exhaustive study of the subject, and that he saw considerable difficulties in either opinion, He did not think the time had come for deciding a question on which so many able scholars were unable to agree." (History oF the Popes, XXV, 240.) These facts concerning the controversy on grace are given, not with any intention of arguing such a matter in these pages, but simply to show that, if Father Garrigou-Lagrange's teaching on the gifts is logically involved in this highly disputed sub-ject, surely it cannot be called certain. Father Hughes writes: "Many Dominican theologians are cited as recognizing a controversy upon the matter [of the gifts], but the conclusions of each do not seem worthyof mention by Father Ellard" (p. 82). In the writings referred to I have not noticed any con-clusions contradictory either to the statements quoted from them or to the proposition in substantiation of which the citations were made. If Father Hughes should point out any such conclusion, I shall be glad to acknowledge it. Of course the same five theologians can be quoted in favor of the Thomistic theory of the gifts, and two of them for the certainty of it, for example, Gardeil in th~ Dictionnaire de Theolo~Tie, IV-2, 1776, 1777, and Garrigou-Lagrange himself, in PerFection Chretienne et Contemplation, II, [88-91]; neverthe-less, they witness the fact of disagreement among theologians and admit that others do not share their own view. Secondly, I said of The Three Aoes that it is one-sided and nar-row. Father Hughes replies that it is in accord, if not with lesser lights, at least with St. John of the Cross, the great and ultimate 92 March, 1950 FATHER ELLARD'S REPLY (relative) norm in this matter. But the same agreement is claimed by other authors also, among them tw6 Carmelite spokesmen. In other words, there is more than one interpretation of St. John among orthodox Catholics. ."But Father Garrigou-Lagrange has the right one." Perhaps he has; but we might be better, convinced if he would give us a chance to judge for ourselves. Could he not at least give us fair notice of dissenting opinions?. A fresh sample of div.ergenc~ is furnished by Father Gabriel of St. Mar.y Magdalen in his new book, St. Teresa o~: desus. Although he writes, "'For all that, it can be shown in fact that this teaching of the Teresian school is not irreconcilable with the modern Thomist synthesis of the spiritual life" (p. 44), yet repeatedly throughout - the book he contradicts Father Garrigou-Lagrange on the necessity of infused contemplation. The first point in my criticism reads: "'Tile Three Ages is theo-retical rather than practical." Of all, this was the least important, especially as instruction and inspiration are also in their own way most practical. Father Hughes objects: "The method of The Three Ages cannot rather 'stress theory than practice' if its principal excel-lence is 'its inspirational value,' and if 'a reader feels his heart warmed and his enthusiasm enkindled.' " Why not? In this respect the work resembles treatises on dogmatic theology which are preoccu-pied with doctrine rather than practice and which can at least be bigh.~y inspiring. Again my critic writes: The book "can scarcely be labeled as more given to 'metaphysics than psychology' when the author keeps reminding his readers of the grand" dogmas of Christianity, their 'infinite elevation,' their implications for our 'affective and practical lives.' " The answer is. simple. When a book contains dogmatic, metaphysical, and psychological elements, why cannot it accentuate them in just that order? As a matter of fact, The Three Ages does. I cannot imagine how Father Hughes can say: "In the case of mental prayer, concrete details appeal to Father Ellard as the source of certitude." My final contention was that the main thesis of The Three A~Tes, namely, that infused contemplation comes within the normal devel-opment of the interior life, is not after all very significant. It would be pregnant with meaning and significance if according to the mind of its author it were intended to im'ply that mystical contemplation in the full and obvious sense as described by St. Teresa in The 93 FATHER ELLARD'S REPLY Review/or Religious Interior Castle is normally to be expected. St. Teresa's terminology is used and one anticipates sbmething very wonderful. But then one finds out that only "what is essential" is promised us, and that seems much less indeed. Such language is surely apt to deceive the less wary. On this point, the climax of everything, Father Hughes has sur-prisingly little. I was careful not to deny the thesis of the nor-mality of mystical contemplation, or the unity of the interior life, or even to call them in question, except insofar as the thesis is pre-sented as a corollary from the theory of the gifts. Of course I am not suggesting that the tiniest bit of infused con-templation is not a most precious grace. It is, by all means. Rather, the question is whether the mysticism which Father Garrigou- Lagra~nge holds out in prospect for us is the same as the substantive sublime graces depicted in St. Teresa's Mansions and in St. 3ohn's Spiritual Canticle and The Living Flame. It seems highly fitting that I should add a word on two personal references that some readers will resent. I used a quotation in which Scotus was called '~the Subtle Doctor." There appears to be no reason for the depreciatory language which my critic uses. Scotus was one of the most influential of all Scholastic philosophers and theologians; for centuries innumerable times he has been referred to as "the Subtle Doctor" in more or less the same way that St. Thomas is termed "the Angelic Doctor." There was no suggestion at all that he is a Doctor of the Church; yet he is great enough to have been the theologian to whom above all others under the providence of God the Church owes the dogma of the Immaculate Conception. Likewise it seems inexplicable that Poulain, the author of The Graces of Interior Prayer, A Treatise on Mystical Theology, should be referred to with these words: "apparently not a theologian, how-ever proficient a psychologist" (p. 89). True, Poulain was not a dogmatic theologian, and his design in writing on mystical the-ology was different from that of Father Garrigou-Lagrange, but his work is in certain respects, especially for an account of the facts of mysticism and for practical help in direction, of first-class worth and thus far unsurpassed. To conclude: if I am right in taking Father Hughes to mean that the doctrine of the gifts is to be considered certain only in a relative and limited sense, and not with the obvious and proper force of that term, then on the'chief point we are in agreement. If not, I would 94 March, 19 5 0 COMMUNICATIONS say to readers who have followed this criticism 'and countercriticism, especially if they have actually read The Three Ages, andpr.eferably against the background of Saints Teresa and 3ohn of the Cross: "I speak to men of reflection; judge for yourselves of what I say" (I Cor. 10:lS).--G. AUGUSTINE ELLARD, S.J. ommun{caldons Reverend Fathers: A few years ago in an issue of Emmanuel the reviewer of one of the books of Father Garrigou-Lagrange expressed his doubt of the truth of the characteristic doctrines of that eminent theologian, at the same time stating his hope that a more thorough criticism would be made in a lengthier review. That same doubt and hope have been felt by many who read Christian Perfection and Contemplation and The Three Ages of the Interior Life. In those works the views of the author on some points of dogmatic and of mystical theology were stated in such a way that the reader if not versed in these matters would conclude that these particular views are not seriously disputed by competent Catholic theologians. But they are disputed, and to bring out this fact, as Father Ellard has done in his review of The Three Ages of the Interior Life in your November, 1949, issue, is to render a real service to the reader of these valuable spiritual books. The truth that some of Father (3arrigou-Lagrange's theories are disputed, and are not part of Cath-olic doctrine nor the unanimous opinions of theologians will not hurt anyone. Veritas vos liberabit. In emphasizing the disputed character of .these opinions of the gifted.writer, it is not intended in any way, I am sure, to imply that he has deliberately misled his readers. But Father Garrigou-Lagrange has led the majo.r portion of his life in the midst of skilled theo-logians. He naturally and unconsciously keeps them in mind as he writes. Yet what he writes is being read by many who are n~;t versed in even the fundamentals of theology and who consequently may easily be misle.d by his statement, of his positions. For the general public a clearer statement of what is general Catholic doctrine and what. is not, is certainly desirable. May I add a personal note? After some experience in directing 95 SUMMER SESSIONS ReVietO [or Religi,,os souls who have undoubtedly received the gift of infused contempla-tion, I find it difficult.to believe that Father Garrigou-Lagrange has any real concept, of infused contemplation at all. Everything he writes leads me to believe that he is really thinking and speaking of that prayer which is variously called "acquired contemplation," "the prayer of ~implicity," etc. There is an essential distinction between this simplification of discursive prayer and infused contemplation; and that distinction, I believe, cannot be understood merely from ¯ reading the works of mystical writers or theologians. I thoroughly agree with the Benedictine' who said 'that "the conception that St. John of the Cross had of mysticism and contemplation entirely escaped" the gifted author of Tile Three Ages. No harm can come from giving testimony to the inexactitude of Father Garrigou-Lagrange's distinction between Catholic doctrine and the theories of certain theologians; nor to the incorrectness of his understanding of the fundamental nature of infused contempla-tion.-- A SECULAR PRIEST. [EDITORS' NOTE: Further communications concerning Father Ellard's appraisal.of The Three Ages will be acgepted. These communications should be kept as brief as the subject-matter permits. If at all possible, they should be neatly typed, double-spaced, with generous margin. The sender should sign his name; and the name will be printed unless the content is of a personal nature.] SUMMER SESSION The Plus X School of Liturgical Music, founded by the late Mother Georgia Stevens, will conduct its Thirty-Fourth Summer Session: June 29-Augtist 10. Registration is open to men and women, whether as students matriculated for the B.A. or B.Mus., degrees, or as non-matriculated students; resident and non-resident. Courses will be offered in Gregorian Chant, Gregorian Accompaniment, Con-ducting, Polyphony, Liturgical Singing, Vocal Production, History of Music, Keyboard Harmony,. Music Education, Counterpoint, .etc. Members of the Staff have been long trained in the traditions of Solesmes and have national and international pedagogical experience and recognition. Private lessons in organ, piano, and singing may be procured. Membership is held by the School in the National Association of Schools of Music and it enjoys the official approval of the most eminent music organizations. According to a long-established custom there will be lectures by prominent musicologists and the usual s, eries of weekly concerts. Students will be given the opportunity of~active particip.ation in the Liturgy by the congrega- 96 March, 1950 BOOK REVIEWS tional singing of Holy Mass, Vespers, Compline, and Benediction. The Very Reverend Monsignor Frederic Teller, D.D., Ph.D.,C.G.M. will teach some courses. The Ve.ry Reverend Monsignor Martin B. Hellriegel, of the Church of the Holy Cross, St. Louis, Mo., and the Reverend 3ohn 3. Dougherty, S.T.L.,S.S.D. of the Immaculate Con-ception Seminary, D~rlington, N. 3, will give daily lectures on the Liturgy throughout the Session. For further information write to: Mother Aileen Cohalan, Director, Manhattanville College of the Sacred Heart, New York 27, New York. Book Reviews THE MOTHER OF THE SAVIOR AND OUR INTERIOR LIFE. By Reginald Garrigou-Lagrange, O.P. Translated by Bernard J. Kelly, C.S.Sp. Pp. 338. B. Herder Book C;o., St. Lou~s, M~ssourL $4.00. The theological and d~votional literature about the Blessed Virgin is so extensive that .a new synthesis by a capable author is highly welcome: Father Garrigou-Eagrange published such a syn-thesis in 1941 (reprinted in 1948). The present translation from thd French makes his book available for the la.rge number of readers who have come to value his works in English versions. The book is divided into two parts. The first part, on "The Divine Maternity and the Plenitude of Grace," is doctrinal. It aims at imparting knowledge about Our Lady and her unique position, in subordination to her divine Son, at the very summit of creation and the supernatural order. The pre-eminence of the divine mater-nity, which dominates all Mariology as the source and end of all Mary's great gifts, is very clearly brought out. Here and there a line of reasoning is pursued that is not very convincing: but strictly theo-logical procedures are hardly to be expected in a work that is more devotional in spirit than scientific. The second part, on "Mary, Mother of all Men: Her Universal Mediation and our Interior Life," demonstrates Mary's activity in the plan of redemption and the important causality she exercises in our salvation and sanctification. In view of the character of the volume, the author has wisely refrained from entering into the contemporary debate among theo-logians on the precise meaning and function of Mary as co-redemp- 97 BOOK R~VlEWS Review [or Religious trix, contenting himself with general expressions that should prove acceptable to all parties in the controversy. The main source for the theological presentation is Merkelbach's well-known Mariologia. But the Fathers, the great Scholastics and their later successors, spiritual writers, orators, and Popes are called upon to yield up their treasures. Many gems have been contributed by Saints Ambrose, Sophronius, Andrew of Crete, Ephrem, and Peter Damien. Saints Bernard, Albert the Great, Bonaventure, Thomas Aquinas, Alphonsus, Grignon de Montfort, and Francis de Sales have all offered their riches. Suarez, Terrien, Dublanchy, le Bachelet, and Hugon have generously thrown open their books. And these great names represent but a sampling of the numerous sources consulted and utilized. The encyclicals of Popes Leo XIII, Pius X, Benedict XV, and Plus XI manifest the mind of the Church on recent Mariological doctrine. The Polish Dominican, Justin of Mi~chow, provides the inspiration for one of the finest chapters in the book, "Special Aspects of Mary's Queenship." The article on the Rosary sheds fresh light on that welt-loved devotion, and sug-gests a way of practicing it that will be profitable to all Catholics. The translator has done his part admirably. Comparison with the French edition shows how faithful Father Kelly has been to the orig!nal. If we did not know that the English edition is a transla-tion, we could hardly guess that fact from reading the book. And that is the supreme criterion of the translator's success. CYRIL VOLLERT, S.J. IGNATIAN METHODS OF PRAYER. By Alexandre Brou, S.J. Translated by William J. Young, S.J. Pp. xl ~ 203. The Bruce Publishing Com-pany, Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 1949. $3.00. The aim of this book is very clearly stated by the author when he tells us that he set out to discover "what exactly did St. Ignatius want to say, and what did he say" on the subject of prayer. The word "discover" is used purposely, for the many commentators on St. Ignatius have not always clarified his thought nor passed it on unadulterated to their readers. Father Brou observes: "Now it some-times happens that with'the best intentions in the World his thought has been misunderstood. Authors . . . have viewed the teachings of the Saint through a mist of commentary, and a commentator never fails to add something to his text" (p. vii). Father Brou gdes back to sdurces, the text of the Spiritual Exer-cises, and he interprets them in the light of Stl Ignatius' personal March, 1950 BOOK REVIEWS letters, supplementing his findings with. the writings of intimate con-temporaries of the Saint--St. Francis Xavier, Blessed Peter Faber, Father Nadal--to mention but three. The work is divided into four main divisions. In the first St. Ignatius' teaching on prayer and the interior life, the ,relation of prayer to the apostolate, seeking God in all things, the presence of God, and finally mystical prayer are treated. The second and third parts are devoted to the preparations for prayer and the so-called methods of prayer respectively, while the fourth part treats the coun-sels for the time during and after prayer, and tl~e rules for the dis-cernment of spirits. Two features of the teachin'g of.St. Ignatius as presented in this book are noteworthy. First is the continuity ot: practically every portion of the Ignatian teaching with a tradition of Catholic spirit-uality which he both inherited and developed into the forms found in the Exercises. The other is what we might call the compatibility of high prayer with the active life of the apostolate. Great mystic ¯ that he was, SI~. Ignatius was eminently a man of the active aposto-late, what we would call nowadays a man of affairs. He conceived the man of affairs as a man of prayer, and a life of prayer as not at all incompatible with a full daily schedule. "To St. Francis Borgia he asserts that it is more perfect to be able to find God everywhere and in all things than to have need of an oratory and long prayers to enter into union with Him" (p. 39). The book combines the excellent qualities of thoroughness and brevity. It can be r~ad and reread with profit.--T. L. McNAIR, S.J. LITTLE CATECHISM OF PRAYER. By Father Gabr;el of St. Mary Mag-dalen, O.C.D. Transla÷ed by ÷he Discalced Carmelite Nuns. Pp. 44. Monastery of Discalced Carmelites, Concord, New Hampshire, 1949. $.2S (paper). People in general who cultivate mental prayer and v.ery particu-larly all those who would like to practice it in the spirit and after the manner of the Carmelites, traditional leaders in matters of the contemplative life, will welcome this Little Catechism. In six chap-ters and eighty-nine questions it introduces one to "prayer in the contemplative life," "the methbd of mental prayer," "preparation and reading," "meditation and colloquy," "difficulties in prayer," and "the presence of God." There is nothing theoretical or learned or meticulously precise about it. Evidently it is meant, as its title suggests, to be a simple and practical primer. On the other hand 99 BOOK NOTICES Review for Religious there "are thoughts in it which would be helpful and inspiring, I should say, to almost anyone, even tb contemplatives far advanced in the ways of prayer and sanctity. For instance, from the very first page one might learn this distinction between the Christian life and the contemplative life: the good Christian "lives /:or God," whereas the contemplative soul "lives not only for God, but also with God." Likewise it is emphasized at the very beginning in a quotation from St. Teresa that to reach the higher degrees of prayer one must per-force add the practice of mortification, "because prayer and comfort do not go together."--G. AUGUSTINE ELLARD, S.,J. BOOK NOTICES BLESSED MARIA GORETTI: Martyr for Purity, by 3ohn Cart, C.SS.R., is an admirable life of the twentieth-century martyr whom the Holy Father intends to canonize in the course of the present holy year. Blessed Maria sets an ideal before modern youth who live in an atmosphere so perilous to purity. (Dublin: Clonmore ~ Reynolds, Ltd., 1949. Pp. 70. 3/6.) Father Louis I. Fanfani, O.P., an outstanding modern canonist, has published a third edition of DE IURE RELIGIOSORUM. While keeping all the good qualities of previous editions, the book has been brought up to date and considerably increased in volume. A separate chapter is devoted to the newly established Secular Institutes. Four important documents are added by way of appendices: I. The new Norrnae of 1921; II. Letter of the Sacred Congregation of. Religious of 1931 on the formation and training of religi6us for sacred orders; III. Instruction on the enclosure of nuns with solemn vows issued in 1924; and, IV. The Statutes for Extert~ Sisters of monasteries of nuns, approved by Pope Pius XI in 1929 an'd published by the Sacred Congregation of Religious two years later. These documents are given in the original Latin text. (Rovigo, Italy: .Istituto Padano di Arti Grafiche, 1949. Pp. xxxi + 810. L. 2000.) OUR ETERNAL VOCATION, written anonymously by a Carmelite nun in England, is intended for all, priests, religious, or laity, who are interested in attaining higher sanctity. Of its three main sections, the first treats of sanctity in gener.al, its meaning, its instruments, its fruits (pp. 9-135). The second is concerned with religious voca-tion in particular (pp. 135-177). The last tells about the sanctity and mission of St. Therese of Lisieux (pp. 177-207). The doctrine seems to be solid throughout and Jr'is presented palatably by a crisp style tinged With feeling and garnished with 100 March, 195 0 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS striking illustrations. The book contains some shrewd psychology on the value of sincerity in attaining holiness, on methods of over-coming mental depression, on the natural requisites for a religious vocation. As might be expected, the author emphasizes the "Iittle way" of St. Therese, but she does not derogate from other methods of acquiring sanctity. (Westminster, Maryland: The Newman Press, 1949. Pp. 207, $2.25.) BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS [These notices are purely descriptive, based on a cursory examination of the books listed. Some of the books will be reviewed or will be given longer notices later. The list is complete up to Feb. 10.] CARMELITE THIRD'ORDER PRESS, 6427 Woodlawn Avenue, Chi-. cago 37. Take This Scapulart. By Carmelite Fathers and Tertiaries. Pp. 270. $2.50. Unfolds the story of Our Lady's Scapular. FRANCISCAN HERALD PRESS, 1434 W. 51st Street, Chicago. Tertiar~ Office of the Parers. Pp. 103. $.50 (30% discount for orders of 25 or more). A vest-pocket booklet of aids in reciting the office prepared especially for members of the Third Order of St. Francis. Also contains the Seraphic Office, the Office of the Pas-sion, and the Franciscan Tertiary Office with reflections. M. H. GILL ~ SON, Ltd., 50 Upper O'Connell Street, Dublin. Fair as the Moon. By Father M. Oliver, O.Cist.R. Pp. xi -b 235. 12s. 6d. A portrait of Mary, the Mother of God and "Purest of Creatures." Catherine McAule~I: The First Sister of Mercy. Pp. x ÷ 434. 15/-. "This book, the fruit of considerable research, is based largely on hitherto unpublished document's, and throws fresh light on Cath-erine McAuley's life and work." [5. HERDER BOOK COMPANY, St. Louis 2, Missouri. Ps~/cbiatq/and Asceticism. By Felix D. Duffey, C.S.C. Pp. 132. $2.00. True Stories for First Communicants. Pp. 80. $1.25. First Communion Davis. Pp. 96. $1.25. Both by a Sister of Notre Dame. True stories which should help children in preparing for their first Communion and after. The books were first printed in 1919 and 1920 respectively. The Life of Our Lord Jesus Christ. Two volumes. By Maurice 101 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS for Religiou* Meschler, S.J. Pp. xxii q-- 545 arid viii -b 551. $12.00 (set). Translated by Sister Mary Margaret, O.S.B. This is the fifth edi-tion of the author's well-known meditations on the life of Christ. LEMOYNE COLLEGE PRESS, LeMoyne Heights, Syracuse 3, New York. Inigo de Logola. By Pedro Leturia, S.J. Pp. xiii + 209. $4.50. The story of the early life of St. Ignatius up to and including his conversion. LIBRERIA FRANCESCO FERRARI, Via dei Cestari, 2, Kome, Italy. Manuale Tbeorico-Practicurn Tbeologiae Moralis ad Mentern D. Thomae. By Father Louis J. Fanfani, O.P. Pp. xix + 648. This is the first of a set of three volumes. It treats of man's last end, human acts, laws, conscience, the virtues, sins, and censures. It is planned to complete the set within the course of the year. LITURGICAL PRESS, St. John's Abbey, Collegeville, Minnesota. Life. and Miracles of St. Benedict. By Pope St. Gregory the Great. Translated by Odo J. Zimmermann, O.S.B., and Benedict R.Avery, O.S.B. Pp. xv q- 87. $2.00 (cloth); $.90 (paper). A translation of Book Two of the Dialogues of St. GregorY. MCLAUGHLIN ~ REILLY, 45 Franklin Street, Boston 10. When the People Sang. By Marie Pierik. Pp. 32. $.50 (paper). "A simple treatise on the Gregorian Chant, its history and use." NEWMAN PRESS, Westminster, Maryland. Treatise on Prager and Meditation. By St. Peter of Alcantara. Translated by Dominic Devas, O.F.M. Pp. xx ÷ 211. $2.50. Besides this classic treatise on prayer, the book contains an introdtic-tion and sketch of the saint's life and a complete English version of Pax Anirnae, a treatise formerly attributed to the saint. The Spiritual Life of the Priest. By M. Eugene Boylan, O.C.R. Pp. 161. $2.50. A reprint of a series of articles which first appeared in the pages of The Priest. The Holg Year of Jubilee. By Herbert Thurston, S.J. Pp. xxiv -[- 420. $4.25. An account of the history and ceremonial of the Roman jubilee. Contains many illustrations. First printed in 1900. The Wag of Divine Love. Pp. xxxvii q- 532. $4.25. A com-plete account of the revelations of the Sacred Heart as made to Sister Josefa Menendez, Coadjutrix Sister of the Society of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. There is also a short biography of the Sister and an analytical index. 102 March, 1950 BOOK ANNOUNCEMENTS Purgatorg and the Means to AvoidIt. By Martin Jugie, A.A. Pp. 203. $3.25. A doctrinal and devotional treatment of a subject that is of interest to all. The book is translated from the seventh French edition by Malachy Gerard Carroll. The Life and Revelations of Saint Gertrude: Virgin and Abbess, of the Order of St. Benedict. Pp. xlv + 570. $4.00. A reprinting of an old favorite which first appeared some eighty years ago. Prager for All Times. By Pierre Charles, S.J. Translated by Maud Monahan. Foreword by C. C. Martindale, S.J. Pp. 328. $3,50. A book on prayer designed "to mak~ smooth the ways of the spirit and to unfold the eternal message of the nearness of God." Little Catechism of the Act of Oblation of St. Th~r~se of the Child Jesus. By the Carmelites of Lisieux. Translated by Rev. Mi-chael Collins, A.M. Pp. 22. $.25. PROVINCE OF ST. JOSEPH OF THE CAPUCHIN ORDER, 1740 Mt. EI-liott Avenue, Detroit, Michigan. Meditations: Volume I: Advent to Ash Wednesday. By Bernar-dine Goebel, O.F.M.Cap. Translated from the German by Berch- "mans Bittle, O.F.M.Cap. Pp. 537. $3.50 (paper). ST. CATHARINE JUNIOR COLLEGE LIBRARY, St. Catharine, Ken-tucky. The Catholic Booklist 1950. Edited by Sister SteIla Marls, O.P., for the Catholic Library Association. Pp. 74. $.65 (paper). "An annotated bibliography, for the most part Catholic in authorship or subject matter, chosen as a guide to the recreational and instructional reading of Catholics." UNIVERSITY OF NOTRE DAME PRESS, Notre Dame, Indiana. The Christfan Vfrtues. By Charles E. Sheedy, C.S.C. Pp. xi q- 361. $3.00. A book on moral theology for college students and lay readers. God and the World of Man. By Theodore M. Hesburgh, C.S.C. Pp. viii -}- 318. $3.00. A theological text for the layman. Treat-ises on faith, God, the Trinity, creation, the elevation and fall of .man, the end of the world and man. JOSEPH F. WAGNER, INC., 53 Park Place, New York 7. --Must It be Communism? By Augustine J. Osgniach, O.S.B. Pp. x -]- 486. A philosophical inquiry into the major issues of today. The last three chapters are by Jerome L. Toner, O.S.B. 103 .uestdons and Answers We have an application from a woman who has obtained a permanent separation from her husband and now wishes to try out the religious llfe. Creusen, ReBgious Men and H/omen ~n the Code, p. 135, states: "A wife abandoned by her husband., does not need his consent to enter, rell-gion. One may see in R.C.R., 1939, under what conditions her entry into religion may be obtained." Please tell us what R.C.R. stands for, and, if convenient, give us a summary of the conditions referred to. R.C.R. refers to a review for religious published in Belgium by Father Creusen and his associates under the title Reoue des Commun-autos Religieuses (53 rue Royale, Brussels, Belgium). Here is a sum-mary of what Father Creusen wrote in the answer referred to. (1) The aspirant must not have been in any way the gravely culpable cause of the separation. (2) There must be moral certitude that she cannot be forced legally to abandon the religious life in order to resume married life. A civil divorce is the best guarantee. (For this the bishop's permission should be obtained.) (3) If the appli-cant has children, their care and support will have to be guar~inteed. (4) The superior of an institute or monastery who is willing to accept her on trial must be convinced that she has an extraordinary vocation and that there are particular reasons to anticipate her perse-verance. If all these conditions are fulfilled, the person in question may appeal to the Holy See for the necessary dispensation. She should do so personally. To this personal appeal a letter of recommenda-tion from her bishop should be added. This recommendation should be given at least regarding the good character of the person, even though the bishop does not wish to support her application for the dispensation. Finally, a letter from the religious superior who is willing to accept the candidate, stating that she believes the applicant to have an extraordinary vocation and that the community is willing to receive her on trial, will complete the official documents required. A baptismal certificate of the applicant and a copy of the decree of civil divorce ~hould be sent along with the other documents. Father Creusen concludes his answer with the following para-graph: "It must be added that the Holy See shows itself very prudent and very reserved in granting this dispensation. The utmost good will in the beginning is far, it seems, from guaranteeing perseverance 104 QuEs-r~o~s ~no ANswrRs in vocations of this kind. It is useless to encourage the application without exceptional reasons." Canon law cjrants to superiors the rlgttf #o extend: (I) the posfulancy, but not beyond six months (canon 539, § 2); (2) the time of the novif~ofe, but not beyond six months {canon 571, § 2); (3~ the period of temporary vows, but

Issue 26.1 of the Review for Religious, 1967. ; impl~m~ntation of. Vaticaffllf~ '~- Monastic Pr~opbsal for Canon Law~, ~ by Monasticum Consilium Iuris Canonici 19 " Interview With Abbot Butldr ~' ~ e~tri~ ~fi~1~ '~ ~6 '. _POverty ~n Rehg~ous Life 4, by Ladiilqk. M. ~0~, S.J. . 60 Sanctificati~p t~oug~he Apostolate ~ ' b~ C~rles ~. Schleck, O,S.C. 83" Religious Life and the Christian Life 7' , by Sist~ Elaine Marie,~ S.'L.~ 1~37 ;? Complementarity by ~vid B. Burrell, C.S.C. ~ 149, Bibliography f6r R~enewal " by: Damien ~Isabell, O.F.M., . and Brot~r . Joach(m, O.F.M.~ 16~ Survey of Roman Documents 174 Views, News, PreVie"ws 180 Questions and Answers 183 Book Reviews 191 VOLUM~ 26 NUMBER 1 January 1967 Volume 26 1967 EDITORIAL OFFICE St. Mary's College St. Marys, Kansas 66536 BUSINESS OFFICE 428 East Preston Street Baltimore, Maryland 21202 ASSOCIATE EDITORS Everett' A. Diederich, S.J. Augustine G. Ellard, S.$. ASSISTANT EDITORS Ralph F. Taylor, S.J. William J. Weiler, S.J. DEPARTMENTAL EDITORS Questions and Answers Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. St. Joseph's Church 321 Willings Alley Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 19106 Book Reviews William J. Mountain, S.J. Bellarmine School of Theology of Loyola University 230 South Lincoln Way North Aurora, Illinois 60542 Published in January, March, May, July, September, Novem. her on the fifteenth of the month. REVIEW FOR RELI. GIOUS is indexed in the CATHOLIC PERIODICAL IN-DEX and in BOOK REVIEW INDEX Notice to Subscribers Because of constantly increasing costs, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS finds it necessary to increase the cost of its individual issues as well as of its sub-scriptions. The new rates, effective in' 1967, are the following: (1) Individual issues of the REWEW now cost one dollar; this price applies not only to all issues beginning with 1967 but also to all previously published issues. (2) Subscriptions in the United States, Canada, and Mexico now cost $5.00 per year; $9.00 for two years. (3) Subscriptions to other countries now cost ,$5.50 per year; $10.00 for two years. (4) All the above prices are in terms of U.S.A. dollars; accordingly all payments must be made in U.S.A. funds. These prices affect all individual issues sold on or after January 1, 1967. The new subscription prices are applicable to all subscriptions--new and renewed--beginning with the January, 1967, issue of the REVIEW. JOSEPH F. GALLEN, S.J. Implementation of Vatican II on Religious Life The postconciliar motu proprio of August 6, effective October 11, 1966, obliges all Latin and Oriental religious institutes to put into effect the pertinent norms of Vati-can Council II. The institutes are to promote primarily a newness of spirit and through this effect a renewal and adaptation of life and discipline. Renewal is not accom-plished once for all time. It is a continuous process that is to be maintained by the fervor of the members and the care of chapters and superiors. The documents of the Council that are principally to be studied are the Decree on the Appropriate Renewal of the Religious Life and Chapters V and VI of the Dogmatic Constitution on the Church, but all other conciliar documents should also be considered. The principal part in renewal and adaptation apper-tains to the religious institutes themselves, especially through their general chapters. The chapter is not merely to legislate but should also further the spiritual and apostolic activity of the institute. To promote renewal and adaptation, a special general chapter, ordinary or extraordinary, is to be assembled within two or at the most three years in all institutes, whether pontifical or diocesan. This special chapter may be divided into two distinct periods of sessions, if the chapter itself so decrees in'a secret vote. The interval between the periods should not generally extend beyond a year. The general chapter has the authority to change cer-tain norms of the constitutions experimentally, provided the purpose, nature, and character of the institute are preserved. Prudent experiments contrary to the common law of the Church, if judged profitable, will be freely permitted by the Holy See. These experiments may be Joseph F. Gal-len, s.J., resides at Saint Joseph's Church; 321 Wil-lings Alley; Phila-delphia, Pennsyl-vania 19106. VOLUME 26, 1967 5 4. 4. 4. Joseph F. Gallen, S.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 6 extended to the next ordinary general chapter, which also has the power to extend them but not beyond the following ordinary general chapter. The general council possesses the same authority of experimentation accord-ing to the conditions determined by the chapters in the intervals between these chapters. The definitive approba-tion of the constitutions is reserved to the Holy See for pontifical congregations and to the unanimous consent of all the local ordinaries in whose dioceses the congrega-tion has houses, in the case of a diocesan congregation. ,The cooperation of all superiors and members is necessary for the renewal of the religious life in them-selves, to prepare the spirit of the chapters, for accom-plishing the work of the chapters, and for the faithful observance of the norms enacted by the chapters. In preparing the special general chapter, the general council shall make provision for a wide and free consultation of the members and shall suitably collate and arrange the ideas received in this consultation to help and direct the work of the chapter. This can be accomplished through reports of community and provincial chapter discussions, appointment of commissions, sending out questionnaires, and so forth. The constitutions should contain the evangelical and theological principles on the religious life and on its union with the Church, as also the spirit and purposes of the founder and the sound traditions which constitute the spiritual patrimony of an institute. They should also include adequate but not superfluous juridical norms. The constitutions are to be imbued with the true spirit and be a vital rule. They must therefore contain both the spiritual and juridical norms and avoid a text that is merely exhortatory or merely juridical. The general chapters of institutes of simple vows should decree whether the constitutions are to permit or oblige to the renunciation of personal patrimonial property, whether already acquired or to be acquired, and whether the renunciation is to be made before perpetual profession or some years afterward. Superiors of all levels should have sufficient authority and be freed of the necessity of useless and too frequent recourse to higher authorities. Chapters and councils, each in their own way, should manifest the participation and care of all the members for the entire community, which will be verified especially if the members have a truly efficacious part in choosing those who constitute the chapters and councils. The study and meditation of the gospel and of all of Sacred Scripture is to be more intensely fostered in all the members from the noviceship, as also participation by more apt means in the life and mystery of the Church. For a closer participation in the liturgy, it is recom-mended that the entire or part of the Divine Office be substituted for a Little Office. A wider place is to be given to mental prayer instead of a multitude of vocal prayers, but the pious exercises commonly received in the Church are to be maintained. Religious more than the rest of the faithful should be devoted to penance and mortification. Penitential practices of an institute, if necessary, should be suitably adapted. In the present practice of the Sacred Congregation of Religious, an ordinary general chapter is one that takes place at the expiration of the term of office of the su-perior general, and on his or her death, resignation, or deposition; when convoked for any other reason, the chapter is extraordinary. The term of office of a superior general is ordinarily six years. The general chapter to be assembled within the next three years is special because its purpose is to promote renewal and adaptation. It may coincide with an ordinary general chapter; otherwise, it will be an extraordinary chapter of affairs, but no per-mission of the Holy See or of local ordinaries will be necessary to convoke it. The particular law of a lay religious congregation commonly consists of a Rule, if the congregation follows one, constitutions, directory, custom book, ordinances of the general chapter, regulations of higher superiors, book of common prayers, and a ceremonial. The congregation has had and still possesses the authority to change all of these except the Rule and constitutions. Any change in the Rule, e.g., of St. Augustine or St. Francis of Assisi, still demands the same authorization from the Holy See. Number six of the new norms of August 6 states: This general chapter has the right to change experimentally some norms of the constitutions . Prudent experiments contrary to the common law, if suitable, will be freely per-mitted by the Holy See. The expression, "some norms," is evidently vague. How-ever, the norms explicitly require the permission of the Holy See only for a change contrary to the common law, i.e., canon law. If permission were required for an ex-perimental change in any other type of article or with regard to any individual article, the necessity of such permission should have been stated; otherwise, the re-ligious institutes would be left with a highly obscure and sufficiently impractical power of experimentation, which would be contrary to the explicit purpose of the document. Obviously a congregation may not change any law of God that may be repeated in its constitutions, but it may experimentally change on its own authority any other norms of the constitutions, whether spiritual, ÷ ÷ ÷ Implementation o~ Vatican 11 VOLUME 26, 1967 7 ÷ ÷ ÷ 1oseph F~ Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 8 merely disciplinary, or juridical or legal, with the ex-ception of changes that would be contrary to canon law. A list is appended of changes that would or would not be contrary to canon law. The new document also gives permission for one sus-pension and reconvening of the special general chapter. This matter was quite fully treated in the RzviEw FOg P, ZLICIOtJS, 2'1 (1965), 476-7. The doctrine there given was that an institute may have that number of distinct periods of sessions that is required for the proper carry-mg out of its work. The treatment of the question in the. RzwEw concluded as follows: A chapter should ordinarily be completed in the one session or series of sittings, simply because this is the usual practice and understanding. A suspension and reconvening of a chap-ter is permissible for a proportionate reason. This is forbidden neither by canon law nor, at least generally speaking, by the constitutions. It is also at times necessary or very useful for the satisfactory completion of the work of the chapter and there-fore in accord with the very nature of a chapter. Finally, canon law and the practice of .the Holy See in a.pproving, constitu-tions admit the suspension of a chapter in particular cases without any indication whatever thatsuspension is confined to these cases. C. before a paragraph means that the matter is con-trar. y to canon law and thus demands the permission of the Holy See for the experimental change. If there is no G. before the paragraph, the particular matter is not contrary to canon law and may therefore be changed experimentally without the permission of the Holy See in the case of pontifical institutes or that of the local ordinaries in the case of diocesan congregations. C. Change of the name of the institute or of its spe-cial purpose. Addition of new works. C. Changing a Rule, e.g., of St. Augustine or St. Francis. C. Subjection, care, and direction of a congregation of sisters by a~n institute of men. C. Elimination of the class of lay sisters and their transfer to the one class of sisters. Change in the rights and obligations of a class of sis-ters, e.g., of lay sisters. Change in active and passive voice for the election of delegates to the general or provincial chapter. C. To give less suffrages to the professed of temporary vows or to the novices. Giving, changing, or eliminating greater suffrages to those who have died in office or held office. Change or elimination, except in voting in a chapter, of precedence among members of the same institute. C. Elimination of precedence in voting in a chapter. Change in titles or names of sisters, e.g., with regard to title of mother and change from the name of a saint or mystery to the baptismal and family names of the in-dividual. Change in the habit and in the dress of the postulants provided the latter remains different from the habit of the novices. C. Change in the obligation of the professed and novices of wearing the religious habit. To exact or not exact a dowry, to exact it only condi-tionally, i.e., that the superior who admits should de-mand a dowry if and as far as this is possible; to exact it only from choir and not from lay sisters; to leave the determination of the amotmt of the dowry to the general chapter, mother general, mother provincial, or to the superior who admits; to determine when the dowry is to be given to the institute; to admit the candidate without a dowry when a just reason exists for doing so; to estab-lish that the candidate who was dispensed from the dowry or admitted without it must establish a dowry !ater if she receives any substantial gift or bequest. Establishment, change, elimination oL and dispensa-tion from the wardrobe and the sum to be paid for the expenses of the postulancy. Establishment, change, or elimination of the record o~ property that a candidate brings with her as also of witnesses for this record. Establishment, change, or elimination of the civilly valid document signed on admission to the postulancy in which the candidate declares that she will not seek compensation for services given to the institute before or after profession, if she leaves or is dismissed, as also with regard to the renewal of the document at the time of perpetual profession. Establishing or changing higher superiors competent to admit to the postulancy. Establishing, changing, or eliminating a vote of a council required for this admis-sion. C. Changing or eliminating any o~ the invalidating or merely prohibiting impediments to the noviceship established by canon 542, i.e., membership in a non- Catholic sect, and so forth. Change or elimination of any or all of the impediments to the noviceship established by the particular constitu-tions, e.g., the illegitimate who have not been legiti-mated, those over thirty years of age, widows, those who were postulants or novices in another religious institute, converts, and so forth. Establishing or changing the higher superiors com-petent to dispense from the impediments of the particu-÷ ÷ ÷ Implementation Vatican II VOLUME 26, 1967 9~ ]oseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 10 ]ar constitutions as also the vote of a council for such dispensations. . C. Ghange or elimination of the testimonial letters required for a professed religious who passes from one to another institute, and for those who have been in an ec-clesiastical college, postulancy, or noviceship of another institute. G. Ghange or elimination of certificates of baptism and confirmation required for admission to the novice-ship. Ghange or elimination of certificates of character and of good health as also of other testimonials required by the constitutions, e.g., parents' marriage certificate, cel'- tificates of studies and academic degrees, consent of parents or guardians, and so forth. C. To eliminate, shorten to less than six months, or dispense from the postulancy prescribed by canon law. To eliminate, abbreviate, or extend a postulancy or a duration o~ postulancy commanded only by the particu-lar constitutions, e.g., to extend a postulancy of nine months to a year. To give higher superiors the power of dispensing from such a postulancy or duration. Establishing or changing higher superiors competent to dismiss postulants. Establishing, changing, or elimi-nating a vote of a council required for this dismissal. Giving a local superior the right of dismissing a postu-lant, e.g., in an urgent case. Changing the discipline and formation, study, and occupation in external works during the postulancy, and the separation or association of the postulants with the novices and]or the professed. Establishing or changing the frequency and content of the reports to higher superiors on the postulants, novices, and professed of temporary vows. C. Prolongation of the postulancy for a period longer than six months. Establishment, change, or elimination of request to higher superiors ~or admission to the noviceship and the professions. To change the vote for admission to the noviceship from deliberative to consultative or vice versa. To establish or change a prescription that the mother provincial admits to the noviceship with the deliberative or consultative vote of her council but that this must be. supplemented by the confirmation, approval, or consent of the mother general either alone or with the delibera-tive or consultative vote of the general council, or a prescription that the mother provincial with the deliber-ative or consultative vote of her council merely proposes the admission to the noviceship to the mother general, who admits with the deliberative or consultative vote of her council. C. To change the norms on the canonical examina-tion by the local ordinary or his delegate before entrance into the noviceship, first profession, and perpetual pro-fession. C. To change the duration of the eight-day retreat and the norms for general confession before the noviceship. To change the higher superior competent to establish or transfer a novitiate and the vote of the council for these acts. C. To change the prescription that the permission of the Holy See is necessary for the valid establishment or transfer of a novitiate in a pontifical institute or the pro-hibition of establishing more than one novitiate in the same province without a serious reason and a special apostolic indult. To change a prescription that the permission of the local ordinary is necessary for the valid establishment or transfer of a novitiate in a diocesan congregation. To establish, change, or eliminate the prescription that each province must have its own novitiate. C. To change the separation of the novices and pro-fessed and the prohibition of communication between them. C. To change the prescription that superiors are to assign only exemplary professed to the novitiate house. C. To enact the canonical year as valid before the completion of the fifteenth year, or when made for a period less than an entire and continuous year, or made in a house not legitimately designated as a novitiate house. To permit the canonical year of noviceship to be made other than in the first year, e.g., in a noviceship of two years or eighteen months. To change the manner of beginning the noviceship. C. To change the manner of computing the canoni-cal year. C. To change the norms for the interruption of the canonical year, i.e., (1) if a novice is dismissed by the superior and leaves the house; (2) if a novice, without the permission of the superior, leaves the house with the in-tention of not returning; (3) if a novice has remained outside the house for more than thirty days; or the norm for the suspension of the canonical year, i.e., if a novice has been absent from the novitiate house for more than fifteen but not beyond thirty days. To change the manner of computing a noviceship that is longer than a year, e.g., to change the profession day to the second anniversary of the beginning of the novice-ship from the day after this second anniversay. C. To change the norm that absence from the noviti. ate house during the canonical year is to be permitted only for a just and grave reason. Implementation Vatican H VOLUME 26, 1967 ÷ ÷ 4. Joseph F. Gallen, S.l. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS C. To change the norm that a noviceship made for one class is not valid for another. C. To change the norms that during the canonical year novices (1) must not be employed in external works of the congregation; (2) nor should they apply them-selves intensively to the study of letters, sciences, or the arts; or that during the second year (3) the novices should not be employed in the external works beyond that per-mitted in the Instruction of the Sacred Congregation of Religious of November 3, 1921. C. To change the norm that the noviceship is not to be prolonged for more than six months. To change the vote of the council that the higher su-perior may need for a prolongation of the noviceship, e.g., from consultative to deliberative or vice versa. To change the higher superior competent for the dis-missal of a novice as also the vote for this dismissal. C. To change the duration of the eight-day retreat before first profession. To change the prescription that each novice is to be given a complete copy of the constitutions from the be-ginning of the noviceship. To establish or change those competent to admit a novice in danger of death to profession. C. To change the vote of the council for first pro-fession from deliberative to consultative or to no vote. C. To abbreviate or eliminate the three full years of temporary vows required before perpetual profession or to establish a period of temporary vows longer than six years. To prolong temporary profession in such a way that the total time in temporary vows is longer than six years. To change the manner of computing temporary profession (August 15, 1966-August 15, 1969). To establish or change the duration of the various temporary professions, e,g., five annual professions, three annual and one of two years, two annual and one of three years, one of two years and one of three, one of three and one of two years. To establish, abbreviate, extend, or abrogate a period of temporary vows longer than three but not longer than six years before perpetual profession. To dispense in whole or in part from a period of tem-porary vows beyond three years. C. To enact or permit that the first temporary pro-fession be made outside the novitiate house. To establish or change the place for renewals and pro-longation of temporary vows and for perpetual profes-sion. To establish or change the superior competent to de-cree a prolongation of temporary profession. C. To permit the anticipation of the renewal of temporary profession by more than a month or to permit the anticipation of perpetual profession. To change the formula and rite of profession. C. To change the prescription that there is to be no interval without vows between temporary professions or between temporary and perpetual profession. C. To change the prescription that the written decla-ration of a profession must be signed by the professed and the one who received the profession. To establish, change, or abrogate a prescription that the written declaration of a profession must be signed by other witnesses. C. To abrogate or change the canonical requisites for the validity of any juridical religious profession of canons 572-3, e.g., the sixteen and twenty-one full years necessary for the validity of temporary and perpetual profession. C. To change the norm that an invalid noviceship in-validates any subsequent religious profession. To establish or change the higher superior competent for admission to profession, the norms on the consent or confirmation of the mother general of an admission by the mother provincial, or on requests to the mother gen-eral by the mother provincial for admission, to enact a deliberative or consultative vote for perpetual profession and for renewal of temporary w)ws; and to establish or change to no vote a deliberative or consultative vote for the prolongation of temporary vows. To establish or change the higher superiors competent for the reception of various professions; to change this superior from the local ordinary to a higher superior of the institute; to delegate others also by the law of the constitutions for reception, e.g., provincial, regional, and local superiors, and their legitimate substitutes. C. To change the canonical norms on the convalida-tion and sanation of an invalid religious profession. C. To change the definition of the religious vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience. C. To eliminate or restrict the right of professed of simple vows to retain or acquire property for themselves (c. 101, § l, 2o). , C. To abrogate or change th~ prescription that a pro-fessed of simple vows must ced~ the administration and dispose of the use and nsufruct o! property already owned or acquired. | C. To abrogate or change the prescription that the permission of the Holy See is r ecessary for a change in favor of the congregation of a m~table part of this cession and disposition. C. To abrogate or change the prescription that a + 4. Implementation Vatican 11 VOLUME 26, 1967 13 ÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 14 novice in religious congregations, before profession of temporary vows, is to make a civilly valid will concern-ing all the property she actually possesses or may subse-quently acquire. C. To abrogate or change the permission demanded by canon law for a change in this will. C. To permit a peculium, to change or abrogate the norm that the material necessities are at least ordinarily and habitually to be requested from and supplied by the institute, or to eliminate the obligation of avoiding superfluities. To change the formula required for the imposition of a precept in virtue of the vow of obedience, to change the superiors competent to give such a precept, e.g., to give this power or take it away from local superiors. To change the prescribed frequency of confession. C. "To change the canonical norms on the place for the confessions of women. C. To eliminate or change the necessity of special jurisdiction for the confessions of professed religiou,s women and novices. C. To have more than one ordinary confessor for reasons beyond those stated in canon law. C. To change the canonical norms on the special or-dinary confessor, the extraordinary, supplementary, and occasional confessors, the confessor of a seriously sick sister, and the confessor of anyone in danger of death. G. To change the canonical norms on the duration of the term and the reappointment of the ordinary confes-sor. C. To change the prohibition of interference into the internal and external government of the community by ordinary and extraordinary confessors. To change the canonical norms on manifestation of conscience. G. To change the prescriptions concerning daily at-tendance at Mass, or the promotion of frequent and daily Communion, or the power of a superior to forbid a subject to receive Holy Communion in the case of grave scandal or of a serious external fault until she has ap-proached the sacrament of penance. To adopt the Divine Office, e.g., Lauds, Vespers, and Compline, and in the vernacular. To determine the part of the Office that is to be said in common. To legislate on the duration, hour, and place of mental prayer; on vocal prayer, e.g., on the quantity and the specific vocal prayers to be said; on the preparation for mental prayer; the particular and general examen; spiri. tual reading; the number and duration of prescribed visits to the Blessed Sacrament; duration of the annual retreat and duration of other retreats; on tridua; deter- mination of the precise day, d~ making the monthly recollectiox and devotional practices; and t tional renewal of vows and to ~ rite of this renewal. To eliminate, lessen, or chang. the chapter of faults. To chanf mortification and penance impo~ constitutions. C. To change the canonic~ cloister. To extend the prohibition of tered sections also to those of tl the same prohibition. To change the law of compan approved by the Sacred Congr the approval of constitntions, e. to. leave the house without a judgment of the superior, there so." "No sister shall go out with~ superior, who should if possibl trustworthy person as her comF To legislate on silence. To change the norms on th, for correspondence. To change tion of correspondence. To change the norms on or table. To change the suffrages [or tl~ C. To change the canonica ofa professed religious to anoth~ C. To change the canonical the expiration of temporary and secularization, dismissal, professed to secular life, and t] To enact that a canonical d: [essed of perpetual vows from ai To establish or change the d~ the general chapter, e.g., three, sembly. To change the place or dat~ specified in the constitutions. To establish or change the let deferring of the general chapter, To change the date of the ass ter after the death, resignatio: mother general, e.g., three or si To establish or change ex ot general chapter given to [orm~ establish or change a system of ration, and manner of t; on seasonal devotions ) legislate on the devo- :hange the formula and the manner of holding or adapt practices of ed or encouraged in the prescriptions on the entrance into the clois- ~e same sex; to abrogate ion to one of the norms .-'.gation of Religious in ,,., "Sisters are permitted ::ompanion when, in the is a just cause for doing .ut the permission of her '.: send, a sister or some lnion. ' necessity of permission or eliminate the inspec-to eliminate reading at deceased. norms on the transfer .~ institute. norms on departure at .rofession, exclaustration :,rovisional return of a ~ charitable subsidy. smissal frees also a pro- 1 her religious vows. ~te of the convocation of six months before its as-of the general chapter th of an anticipation or e.g., three or six months. ~mbly of a general chap- 1, or deposition of the ¢ months. ficio membership in the .r superiors general. To ~lelegates for the general ÷ + ÷ Irat~lementation ol Vatican 11 VOLUME 26, 1967 ]5 ÷ ÷ ÷ .~oseph F. Gailen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 16 or provincial chapter. To give ex officio membership in the general chapter to regional superiors. To establish that the mother general may summon others sisters who are not capitulars to assist in the clerical and similar work of the chapter, also to invite such sisters and externs to present and discuss questions with the chapter. To establish more than two tellers. To establish or change the number of capitulars who must be present for the validity of the acts of a general, provincial, or local chapter, e.g., two-thirds. To establish that a vote may be given by letter or proxy. C. To eliminate the presidency of the local ordinary at the election of the mother general or his right of con-firming this election in diocesan congregations. To enact or change a prescription that all sisters are obliged to accept any office to which they were elected. To enact or change, according to the system, a norm of the following tenor; from the date of the letter of convocation until the completion of the election of delegates, no vocal shall be transferred from one house to another; neither shall local superiors be changed until after the general or provincial chapter. In congregations divided into provinces, to establish or change the delegates to the general chapter from houses immediately subject to the mother general. To establish or change the number of de.legates to the general chapter from each province, e.g., two, three, four, five. To enact such delegates according to the number of sisters in a province. To give the provincial chapter authority to make proposals to the general chapter; to give it also the authority to make enactments for the province, which, however~ are not effective until approved by the mother general with the consent of her council. To eliminate the provincial chapter, i.e., to have the delegates elected merely by mailing in the votes from the houses to the mother provincial. To establish a norm on prudent consultation regard-ing the qualities of those eligible for office. To establish that the ballots are to be burned only after each session. To enact that before the election of the mother gen-eral, each and every capitular shall promise by oath to elect the one who, before God, she judges should be chosen. To forbid postulation in elections. To establish or change a retreat before the general or provincial chapter as also its duration and exposition of the Blessed Sacrament during it. C. To change the canonical mother general, i.e., ten years and forty years of age. To change the duration in off the length of her term; to estalz tion of her immediate reelectio: To enact that the secretary I eral are to be elected in the appointed by the mother gene, council and with or without a ~ ¯ To change the qualities reqt e.g., the age. To establish or change the n c6uncilor elected is also the assi a special election for this afv have been elected. To establish or change the n eral councilors except the assis secretary or treasurer general. To establish that the voting the chapter of affairs. To establish who have the to the general or provincial which the proposals must be p To establish that committee~, be appointed before the chapte lars by the mother general or 1 To establish that all ordina~ are to be confirmed, modified, chapter or that they remain i: abrogated by a subsequent cha[ To establish the norms on tt one province to another. C. To change the canonica nial report to the Holy See. To establish or change th~ visitation by higher superiors. To establish or exclude the for the higher superior in canor To establish or change the n another sister to make the car To enact that three general side the motherhouse. To enact the frequency of provincial, regional, and local ~ To determine the matters th a council by the law of the co~ To enact or abrogate an adx To enact the frequency of treasurer general to the mothe from the provincial and regior qualities required for a ff profession, legitimacy, ce of the mother general; lish or change a prohibi- ~.:neral and treasurer gen- 'eneral chapter or to be with the consent of her 'etermined term of office. !ired in a general official, :,rm that the first general stant general and to have ~r all general councilors orm that any of the gen- :ant general may also be ;~to be public or secret in ght of making, proposals :hapter and the time at ~sented. for the proposals are to v from among the capitu-aother provincial. ices of a general chapter or abrogated in the next ~ force until modified or transfer of a sister from norms on the quinquen-frequency of canonical aecessity of a companion ~ical visitations. wms for the delegation of 0nical visitation. councilors may live out-meetings of the general, :ouncils. at require a secret vote of ~stitutions. aonitor for superiors. tnancial reports from the general and her council, al superior to the mother ÷ ÷ Impleraentation o] Vatican II VOLUME 26, 1967 17 ÷ ÷ ÷ lo~eph F. Gallen, $.1. general; and from local superiors to the mother general, provincial, or regional superior. To establish norms for the investment of money. To establish the tax on houses, regions, and provinces for regional, provincial, and general expenses. To es-tablish norms for extraordinary taxes. C. To change the canonical norms on alienation, con-tracting of debts and obligations, or business and trade. To establish whether each province is to have its own house of studies. C. To change the canonical norms on the establish-ment, union, and suppression of provinces. C. To change the thirty years of age, legitimacy, and ten years of profession required by canon law for a mother provincial. To enact or change a higher age for the mother provin-cial, e.g., thirty-five years. To enact or change the number of provincial coun-cilors, i.e., two or four. To determine the duration in office and the norms for immediate reelection or reappointment of the mother provincial, provincial councilors, secretary, and treasurer. To enact whether all or some of these are to be appointed by the mother general with the consent of her council or elected in the provincial chapter. To determine the authority of a regional superior, the number of her councilors, frequency of council meetings, and the qualities necessary in a regional superior and officials. C. To change the canonical norms on the erection and suppression of houses. To enact that a local superior in office for sever~il suc-cessive years, e.g., six or twelve, may not again be ap-pointed local superior in any house, outside of a case of serious necessity, before the lapse of a certain number of years, e.g., one, two, three, six. To determine the number of local councilors. To establish or change a term of office for the mistress of novices; to forbid her continuation in office beyond a certain number of years, e.g., twelve. To establish that the mother general may authentically interpret the ordinances of the general chapter. To establish or change a two-thirds vote of the general chapter required for a change in the constitutions. To legislate on the juniorate, the education, and for-mation of the members of the congregation. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 18 CONSILIU~ MONASTICIM CANONICI A Monastic P Introductory Remarks [These introductory remarks wet meeting of the Canon Law Society 1966.] "The Monastic Proposal for Law" had its origin in early 1964 Canon Law Society, Monsignor Spencer Abbey. Monsignor tol~ board had decided to sponsor "in problematic areas in canonical ] which is almost wholly lacking il is such a problematic area. Mon., in the work of the Society in thi: After consulting with variot with Monsignor Harrington, it ~ the active collaboration of all the United States and Canada who enter into the project. This C( we came to call this gathering o to elaborate a proposal for mon: discussed in some general way i~ national convention and present mission for the Revision of the In the months following I vi teries and came into contact canonists. With the help of the~ tionnaire .was prepared and set periors of the United States and The whole question of mona~ into twelve topical sections. Tw( took to prepare background stm IURIS :oposal for Revision of anon Law given at the twenty-eighth ,f America, October ! 1-13, the Revision of Canon ~vhen the president of the Paul Harrington, visited me that the executive depth studies" of various .~gislation. Monastic law, the present codification, gnor invited me to assist area. ; abbots and at length as decided we would seek monastic canonists of the were willing and able to ,nsilium Monasticum, as [ monastic canonists, was ~stic law which would be a workshop of the 1965 ~.~d to the Pontifical Cora-l: ode of Canon Law. Jted over twenty monas-vith thirty-five monastic men an extensive ques-to all the monastic su- Canada in January, 1965. tic provision was divided , or three canonists under-lies in each of these areas. ÷ ÷ ÷ Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, !.967 19 MoCnoanstsii~lluumm REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 2O As replies to the questionnaire were received, the pertinent matter was forwarded to the respective canonists. In April, 1965, twenty-five monastic canonists and scholars assem-bled for a week's meeting at New Melleray Abbey near Dubuque. Father Paul Boyle, C.P., president of the Canon Law Society, took an active part in the discussions, as did Father James Richardson, C.M., chairman of the canon law committee of the Conference of Major Superiors of Men, and Abbot Lawrence Vohs, O.S.B., chairman of the Benedictine Canon Law Committee. After the twelve topical areas had been discussed at length, the canonists voted on some sixty-four conclusions, all of which were passed by a sizable majority. In a number of cases they were unanimously adopted by all. These conclusions were then sent to the responding superiors and participating canonists, and further comment and elaboration were in-vited. In the course of the following summer a workshop took place at St. Joseph's Abbey; Spencer, Massachusetts. Since it was thought that a" concrete proposal would receive more serious attention, this workshop undertook to pre-pare a schema of such a proposal entitled "Propositum Monasticum de Codice Iuris Canonici Recognoscendo." At this time the project began to elicit international atten-tion in monastic circles. Written communications were received from all parts of the world. The summer work-shop, which was a rather informal affair, received visits from such men as the abbot general of the Olivetans, com-ing from Italy; a Benedictine Abbot from the pontifical abbey in Jerusalem; and a representative of the abbots of France, who met in Paris in July to discuss the conclusions of our meeting at New Melleray. In September, 1965, a schema of the "Propositum" was sent out to the superiors and canonists, suggestions and recommendations being again invited. In October, a meet-ing of monastic canonists was held in Chicago to consider the schema, canon by canon. At this meeting we were privi-leged to have the foremost scholar of monasticism of our times, Dom Jean Leclercq, O.S.B., a professor of the Bene-dictine International College in Rome and a peritus of the Council. While all the conclusions incorporated into the schema had bee.n adopted by a large majority of the participating canonists, unanimity had not been obtained on a number of points. In view of this the Chicago monastic meeting voted that two spokesmen should prepare a statement of the minority positions to accompany our proposals. Un-fortunately, they decided after two months of deliberation not to present their views with the "Propositum Monastio cum." As a result of this delay it was only at: their January meeting that most of the members of the Society's execu-tive board received copies of the "Proposit,um." However, i after due deliberation, the exect mously that the president of th, the "Propositum" to the chairm mission as the contribution of a the Canon Law Society of Ame president of the Society for~ Monasticum" to His Eminence, The "Propositum Monasticurr Copies were sent to all the memh mission and to the consultors co the revision. Many of them hav~ their appreciation of the work nasticum," continues to be stm throughout the world. In gener~ its contents. However, some find In conclusion I would like throughout the world are grat Society of America for the opp! nasticism to make its needs knc sion of canon law. M. Ba Chairman Spen PREFA( Under* the guidance of the S sembled at the Second Ecumenic has so enkindled the spirit of rer no matter what his rank or statu: toward the fullness of Christian ing to all men the witness of a tr This renewal of the Spirit ha,. the People of God. The Churcl~ removing the obsolete, adding both new things and old to pro, the Lord. Since the compilation and pr Code, monasticism in God's p~ all exceptionally vigorous ex[ Council gives eminent witness t~ in the Church today, when in it of religious life, it acknowledge~, importance of monasticism fox Praising the ancient monastic Council requires their adaptatk ent, "so that the monasteries wi] building up the Christian pe~ The new forms of cenobitic * This is an English translation pre[ ticum from the original Latin text wh v. 26 0966), pp. 331-357. tive board voted unani- Society should forward tn of the Revision Corn- ]committee sponsored by !ica. On February 2, the arded the "Propositum Pietro Cardinal Ciriaci. ." has been well received. ~.rs of the Pontifical Com-acerned with this area of written to us expressing The "Propositum Mo-lied by monastic groups d most have agreed with it too extensive. to say that the monks eful to the Canon Law ~rtunity it has given mo- ~n in regard to the revi-il Pennington, O.C.S.O. Consilium Monasticum St. Joseph's Abbey :er, Massachusetts 01562 :E pirit, Christ's Church, as-al Council of the Vatican, ewal that every Christian, ~, can more surely advance life and perfect love, giv-ae follower of Christ. not neglected the law of desires to revise her law, the pertinent, presenting ide for all in the house of ~mulgation of the present )vidence has experienced !ansion. The Ecumenical the value of monastic life proposals on the renewal both the past and present the Church and society. traditions of service, the ,n to the needs of the pres- 1 be, as it were, sources for ple." ~nd eremitic life rising in ared by the Consilium Monas-ich was published in the Jurist, ÷ ÷ ÷ Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 21 Consillum Monosticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS many parts of the world today are further indications of monastic vitality. The eremitical life, a ,~ery special ex-pression of monasticism, is to be highly esteemed; for, by God's grace, it engendered men of great h61iness through-out the Christian centuries. The revised Code must neces-sarily provide some legislation to foster and strengthen this way of life. It is fitting that monks take part in the renewal of the law they are to live by. Living in a monastic milieu, follow-ing a rule hallowed by centuries, they more aptly know by experience the authentic needs and desires of this partic-ular way of life. Through this "Proposal" monastic canon-ists from various institutes and countries wish to humbly offer their collaboration, so that the new, corpus of law will be such that all monks may pursue a more faithful and fruitful monastic life before the People of God and all mankind. A concrete proposal of a Titulus:for the revised Code is presented, to obtain, in a complete and orderly way, more satisfactory norms for monks. Since the promulgation of the present Code deeper his-torical and theolo'gical studies of monasticism have been made in various monastic orders and congregations, grad-ually restoring authentic spirit and meaning. Scientific investigations of the ordo monasticus (order of monks) and monastic law have been very fruitful. The Sacred Congre-gation for Religious has issued many documents in our day pertaining to monasticism, e,g., the Law Proper to the Confederation of Monastic Congregations o~ the Order of Saint Benedict, confirmed by Pope Pius XII, and the legis-lation for nuns which has practically revised their entire law. Pius XII's radio addresses to cloistered nuns concern-ing the contemplative life should also be cited. Further-more,: ample provision for monks has been made in the Oriental Code. From these various documents it is evident that the Holy See is vitally concerned about the needs of monasticism. References can be inserted in the monastic title to those laws for religious which may be proportionately applied to monks--in a manner exemplified in Title XVII of Book II of the present Code. The sources given in this Proposal for each canon are not exhaustive. Only those texts issued by the Holy See since the promulgation of the present Code are cited. How-ever, because of its authority, discretion, and paramount influence on Western monasticism we frequently cite the Rule of Saint Benedict, that father and legislator of monks, under whose patronage we humbly offer this "Proposal." Consilium Monasticum Iuris Canonici Office of the Moderator Saint Joseph's Abbey Spencer, Massachusetts 01562 MONASTIC LIFE or THE Section 1. Monastic life. Chapter 1. Monasteries an Article I. Monasteries] Article 2. Federation. Chapter 2. Internal mona Article 1. Admission. Article 2. Studies. Article 3. Obligations Article 4. Transfer. Article 5. Egress. ORDER OF MONKS federation. tic law. Section 2. Specific forms of rc 3nastic life. Chapter 1. Cenobitic life. Article 1. Government. Article 2. Apostolate. Chapter 2. Eremitical life Chapter 3. Integral conte aplative life. 1-22 4-10 4-6 7-10 11-22 11-14 15-16 17-18 19-20 21-22 23--42 23-30 24-28 29-30 31-38 39-42 Monmtic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 23 MONASTIC LIFE or THE ORDER OF MONKS SECTION 1 MONASTIC LIFE .÷ ÷ ÷ C~onsilium Monasticum REVIEW FOR REL]GIdU~; 24 Canon 1 It is of great importance to the Church that the conse-crated life, lived according to :the monastic traditions preserved through the centuries, should continuously be adapted to time and place, that there might always be men of prayer unceasingly imploring divine mercy, draw-ing down every heavenly blessing upon the People of God. NOTE: Monastic life is distinguished" from other forms of religious life because of its proper characteristics, which are expressed in the various monastic rules, among which, in the West, the Rule of Saint Benedict ~holds a special place. In this form of life "the principal occupation is to pray to God" (John XXIII, Allocution, Vos paterno animo). The apostolic significance of this has in our days become more evident. Solitude and separation from the world pertain to every religious: "Every vocation dedi-cated to God requires them, each in its own proper way" (cf. Pius XII, Allocution, Haud mediocri, Feb. 11, 1958). However in the monastic life they have a very special meaning, both for the Church and for civil society, as Paul VI has clearly taught (cf. Allocution, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964). Stability in this state is confirmed "by vows, or by other sacred bonds (e.g., promise, oath, con-secration: c[. Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Provida Mater Ecclesia, Feb. 2, 1947, art. III, par. 2, no. 1) which are like vows in their purpose." (Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, chap. 6; no. 44). The order of monks, then, "though it is not of the hierarchical structure of the Church, nevertheless undeniably belongs to its life and holiness" (ibid.). SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 4, 43, 50, 66, 73; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Re-ligious Life, nos. 2, 5, 9; Decree on the Missionary Activity of the Church, nos. 18, 40; Benedict XV, Encyclical Letter, Principi Apostolorum, Oct. 5, 1920; Plus X'I, Epistle, Non sine animi, Male 28, 1923; Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque wtam, July 8, 1924; Apostolic Letter, Monachorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Encyclical Letter, Rerum Ecclesiae, Feb. 28, 1926; Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Epistle, Sedecim ante saeculis, Mar. 25, 1948; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 31M par. 3; Allocution, Omnibus probe, Sept. 24, 1953; Encyclical Letter, Ecclesiae fastos, June 5, 1954; E.pistle, Sexto decimo revoIuto, May 31, 1956; Allocution, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958; John XXIII, Allocutions, Vos paterno animo, Sept. 25, 1959; Allocution, Notre joie, Oct. 20, 1960; Epistle, Recens a te, Oct. 20, 1960; Paul VI, Allocution, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruc-tion, Inter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950. Canon 2 The dispositions concerning monks, even when ex-pressed in the masculine gender, apply equally to nuns, unless it appears otherwise from the context or from the nature of the case. NOTE: Everyone is well aware that women have entered more fruitfully into public affairs. They are becoming continuously more conscious of. their full human dignity. It is wholly undesirable then that they should find them-selves treated as inferiors or minors in the law of the Church. It seems that the law for nuns regarding regular superi-ors should be so revised as to exempt both them and their monasteries, making them solely dependent on the regular superiors of their own order. The principal rea-son for this is to safeguard the spirit proper to theorder. But no one can fail to see the difficulties in having two superiors and having to seek direction from both in many matters. The local ordinary should retain the right and duty to supply for deficiencies if the regular superior is seriously neglectful. But in general, the abbess should rule her own monastery without masculine intervention. To obtain a suitable renewal of the legislation for nuns, their desires and recommendations can be ascer-tained from meetings of federations or from other legiti-mately convoked assemblies. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 490; John XXIII, Encyclical Letter, Pacem in terris, Apr. I 1, 1963; Paul VI, Allocution, E motivo, Sept. 8, 1965; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree Ior the Order o[ Re[ormed Cister-clans, Dec. 27, 1965, no. 5. Canon 3 Monastic institutes by their nature are neither clerical nor lay. ~qthout prejudice to their constitutions and par-ticular laws, they are subject to the canons that follow. NOTE: Monastic life is not an intermediate state be-tween the clerical and lay states in the divine hierarchical structure of the Church. Rather, the faithful are called by God from both these states of life to enjoy this particu-lar gift in the life of the Church and thus each in his own way to assist in her salvific mission. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 488, no. 4; Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, no. 43; Plus XII, Allocution, Annus sacer, Dec. 8, 1950, part I; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 314, par. 3. CHAPTER 1 MONASTERIES AND FEDERATION Article 1--Monasteries Canon 4 1. A monastery, a dwelling in which monastic life is lived, is designated autonomous if the community, in re- Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 25 ÷ Consillum M onasticura REVIEW FOR REI'IGIOUS gard to the ordinary monastic regimen, rules itseff through an abbot, over whom in the internal government there is no other ordinary superior. 2. In law, the term monastery includes also a laura; and the term abbot, any superior of a monastery, without prej-udice to the particular prescriptions in the constitutions of each institute. NOTE: 1. For the sake of clarity the term monastery is here canonically determined as "a dwelling in which monastic life is lived." In law nothing is so dangerous as to call things by the same name, or include them under a single term, when they are to be guided by different norms. It is expedient that things which are to be subject to di-verse laws be distinguished by different names. The concept of an autonomous monastery, already found in the Code, is defined here following the thought common to the authors. Cf. A. Larraona in Commentar,um pro religiosis, III (1922), pp. 133 ff.; A. Vermeersch in Periodica, X (1922), pp. (7) ff.; J. Konrad, The Transfer of Religious to Anott~er Community (Catholic University Press: Washington, 1949), pp. 94 ft.; U. Beste, Introductio in Codicem, ed. 5 (D'Auria: Naples, 1956), p. 331. 2. A laura, the union of several hermitages under one moderator or spiritual father, can be autonomous like a monastery. It belongs to the constitutions of each monastic institute to determine which superiors are to re-ceive the name of abbot or the equivalent office. SOURCES: Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Homily, Exultent hodie, Sept. 18, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21~ 1950: General Statutes, art. VI; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 8; 313, par. 2. Canon 5 1. For the erection of an exempt monastery, in addi-tion to the requirements of the statutes of each institute, the approval of the Apostolic See and the written con-sent of the local ordinary are necessary. 2. The local ordinary may establish a monastery, even an autonomous one, in which the members will seek evan-gelical perfection according to the rules and traditions of monasticism; but he must first consult the Apostolic See or at least the national Conference of Bishops. 3. In the case of nuns who pertain to an order, it is fur-ther required that they be affiliated by an abbot of the first order, at least in regard to spiritual care. 4. The erection of a monastery or the permission to es-tablish a new monastery includes authorization to have a church or public oratory and to carry out sacred func-tions there; it also includes, without prejudice to condi-tions laid down in the decree of erection or the permission, authorization for all the devout works proper to the mon-astery according to its statutes. NOTE: 1. This is the present law. 2. Under the present law a bishop may establish a religious congregation (canon 492, par. 1). Why may he not also establish a monastery? It is certainly desirable that monasteries be formed in federations (i.e., congregations) and confederations, which provide mutual aid both spiritual and temporal. Neverthe-less, each monastic institute has its own proper rule and constitutions which to some extent limit the expressions of monasticism possible within the institute. Provision is needed, especially today, for the expressions evolving from fruitful monastic traditions. The diocesan setting seems most suitable for these experiments, as it has been for new religious congregations and, in an earlier tradition, for the foundation of new monasteries. Ordinarily at the present time when a monk, led by the Spirit, undertakes an experiment in monasticisrn under episcopal auspices, he must seek an indult of exclaustration, or even of secularization, relinquishing his canonical status as a monk. This is not canonical equity. 3. This provision, in force already for tertiaries tcanon 492, par. 1), is advocated so that nuns may receive a ormation according to the true spirit of their own in-stitute (cf. Pius XII, Radio Message. Cddant volontiers, luly 19, 1958), and also other assistance according to the particular form of affiliation. 4. This is the present law. SOURCES: 1. Code of Canon Law, canon 497, par. 1; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 8, par. 3. 2. Code of Canon Law, canon 492, par. I; Second Vatican Council, Deo'ee on the Renewal of Re-ligious LiJe, no. 19; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 8, par. 1. 3. Code of Canon Law, canon 492, par. 1; Plus XII, Radio Message, Cddant volontiers, July 19, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Epistle to the Apostolic Nuncios, Mar. 7, 1951. 4. Code of Canon Law, canon 497, par. 1; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquara apostollcls, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 9, par. 1. Canon 6 I. Preserving always the spirit of evangelical poverty, every monastery can acquire and possess temporalities with stable revenues. 2. The temporalities are to be administered according to the norms of the constitutions and the prescriptions of canons 532, 536, and 537. NOTE: According to monastic tradition and the common law of the Church, each monastery, as a moral person, has the right to acquire, retain, "and administer temporal goods, and the obligation to provide a suitable home and sustenance for its monks. The value and need of a spirit of poverty, which is an essential of the Christian message and a first principle of monasticism, does not exempt monks from having a proper esteem for the economic order and from using material goods in conformity with Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 + ÷ ÷ Consilium M onasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS their state. They should be most eager and generous in coming to the aid of the poor. In a true spirit of poverty, they should keep only what is useful to the community, lest their wealth become an occasion of discord, envy, or pride. The faculties concerning administration which are found in the Rescript, Gum admotae, of Nov. 6, 1964, should be incorporated into the common law and be extended to all abbots. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 31-34, 66; Code of Canon Law, canons 496; 531-532; 1495, par. 2; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Lqe, no. 13; Pius XII, Radio Message, Oggi al compiersi, Sept. 1, 1944; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 63-64; John XXIII, Encyclical Letter, Mater et Magistra, May 15, 1961; Paul VI, Encyclical Letter, Ecclesiam Suam, Aug. 6, 1964. Article 2---Federation Canon 7 Federations of monasteries, unions of several autono-mous monasteries under one superior, while maintaining the principle of autonomy, are highly recommended, to promote true monastic life and to foster the full develop-ment of each monk in his vocation. NOTE: Because monastic congregations have the nature of federated unions, the term "federation," which is found in the Apostolic Constitution, Sponsa Christi (General Statutes, article VII), seems preferable. In a federation each monastery retains its own proper independence and juridic personality. The superior of the union can use the title of Abbot President, Abbot General, or Archabbot. His powers within the federation, which are determined by the constitutions, are ordinarily to be quite restricted. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 488, no. 2; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 22; Pius XII, Homily, Exsultent hodie, Sept. 18, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VII; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 11; 313, par. 1, no. 1; Allocution, Omnibus probe, Sept. 24, 1953; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous. Aug. 2, 1958; John XXIII, Allocution, Notre joie, Oct. 20, 1960; Epistle, II tempio massimo, July 2, 1962; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, Inter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950, no. XVII; Epistle to the Apostolic Nuncios, Mar. 7, 1951. Canon 8 Confederations, fraternal associations of several mo-nastic federations under one primate, are also strongly recommended. NOTE: Confederations of monastic federations are to be set up that through the fraternal unity and cooperation of the federations, according to the norms and within the limits defincd by the Holy See, monastic life will be faith- fully upheld. Adapted to the needs of our days, it will be sustained by the fraternal assistance in personnel, posses-sions, and activities shared among the federations. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal of Religious Life, no. 22; Pius XII, Homily, Ex-sultent hodie, Sept. 18, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VII; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 313, par. 1, no. 1; Brief, Pacis vinculum, Mar. 21, 1952; Allocution, Omnibus probe, Sept. 24, 1953; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; John XXI/I, Allocution, Vos paterno animo, Sept. 25, 1959; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree of Mar. 21, 1952, "Lex propria," nos. 4, 21, 22. Canon 9 The establishment of a federation or confederation with its own proper laws is reserved to the Apostolic See. Such unions exercise only an office of service toward the monasteries and the monks, especially through visitation, appellate judicature, and fraternal assistance. NOTE: Federation and confederation presuppose some general laws accepted by all the monasteries but do not exclude particular norms and customs in each monastery. The list of functions of a federation or confederation in the canon is not exhaustive. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canons 488, no. 8; 501, par. 3; Pius XI, Encyclical Letter, Quadragesimo anno, May 15, 1931; Plus XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VII; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 11; 28; 41, par. 2; Brief, Pacis vinculum, Mar. 21, 1952; John XXIII, Encyclical Letter, Mater et Magistra, May 15, 1961; En-cyclical Letter, Pacem in terris, Apr. 11, 1963; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, Inter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950, nos. XXIII-XXIV; Decree of Mar. 21, 1952, "Lex propria," Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd.; nos. 25 ft. CHAPTER 2 INTERNAL MONASTIC LAW Article 1--Admission Canon I0 1. Each autonomous monastery has an inherent right to have its own novitiate. 2. If a monastery is incapable of fulfilling the prescrip- ÷ tions concerning the formation of novices, the abbot has a + serious obligation to send them to another monastery. + NOTE: Monastic formation implies that monks in the service of Christ the Lord, the true King, are instructed, trained, and formed as integral men to Christian perfec-tion through prayer, contemplation of divine realities, and legitimate apostolic activity. Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 ~9 + ÷ ÷ onsillum Monasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS According to Saint Benedict and other monastic fathers, a monk lives in a permanent family under a rule and abbot, who holds the place of Christ. Therefore novices and professed, in so far as possible, should be formed in their own monastery. SOURCES: Rule o[ St. Benedict, Prologue, chs. 1, 58; Pius XI, Apostolic Letter, Monachorura vitae, Jan. 26, 1925; Plus xII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 86; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institutionis praesertira studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, nos. 11-12. Canon 11 The abbot may train all his novices without distinc-tion in one novitiate under one director. NOTE: In view of the gradual development that has taken place among those who under theP aternal authority of .th.e abbot make up the monastic family, a single novxuate is required, returning to a unity and simplicity which is more consonant with monastic traditions: This is true even if different members take a greater or lesser part in the celebration of the Divine Office. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal o[ Religious Li[e, no. 15; Sacred Congregation for Religious. Decree for the French (Solesmes) Congregation O.S.B., Apr. 8, 1965; Decree [or the Order o[ Re[ormed Cistercians, Dec. 27, 1965, no. 1. Canon 12 In admitting candidates the constitutions are to be fol-lowed, sa[eguarding canons 538, 541-546, 581, and 582. NOTE: It should be noted that the impediments to the novitiate need to be clarified. The text of canon 542 places in grave doubt the validity of many professions which per-haps are never questioned. For example, how would one determine "fraud" in the case of a candidate who did not properly represent his true character? Canon 544, also, needs to be simplified. Canon 13 The whole o[ monastic formation pertains properly to the father of the monastery. However it is ordinarily ex-pedient that a novice master be named, following can-ons 559-560. Under the direction of the abbot, he will guide the formation of the novices according to the pro-gram proper to the institute. NOTE: This is the present law. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 2, 58; Code of Canon Law, canons 559-562; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapientiae, May 31, 1956; Sacred Congregation for Re-ligious, General Statutes, July 7, 1956, art. 19, par. I; Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Introd., par. 20; nos. 2-5. Canon 14. After a novitiate of at least one year, and another pro-longed probation with some form of commitment, of at least three years according to the constitutions, profes-sion is made with the consent of the chapter and the mo-nastic blessing is received from the father of the monas-tery; and thus the monk becomes a member of the com-munity forever. NOTE: The profession of a monk is fundamentally a lifelong commitment before God to the monastic way of life. Therefore, the distinction between simple and solemn profession or temporary and perpetual vows is not suit-able for monks. During the prolon.ged probation, which certainly should precede a monasuc consecration which is perpetual and inviolable, it is fitting that some sort of bond exist--a promise, an oath, but preferably not a vow properly so called (so that the full significance of the monastic consecration through monastic vows is not ob-scured: "The Church not only raises the religious profes-sion to the dignity of a canonical state by her approval, but even manifests that this profession is a state conse-crated to God by the liturgical setting of that profes-sion."-- Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Constztution on the Church, no. 45). Through this bond the candidate, in a way which is proportionate to the nature of the bond and the time involved, commits himself to the community and is dedicated to God. This bond could be perpetual on ¯ the part of the subject (e.g., first vows in the Society of Jesus). The obligation it places on the community in-creases with time (cf. below, canon 21). SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict. chs. 3, 58; Code of Canon Law, canons 572, par. 2; 574-575; Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, no. 44; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: Gen-eral Statutes, art. III, par. 2; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 108-109; 112, par. 2; Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapienliae, May 31, 1956; Sacred Congregation for Religious, General Statutes, July 7, 1956, art. 7-8. Article 2--Studies Canon 15 1. Every autonomous monastery may have its own scho-lasticate. 2. If a monastery is not able to have a properly qnalified scholasticate, the monks shall be sent for studies to the scholasticate of another monastery or of a religious insti-tute which does meet the necessary requirements, or to the courses at a diocesan seminary. NOTE: Cf. the note under canon 10 above. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 587; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 123: Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institutionis + ÷ Monastic Proposal VOLUME~ 26, 1967 ÷ ÷ ÷ Consilium M onastivum REVIEW FOR REklGIOUS prae'sertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par: 9~ no. 31. Canon 16 In regard to the program of studies, each institute should follow its own particular statutes, approved by the Apostolic See, providing an integral monastic formation, and also a full priestly training for those who are destined. to the priesthood. This formation should be inspired by the gospels, in harmony with tradition, drawing from the font of the liturgy, adapted to the present day, and inti. mately united with the celebration of the sacred liturgy and the contemplation of divine realities. NOTE: In the Apostolic Constitution, Sedes Sapientiae, and the accompanying General Statutes, Plus XII in-structed each institute to have its own program of forma-tion, especially for studies, adapted to the particular needs and circumstances of the institute. The monastic pro-gram ought to provide not only for the clerics, but for all the members of the monastic family, including the lay brothers, if there be such. "The primary, if not the sole purpose of those who have consecrated themselves to God is to pray to Him and to contemplate or meditate on divine realities; now how can they fulfill this important duty unless they have a profound and thorough knowledge of the teachings of our faith?"--Pius XI, Apostolic Epistle, Unigenitus Dei Filius, Mar. 19, 1924, no. 5. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Const. on the Sacred Liturgy, nos. 16-17; Decree on the Renewal of Religious Lqe, no. 18; Decree on Priestly Formation; Pius XI, Apostolic Epistle, Unigenitus Dei Filius, Mar. 19, 1924; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapientiae, May 31, 1956; Sacred Congregation . for Religious, General Statutes, July 7, 1956, art. 19; Ratzo ~nstztutmn,s praesert~m stu&orum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, no. 32; Decree for the French (Solesmes) Congregation O.S.B., Apr. 8, 1965; Decree the Order of Reformed Cistercians, Dec. 27, 1965; Sacred Congregation of Rites, Instruction, Inter Oecumenici Concilii, Sept. 26, 1964, nos. 11-12, 18. Article 3.--Obligations Canon 17 All monks are bound to offer daily the prayer of the Church in a form approved by the Church, according to the norms of their statutes. NOTE: Tradition has always assigned to monks the duty of prayer. In some monastic institutes, due to the develop-ment among the various members of the monastic family, recognized by the Second Vatican Council (Decree on the Renewal of Religious LiIe, no. 15), all are now acknowl-edged to be truly monks. They have diverse duties and functions, even in regard to the Divine Office or some other public prayer of the Church, their participation being determined by the abbot, weighing individual ob- ¯ ligations and talents. Therefore it is necessary for common law to allow the constitutions of each monastic institute to specify the personal and choral obligations of its mem-bers. Moreover, it Should be noted that hermits, true monks, have their own proper traditions in this matter. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 18, 43, 50; Second Vatican Council, Const. on the Sacred Liturgy, nos. 95, 98; Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, nos. 9, 15; Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. V; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apos-tolio's, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 157; John XXIII, Allocution, Vos paterno anirao, Sept. 25,.1959; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree for the French (Solesmes) Congre-gation O.S.B., Apr. 8,' 1965; Decree for the Order of Re. formed Cistercians, Dec. 27, 1965; Sacred Congregation of Rites, Instruction, Inter Oecumenici Concilii, Sept. 26, 1964, no. 82. Canon 18 Monastic work should be in keeping with the rule, constitutions, and traditions of each institute, assuring, with the aid of divine providence, appropriate support for the community. NOTE: All monks, including contemplatives, are obliged to manual or intellectual work by the natural law and by their duty of penance and reparation. Moreover, labor is a standard means of withdrawing the soul from dangers and guiding it toward spiritual horizons; it tenders part-nership with divine providence in the natural and super-natural orders; in labor charity matures. As the axiom, "ora et labora," proclaims, work has always been a basic norm and law of monastic life. However work is only one of the traditional triad: labor, liturgy, and lectio (sacred reading). A harmonious equilibrium must be maintained among these three. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 4, 48; Second Vati-can Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 13; Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radmtur, Mar. 21, 1947; Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VIII; Radio Message, Si Nous avons, July 26, 1958; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; John XXIII, Allocution, Notre joie, Oct. 20, 1960; Epistle, Recens a te, Oct. 20, 1960; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, Inter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950; nos, XXVI-XXVII; Epistle to the Apostolic Nun-cios, Mar. 7, 1951. Article 4.--Trans[er Canon 19 A monk may transfer from one autonomous monastery to another with the permission of both abbots and the consent of the chapter of the recipient monastery. NOTE: Here transfer is limited to within the order of monks, where monastic status will remain intact. A transfer to another form of consecrated life requires the. authorizati6n of the Apostolic See. ÷ ÷ ÷ Mmfastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 To require and accept, without requiring further re-course, the judgment of the abbots, who are close to the situation and know the monk better, is fully consonant with monastic tradition and the "principle of subsidi-arity." (Cf. Pius XI, Encyclical Letter, Quadragesimo anno, May 15, 1931; John XXIII, Encyclical Letter, Mater et Magistra, May 15, 1961.) SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 61; Code o{ Canon Law, canon 632; Plus XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 182, par. 1; Sacred Con-gregation for Religious, Decree of Mar. 21, 1952, "Lex propria," nos. 77, 96. Canon 20 A monk transferring to another institute must make a new novitiate or profession according to the require-ments of its constitutions. If the constitutions enjoin no obligation, novitiate is omitted and, after a trial period, the monk is definitively incorporated or returns to his original monastery. NOTE: Because the fundamental principles of the mo-nastic life are common to all monastic institutes, the repetition of the novitiate is not necessary; but because each institute has its own customs and traditions, some period of probation in the new institute is called for. However, if the probation is unduly prolonged this would be contrary to equity toward the monk and the other institute. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 1, 61; Code of Canon Law, canons 633-634; Plus XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 183, par. 2. Article 5.--Egress Consilium Monasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Canon 21 In regard to the departure of members the constitu-tions of each institute and, with due proportion, canons 638-641, 646, and 668 are to be observed, as well as the following: 1. The abbot of an autonomous monastery with his council's consent, manifested by secret voting, can dis-miss or dispense a member from the commitment under-taken during the probation period. 2. In the case of a dismissal, there is a grave obligation in conscience to have truly proportionate causes and to give the member full liberty to make his response. 3. For the dismissal of a professed monk, the confirma-tion of the Sacred Congregation is required; therefore the abbot must immediately forward to it the decree of dismissal, the evidence, and the monk's responses. 4. The subject has the right, during ten days on which he can act, to appeal to the Apostolic See against the decree of dismissal. While this appeal is pending, a dis-missal has no juridic effect. NOTE: In restoring a member to secular life, a simplifi-cation of processes and the application of the "principle of subsidiarity" are very desirable. The local abbot and his counselors can better judge a case than a superior who is far removed. Such a procedure is more in accord with the concept of an autonomous monastery. The rights of the members are properly safeguarded by the power of appeal to the Holy See and, in the case of the professed monk, by the required confirmation of the Sacred Congre-gation. Note well that "professed monk" here means a member definitively incorporated into the community by monastic profession which is of its nature perpetual (cf. canon 14.). SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 28; Code of Canon Law, canons 646-648, 656-662, 666, 668; Secretary of State, Rescript, Cure admotae, Nov. 4, no. 14. Canon 22 Dismissal frees the subject from all his commitments, including monastic vows, except those connected with major orders, safeguarding the prescriptions of canon 641, paragraph 1. NOTE: It seems more profitable to his spiritual well-being to free one dismissed from all his commitments to monastic life, as is ordinarily done in present practice. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canons 640, par. 1; 648. SECTION 2 SPECIFIC FORMS OF MONASTIC LIFE CENOBITIC LIFE Canon 23 The cenobitic life is one lived in community under a rule and an abbot, following Christ together in fraternal love, radiating in the Church a witness of generous, vigi-lant apostolic life. NOTE: Rule here is not limited to some rule already ap-proved by the Apostolic See, but extends to any rule, based on the ancient traditions, which may be approved in the future. That the abbot govern his community under the guidance of a rule is essential to maintain a stable and peaceful community life under an extensive personal authority. "Together" (in communi) is the element which distinguishes the cenobite from the hermit. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, Prologue, chap. 1; Sec-ond Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal o[ Religious Li[e, no. 15; Pius XI, Apostolic Letter, Monachorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Plus xII Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radi- + + + Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 35 ÷ ÷ ~on~ilium Monasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS atur, Mar. 21, 1947; Epistle, Sedecim ante saecula, Mar. 25, 1948; Epistle, Sexto decimo revoluto, May 31, 1956; Allocution, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 5; nos. I, 6, 11. Article 1.--Government Canon 24 I. The abbot, father and shepherd of his monks in the spiritual and temporal orders, should have a long, even life-tenure of office, as long as he remains capable of ful-filling his duties, unless the constitutions provide other-wise. 2. The importance and gravity of the abbatial office requires of abbots and equivalent superiors that they tender their resignation, on their own initiative or at the invitation of competent authority, when the pressure advanced age or another serious cause undermines the proper execution of their office. NOTE: Although the abbot's spiritual paternity of its nature does not require perpetuxty in office, but only a rather extended term, nevertheless through the centuries life-tenure has almost always prevailed. (Cf. P. Salmon, L'abbd clans la tradition monastique [Paris, Sirey, 1962].) Such tenure is more desirable where more rests on the discretion and judgment of the superior lest there be incessant change, a cause of instability in men and organizations. Nevertheless common law should respect particular traditions which favor temporary abbots. But what is most important is that the constitutions of each institute provide very practical means whereby an incapable abbot can be released from office. An example can be drawn from the Declarations of the Subiaco Con-gregation of the Order of Saint Benedict: If it happens that an abbot through infirmity, age, or some other just cause becomes incapable of governing his monastery and tend-ers his resignation, it is sent to the Abbot General, who examines and decides the matter with the consent of his council. ; if however the abbot does not offer his resignation, ,the Abbot Visitor, with the greatest charity, should firmly admonish fiim to resign or request a co-adjutor before the monastery suffers from a lack of proper government. If the admonition fails, the Visitor is obliged to inform the chapter. ; when the chapter is not in session, the Visitor, with the counsel of other superiors in the province, examines and decides the case according to his own conscience. However the Abbot General's confirmation of the decision is required for validity. (No. 197) SOURCES: Rule o~ St. Benedict, chs. 2, 31, 49, 64, 65; Code of Canon Law, canons 505, 530; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Pastoral O0~ce of Bishops in the Church, no. 21; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apos-tolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 32, par. 1; Allocution, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 20; nos. 2, 20, 23, 30, 35; Decree Ior the French (Solesmes) Congregation O.S.B., Apr. 8, 1965. Canon 25 From the day of his installation the abbot, besides the other rights of major superiors, has jurisdiction in both forums, according to the norms of the constitutions. NOTE: Jurisdiction is essential for an abbot to fulfill his oblig.ations as spiritual father and shepherd of his community. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 2, 3, 60, 62, 64, 65; Code of Canon Law, canons 488, no. 8; 501, par. 1; 503; 514, par. 1; 647; 896; 1395, par. 3; 1579, par. 1; 2385; 2386; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. VI, no. 2; Apostolic Letter, Post-quam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 26; 46, par. 1. Canon 26 Abbots, legitimately elected, should within three months of their election receive the abbatial blessing; and then they may use the abbatial insignia. NOTE: This is in accord with canon 625 oE the present law. The insignia which traditionally belong to the ab-batial office signify the autonomy of the monastery. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canon 625; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 174. Canon 27 1. The abbot may call his monks to the priesthood or diaconate, providing them with dimissorial letters in conformity with the norms of common law and the con-stitutions of the institute. 2. The canonical title for the ordination of a monk is that of the monastery of his stability. NOTE: This is the present law. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 62; Code of Canon Law, canons 964, no. 2; 982, par. 1; Pius XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 132; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, Quantum religiones omnes, Dec. 1, 1931, no. 16; Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, nos. 26, 33. Canon 28 1. The abbot should summon the community for counsel on all important matters, as determined by the constitutions; for lesser matters he need only consult the council of seniors. ÷ ÷ ÷ Monastic Proposal VOLUME. 26, "1967 Consiliura Monastieum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 2. All who have been definitively received into the monastic family have voice in chapter, unless the con-stitutions expressly provide otherwise. NOTE: Because of its discretion and authority the Rule of St. Benedict in a relatively short time became known throughout Europe and became almost the exclusive rule for monks. Because of this authority and the experience of centuries, it seems good to introduce into the common law, even though it may be something proper to the mind of St. Benedict, that the abbot consult the seniors in lesser matters and the whole community or chapter in more weighty ones. Concerning the equality of voice, cf. the notes under canons 11 and 14. "However, monasteries of men., ac-cording to their nature and constitutions, may admit clerics and laymen. . on an equal footing and with. equal rights and obhgatlons, apart from those flowing from sacred orders."--Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 15. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 3; Code of Canon Law, canons 516; 578, no. 3; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 15; Pius XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree for ihe French (Solesmes) Congregation O.S.B., Apr. 8, 1965; Decree for the Order of Reformed Cistercians, Dec. 27, 1965, no. 1. Article 2.--Apostolate Canon 29 The cenobitic vocation can express itself in some apos-tolate or work of Christian charity legitimately under-taken in harmony with the spirit and authentic nature of the institute. NOTE: This historical fact, which has merited the praise of the Church and society through the centuries, responds to the needs of souls today, making monasteries sources o[ life for the Christian people. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal of Religious Life, nos. 9, 20; Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; En-cyclical Letter, Quinquagesimo ante anno, Dec. 23, 1929; Allocution, Tous les Ordres, Mar. 12, 1931; Plus XII, Encyclical Letter, Fulgens radiatur, Mar. 21, 1947; Apos-tolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apOstolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 154; Allocution, Omnibus probe, Sept' 24, 1953; Encyclical Letter, Ecclesiae fastos, June 5, 1954; Apostolic Const., Series Sapientiae, May 31, 1956; Epistle, Sexto decirao revoluto, May 31, 1956; Epistle, Iam quintum expletur saeculum, Aug. 4, 1956; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; John XXIII, Allocution, Vos paterno animo, Sept. 25, 1959; Paul VI, Allocution, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Ratio institu. tionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 15-17: nos. 24, 76. Canon 30 Monks engaged in extending Christ's dominion through the apostolate must endeavor to maintain a solitude and silence in harmony with their vocation. NOTE: Here it is not a question of maintaining papal enclosure for monks who by their institute are dedicated to the external apostolate, but of keeping their monas-teries, according to the mind of Pope Paul VI (cf. Sources), as sanctuaries of prayer. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chs. 4, 43, 66-67; Code of Canon Law, canons 597, 599, 605-606; Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const., on the Church, no. 44; Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, nos. 16, 20; Pius XI, Epistle, Equidem verba, Mar. 21, 1924; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950; Apostolic .Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons .140-142; En-cyclical Letter, Ecclesiae fastos, June 5, 1954; John XXIII, Allocution, Vos paterno animo, Sept. 25, 1959; Paul VI, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964. CHAPTER 2 EREMITI~AL LIFE Canon 31 Canonically a hermit is a monk withdrawn from the world, pursuing the anchoritic life, to attain complete openness to God in solitude, repose, and silence. Seeking the perfection of love through joyful, ready penance, and assiduous reading and prayer, he must not fail to have solicitude for the whole Church. NOTE: It is evident from tradition and clearly recognized in the Rule of St. Benedict that there are two kinds of monks: cenobites and anchorites or hermits. As there is a renaissance of eremitical life in the Western Church today, the revised Code must provide for it. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. I; Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, no. 43; Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, nos. 1, 5-7, 9; Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Encyclical Letter, Rerum Ecclesiae, Feb. 28, 1926; Epistle, Compertum est, June 5, 1927; Apostolic Const., Inter religiosos coetus, July 2, 1935; Pius xII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 313, par. 4; Allocutlon, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958. Canon 32 Four kinds of hermits are to be distinguished: 1. Monks who belong to an eremitical order. 2. Monks or religious who live in solitude while actu-ally remaining under their own superiors. 3. Those who are united in a certain manner in a ÷ + + Mona,tie Proposal VOLUMI: 23, 1967 39 ondlium Mona~ti~um REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS fraternity or laura, without forming a community or federation properly so called. 4. Finally,° those who,live a completely solitary life. NOTE: Because of their differing relationships with ec.~ clesiastical superiors, these four expressions of eremitical life ought to be distinguished. They each require a differ-ent canonical provision. An eremitical order would be almost totally ruled by its own proper constitutions ap-proved by the Apostolic See. SOURCES: Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem re-motamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Epistle, Compertum est, June 5, 1927; Apostolic Const., Inter religiosos coetus, July 2, 1935. Canon 33 A monk or religious must obtain the permission of his immediate major superior to enter upon the eremitical life as it is defined in number 2 of the preceding canon. This superior may establish certain,no~rms to be observed by the hermit. After he has been duly tried, the superior may not recall him to community life without a serious cause. In the event of such a summons, the monk or re-ligious may appeal to the Apostolic See, his eremitical status remaining intact while the appeal is pending. NOTE: In conformity with the "principle of subsidiarity" the immediate :superior should and can better judge the suitability of his subject's withdrawing into solitude. After an adequate probation, the hermit should justly have some assurance that he may remain in his chbsen state. SOURCES: Rule of St. Benedict, chap. 1; Pius XI, Apos-tolic Const., Inter religiosos coetus, July 2, 1935. Canon 34 I. The canonical establishment of a fraternity or an association of hermits is reserved to the Apostolic See or the local ordinary. 2. Each member in such an association retains his own proper canonical status. Nevertheless all are subject to the local ordina~ry, ev~en by their vow of obedience if they have one, but the ordinary will habitually delegate his jurisdiction over them to a moderator" or spiritual father elected from the association. NOTE: It is highly recommended that hermits be united in a fraternity that they may give each other spiritual and material assistance. Such an association would require that someone function as moderator or father, and it is he who would be responsible before the Church for the good order of the fraternity . Canon 35 One who wishes ,to live a completely solitary life will not be considered canonically a hermit unless he receives the permission of the local ordinary. In this case the bishop, either personally or through another, must watch that the hermit faithfully lives the life he professes. NOTE: In order that a person be established in a canoni-cal state it is necessary that ecclesiastical authority act. This would ordinarily be the bishop, to whom the hermit, by reason of his status, would subject himself in a special manner. In this way false hermits can be distinguished from true ones. Canon 36 1. A professed monk or religious must have the per-mission of his immediate major superior to transfer to an eremitical association or undertake the solitary life. 2. Having obtained such permission, the monk or re-ligious remains bound by his vows and other obligations of his profession which are compatible with his new state, and though deprived of active and passive voice, he en-joys the spiritual privileges of his institute and may wear the habit. After a reasonable period of probation he can-not be recalled to the cloister against his will, nor may he return there without the superior's permission. 3. The preceding, with appropriate changes, is ap-plicable to members of societies without vows and secular institutes. NOTE: 1. Cf. note under canon 33. 2. This norm is almost identical with canon 639 of the present Code with the significant exception of re-taining the habit, because a life publicly consecrated to God is still being pursued. However, he can assume the habit of the eremitical association if it has one. 3. This is an application of canon 681 to a re-stored eremitic state. SOURCES: 1. Rule of St, Benedict, chap. 1; Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Inter religiosos coetus, July 2, 1935. 2. Code of Canon Law, canon 639; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Indults: Protocol Number 15112/65, Mar. 18, 1965; Protocol Number 1755/64, Afig. 8, 1966. 3. Code of Canon Law, canon 681; Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Renewal of Religious Life, no. 1. Canon 37 The ordinary may not require a hermit, priest or dea-con, to exercise the sacred ministry except in a particular case because of a serious, urgent need. NOTE: When the Church canonically approves the eremitic life, it should also secure its integrity. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal o[ Religious Life, nos. 7, 9, 20; Decree on the Pas-toral Office oI Bishops in the Chu.rch, no. 35. Monast~ Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 41 + ÷ Consilium M onasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Canon 58 1. For serious, external reasons, the ordinary can send a hermit who is a monk or religious to some religious house, or even, if the situation calls for it, reduce him to secular status. In this latter case the hermit must im-mediately put off the religious habit. The ordinary, how-ever, must immediately submit the matter to the judg-ment of the Holy See. 2. For the same reasons, a hermit who is neither a monk or religious can be evicted from his hermitage by the ordinary. He must then lay aside any distinctive garb. For serious offenses proportionate penalties can be imposed according tO t'he norms of law. NOTE: This provision applies the norms of canons 653 and 668 of the present Code to the eremitical state. SOURCES: Code of Canon Law, canons 653, 668. CHAPTER INTEGRAL CONTEMPLATIVE LIFE Canon 39 However pressing the needs of the active apostolate may be, institutes of men and women which are wholly ordered to contemplation always retain their role in the Mystical Body of Christ. Their members should occnpy themselves with God alone, in solitude and silence, in constant, devoted prayer and joyful, ready penitence. NOTE: All monks live a contemplative life, but according to particular traditions, in varying degrees many also en-gage in an active apostolate. The approved constitutions of individual monastic institutes determine the external apostolate or specify the institute as wholly ordered to the integral contemplative life. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, nos. 44, 46; Decree on the Renewal of Re-ligious Life, nos. 7, 9; Decree on the Mission Activity of the Church, nos. 18, 40; Plus XI, Epistle, Non sine animi, May 28, 1923; Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Apostolic Letter, Monachorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Encyclical Letter, Rerum Ecc.lesiae, Feb. 28, 1926; Epistle, Compertum est, June 5, 1927; Pius XII, Epistle, Quemadmodum Decessor Noster, Nov. 4, 1941; Encyclical Letter, Mystici Corporis, June 29, 1943; Apos-tolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Stat-utes, art. II, par. 2; Allocution, Annus sacer, Dec. 8, 1950; Encyclical Letter, Sacra virginitas, Mar. 25, 1954; Epistle, Iam quintum' expletur saeculum, Aug. 4, 1956; Allocution, Nous sommes heureux, Apr. 11, 1958; Radio Message, Cddant volontiers, July 19, 1958; Radio Message, Si Nous avons, July 26, 1958; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; John XXIII, Allocution, Notre joie, Oct. 20, 1960; Epistle, Recens ate, Oct. 20, 1960; Allocution, Gli innumerevoli ceri, Feb. 2, 1961; Epistle, Il tempio massimo, July 2, 1962; nos. I, III; Epistle, Causa praeclara, July 16, 1962; Allocution, C'est ti Rome, Sept. 1, 1962; Paul VI, Allocution, Quale salute, Oct. 24, 1964; Sacred Congrega-tion for Religious, Ratio institutionis praesertim studi-orum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, no. 74; Secred Congrega-tion of Rites, Decree of Feb. 18, 1934; Decree of Apr. 20, 1943; Secretary of State, Epistle of June 5, 1952. Canon 40 1. The contemplative life excludes participation in the external apostolate outside the strict limits of the monas-tery, except in cases where it is truly necessary, and then for a limited time only, concerning which things the abbot is to be the prudent judge. 2. Nevertheless, priests of the order can fittingly fulfill the office of confessor or chaplain among their own nuns. 3. Outside these cases the ordinary of the place may not call upon them to exercise external ministry, so that they might easily be able to effectively fulfill their proper mission toward the whole Church. NOTE: 1. Some ministry is necessary within the monas-tery, some monks being appointed to serve their brethren, others to satisfy the need~ of ~uests and visitors. But it must always and everywhere be evident that the contem-plative life is the first and principal end of the monastery. Therefore the ~ninistry of contemplatives must be of such a nature and so tempered as to place, time, mode, and manner, that a truly and solidly contemplative life, both for the community as a whole and for the individual monks, is preserved and.constant!y nourished and strength-ened. 2. This is necessary so that the nuns can receive a formation truly in harmony with the spirit of the institute. This duty of engendering and nourishing the spirit of the order should not impede but rather enkindle the contemplative life of the chaplain and confessor. 3. Because members of exclusively contemplative institutes are to participate in the pastoral office of the bishops in the Church by their witness of an evangelical life of prayer and penance, they need to be exempted from the active works of the diocese. SOURCES: Second Vatican Council, Decree on the Re-newal of Religious Life, nos. 7, 9, 20; Decree on the Pas-toral Office of Bishops in the Church, nos. 35; Plus XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. IX, par. 2, no. 2; Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canon 154, par. 1; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Epistle to the Apostolic Nuncios, Mar. 7, 1951; Decree for the Order of Reformed Cistercians, June 27, 1956; Ratio institutionis praesertim studiorum O.S.C.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., pa~. 17; no. 76, par. 2. 2. Pius XII, Radio Message, Cddant volon-tiers, July 19, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Epistle to the Apostolic Nuncios, Mar. 7, 1951; Ratio ÷ ÷ ÷ Monasti~ Prtr'posal VOLUME 26, 1967 4. 4. 4. Consilium Monasticum REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS institutionis praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 24; no. 76, par. 2. 3. Second Vatican Council, Dogmatic Const. on the Church, no. 46; Decree on the Renewal o[ Religious Li[e, nos. 7, 9; Decree on the Pastoral Office o[ Bishops in the Church, no. 35; Decree on the Mission Activity o] the Church, nos. 18, 40; Pius XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Apostolic Letter, Monachorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Encyclical Letter, Rerum Ecclesiae, Feb. 28, 1926; Pius XII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes, art. IX, par. 2, no, 2; Radio Message, Lorsque Nous, Aug. 2, 1958; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Decree [or the Order o[ Re[ormed Cistercians, June 27, 1956. Canon 41 1. To preserve recollection and monastic peace, a stricter enclosure should be carefully maintained in all monasteries which profess the integral contemplative life. 2. Abbots must see to the faithful observance of the constitutions in regard to travel and visits. NOTE: 1. In exclusively contemplative monasteries of monks and nuns, papal enclosure should be maintained but, with the consultation of the monasteries, it should be adapted to time and place, abrogating the obsolete and the automatic censures ~[or a breach of enclosure. 2. This is the present law; but fittingly broadened so that an abbot, and by equal right an abbess, for serious reasons may admit visitors of both sexes into the enclosure. SOURCES: 1. Code of Canon Law, canon 1291; Second Vatican Council; Decree on the Renewal o[ Religious Life, nos. 7, 16; Plus XI, Apostolic Const., Umbratilem remotamque vitam, July 8, 1924; Apostolic Letter, Mona-chorum vita, Jan. 26, 1925; Plus xII, Apostolic Const., Sponsa Christi, Nov. 21, 1950: General Statutes~ art. IV, par. 2; Sacred Congregation for Religious, Instruction, nter praeclara, Nov. 23, 1950; Decree [or the Order of Re[ormed Cistercians, June 27, 1956; Ratio institutionis praesertim stt~diorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, no. 73. 2. Code of Canon Law, canon 606, par. 1; Plus XII, Apostolic Letter, Postquam apostolicis, Feb. 9, 1952, canons 141, 144. Canon 42 l. In institutes of the integral contemplative life, priestly training ought to conform to the norms of com-mon law as adapted to the contemplative life by their own approved programs of study. 2. If a monk-priest transfers from the contemplative life to the active ministry he should.undergo a period of practical pastoral training. NOTE: Pastoral formation should prepare priests to worthily fulfill their various apostolic duties as the Church desires and their institute requires by its nature and end. For this reason students in exclusively contemplative monasteries ordinarily are not trained in parochial prac-tices but in those duties to which the abbot might assign them. Hence it is good to require additional practical pastoral formation for one transferring. SOURCES: 1. Pius XlI, Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapien-tiae, May 31, 1956; Sacred Congregation for Religious, General Statutes, July 7, 1956, art. 19; Ratio institutioni~ praesertim studiorum O.C.S.O., Nov. 27, 1959, Introd., par. 14-17; no. 76. 2. Second Vatican Council, Decree on Priestly Formation, no. 19; Plus X!I, Apostolic Const., Sedes Sapientiae, May 31, 1956; Paul VI, Allocution, Magno gaudio, May 23, 1964. + + + Monastic Proposal VOLUME 26, 1967 45 PATRICK GRANFIELD An Interview with Abbot Butler Patrick Granfield is professor of the-ology at Catholic University and a monk of St. An-selm's Abbey; 19th and South Dakota Ave. N.E.; Wash-ington, D.C. 20017. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 46 Interviewer:* In Rome, at the end of the Council, you said in a public address that the Decree on the Adaptation and Renewal of the Religious Life was a summons to revolution. What did you mean by that? Abbot Butler: The Decree, of course, considers the religious life in the light of the aggiornamento in gen-eral. It spells out the meaning of the word aggiorna-. mento by talking about adapted renovation of religious life. It takes the criteria for adaptation, I think, from the notion of renovation. When it gets back to what it means by renovation, it appears that this means re-covering the spirit in which the founder of your re-ligious institute created the body to which you belong. There is stated, or could very easily be evoked from the document, the distinction between the spirit and pur-poses of the founder's creation and the actual contingent form into which he put it. As I see the meaning of the document, religious are entitled to regard as contingent and expendable not only all the accretions which have been added to the founder's original institution, but even the contingent forms in which he expressed his spirit. Religious are to try to reexpress that spirit in forms which 'are relevant and contemporary. Interviewer: Is that revolution? /lbbot Butler: Technically, it's not revolution, be-cause it's a question of going back to primal sources. But the practical consequences will look very much like revolution, if we. take this seriously, and accept with both hands the invitation that has been offered us by the Church. Interviewer: Perhaps a more fundamental question deals with the desirability of religious life. Do you ¯ This interview will form one chapter in a book of interviews called Theologians at Wor~ to be published by Macmillan during 1967. think that there is any place for religious life in the changing Church? Abbot Butler: It is a little difficult for me to give a revolutionary answer to that question since I was one, in a general way at least as a Council father, who passed the constitution, De Ecclesia. As you know De Ecclesia has consecrated a chapter to the religious life and seemed to give a kind of rationale of it. I feel that that limits one a little here. However, I can say that since religious life has been such a featnre of the life of the Church virtually speaking throughout the ages~ certainly you get that idea from St. Cyprian in the third century writing his treatise on virgins and the virgins of that time were the forerunners of religious life as we know it--that I think it would be very difficult to say that the religious life has no more than a merely transi-tory and passing value in the Church for a particular age. What I think is much more difficult, even after having decided that one has to find room for the re-ligious life in the Church, even in the aggiornamento Church, is to find a rationale for it. In recent discus-sions these difficulties have been accentuated. I had always thought that I knew more or less what the re-ligious life was, although I was rather doubtful how I would give a definition of monasticism as a species of religious life. However, after these discussions I came away feeling completely agnostic about the definition of religious life altogether. Interviewer: What of the suggestion placing religious life between the lay state and the clerical state? Abbot Butler: You cannot locate it in this way. You are applying the wrong criteria if you try to find a place for it between sacred orders and the lay state. Obviously, the vocation to religious life appears to come to men whether they are lay or sacerdotal. Or supposing that they are laymen at the time, it may come along with a vocation to the sacerdotal state. It seems to me that it has to be seen more in the charismatic order than in the sacramental order. There is a sacramental distinction between the clergy and the laity. But the religious life, although it sounds rather paradoxical to put it like this, is a kind of institutionalized charism. Interviewer: Who, then, is a religious? Abbot Butler: A religious is a person who has become aware of and has responded to a more special invitation from God to take Christianity at its maximal signifi-cance, instead of trying to get past with the minimal interpretation. Then, having seen and responding to it, he has wished to safeguard himself against future temp-tations to relapse on the minimizing basis of things by + + Abbot Butler VOLU~E 26, ].967 ÷ ÷ ÷ Patrick Granfield REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 48 committing himself for the future, as well as for the moment, by vows. Interviewer: It seems that you are implying that the lay person is not committed to the maximal exercise of Christianity. Abbot Butler: I think all Christians are called to it, but what makes a bit of difference with religious is that he has become in some special way conscious of that vocation. He has apprehended it as something that appertains to him personally. He has wished to make a response to it and he has desired to commit himself to it by an engagement, which helps keep him from any failure. Interviewer: How is the religious any different from the dedicated Christian who, conscious of his baptismal character, makes every effort to grow in the love of God? Abbot Butler: Leaving aside the question of the pub-lic nature of the religious vocations in the Church, I agree that both have become conscious.of the call to holiness and both of them have willed to make apposite responses. But the religious has added the feature of dedication, 'by which he commits himself for the future. Now~ if anybody does that, whether or not he plays a role in the public life of the Church as a religious, he is dedicated basically in. the same way as a religious pro-vided he has committed himself to the future. ,Interviewer: What do you think about the traditional way of speaking of the religious life as a state of per-fection? Abbot B~ttler: The term comes out of a world of discourse that is so 'alien to us these days that it is more misleading than helpful. Interviewer: Do you think it is theologically inac-curate? Abbot Butler: I suspect that if you take it in its full theological depth, it meant for the medieval people who invented this way of talking much the same sort of thing that I mean by the engagement of oneself for the future in a maximal practice of Christianity. This is what the status pkrfectionis means. Interviewer: How do you relate this to the monastic state? Abbot Btttler: It is difficult enough to settle on what one means by a religious, but it's more difficult to decide what one means by a monk. If you look the world over yo.u.find an extraordinary variety of interpretations of Wtiat monasticism means. This is not merely a modern phenomenon; other ages had a similar problem. This is partly due to the fact that monasticism grew up almost spontaneously in an age which had not developed a con-ceptualized theology. If is rhther like--if I may use an analogy---comparing the British Constitution with the American Constitution. The British Constitution is, practically speaking, undefinable because it is the result of gradual growth. It goes back to periods long before men reflected scientifically on their experiences and their intentions. Whereas the American Constitution came from a highly sophisticated age and was a written con-stitution from the first. Therefore you might compare the Society of Jesus with the American Constitution, since both came from a sophisticated, time and were able to define themselves at the moment they came into origin. But monasticism just grew in the Church. It is extremely difficult to look back and to decide what was the basic and not merely the accidental structure. I was talking about this p,roblem very recently with Canon Charles Moeller. He said that one of his theology professors, who had spent a lifetime studying the fathers of the desert and early monasticism, told him that noth-ing is more difficult than to elucidate the historical origins and theological basis of monasticism. Interviewer: What are your own observations on the nature of monasticism? Abbot Butler: Yes, to return to your question. In Rome, I think it was at the end of the second session, a group of us got together to discuss this question. Some were already a bit frightened about certain proposed changes in canon law that applied to monks. Someone suggested that the formal object of the monastic voca-tion was simple vacate Deo--to have time for God, to be open to God. Other orders and congregations in the Church have specific work, particular ways in which they serve God. But the whole point about monasticism is that there is no special way. It is just vacate Deo-- dedication to God in and for Himself. Interviewer: Do you agree with that explanation? Abbot Butler: Well, I thought it was rather good until the abbot president of a missionary monastic group said: "Well, if that is monasticism, then we are not monks." Another view was given by the Abbot of Montserrat who said that the thing that really makes a monk is the special place he gives to lectio divina--prayer in the wide sense. He explained that while the monk does work like anybody else, what makes him a monk is the "Work of God," the Opus Dei, the official public recitation of the Divine Office. The Rule of St. Benedict supports this and gives great emphasis to lectio divina. It is this dedication to a kind of meditative absorption of the whole Christian spiritual tradition in lectio divina which constitutes the specificity of the monk. Whether that's the case or not, I don't know, but it's the latest suggestions that I've heard of a positive kind. 4- 4- 4- Abbot Butler VOLUME 26, 1967 ,t9 ÷ ÷ ÷ Patrick Granfield REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 50 Interviewer: One frequently hears the criticism that the monastic state is a great waste of talent, time, and effort, a kind of religious escapism from the needs and responsibilities of the world. Abbot Bulter: Yes, this is often heard. One answer can be found in the Constitution of the Church which says that the religious life is a witness to the transcen-dental claims of Christianity, It says that the religious life "not only witnesses to the fact of a new and eternal life acquired by the redemption of Christ," but it "foretells the resurrected state and the glory of the heavenly kingdom." The same document insists that the religious life can be of great advantage to the salvific mission of the Church. Interviewer: Hasn't the time come for immediate re-newal of the religious life? Abbot Butler: I think it is a time for drastic measures. I think that most certainly. One of the things that really rather upset me at the Council was that when-ever the question of religious came up, there was an extreme supersensitiveness on the part of some religious superiors of whom of course I am one. They seemed to have an esprit de corps that was almost neurotic. I felt that they were consistently refusing even to make the effort to get down to the theological depths of the problem. They were continually taking refuge behind canon law. One of the first things we have to do is to delegalize the whole thing. We have to get down to the theological view and leave aside the legalistic view. Interviewer: How do you explain this sheltering be-hind canon law? Abbot Butler: I am not sure how to explain it. I suspect that it indicates a fear of the action of the local hierarchy or the local bishop. For the older orders, of course, the obvious defense against the bishop is ex-emption. But exemption is a pure invention of canon law. The bias that some religious show to canon law distorts the true picture of things. We also have to get behind some of the second-rate theologizing of what we used to call the scholastic tradi-tion. I am becoming extremely skeptical about the old divisions that we've been used to, the distinctions be-tween the active and contemplative life and the mixed life. I don't believe that that has any deep roots in tradition. If you study the fathers, you will discover that they meant something different by the active and contemplative life than the scholastic theologians. Interviewer: Do you have any practical suggestions on how monastic life might be renewed? Abbott Butler: There is a tremendous amount of "clearing of the decks" to be done. To get down to particulars, we should begin with the Divine Office which plays such a prominent part in our lives. For nearly all monks today the articulation of the daily Office into eight separate hours is no longer authentic. It no longer corresponds to a vital need. It was done in St. Benedict's time when they followed the seasons of the year and the hours of the sun and lived in a rural community. A much more meaningful way of dividing up the Office for us would be to take a leaf out of the Constitution on the Liturgy and to see Lauds and Vespers as the two hinges on which the whole Office revolves. That way you have a morning and an evening Office and you can add something in the way of a "Little Hour" at mid-day. Besides that I think that we need a solid block of prayer with the Psalms and lectio divina which could be put at any'convenient hour. This type of articulation rings much truer. Interviewer: The younger .generation would agree with that. Abbot Butler: I am very interested in the younger generation, although I don't pretend to understand it. It would be absurd for anybody of my age to pretend to. I do seem to glimpse certain ~ things about, them and I think that they have a horror, which I can respect as I understand it, for anything .that is phony--anything that is hypocritical, unauthentic. They feel that we are preserving the present structure of 'the monastic Office just for the sake of preserving: For them the present articulation of the Office doesn't make sense. They almost shriek with repulsion when~ for instance, we say Sext and None in one full swoop and start off twice in the course of ten minutes with Deus in adiutorium meum intende, which is obviously, the 'beginning of,a new time of prayer. It's like bad music to them. Some-thing should be done about this, Interviewer: Do you think that the. Psalms are still authentic vehicles of prayer? Abbot Butler: The Psalms, I feel (and perhaps I'm a bit old-fashioned about it), are the inspired prayer-book of the Church and they have a permanent value. They are so remote that they are easier to universalize and to apply to new situations than some modern prayers would prove to be. Interviewer: What of the readings from the fathers? Abbot Butler: This is something else. I agree that 'the fathers for the most part are not helpful. Perhaps better selections could be found. Let us take, for example, the Homilies in our Office ~hich are supposed to be the exegesis for the Scripture of the day. Now if there is one thing that is quite clear about the fathers, it is that their exegesis was nearly always wrongly,It's one of the 4. 4. 4. Abbot Butler VOLUME 26, !967 ÷ ÷ Patrick Granfield REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 52 most remarkable things about the fathers, I don't know why the strict conservative who thinks that tradition is an independent channel of preserving revelation hasn't insisted more on this point. The early fathers always get the right results by the wrong exegetical method. Interviewer: The vow of stability, that unique Bene-dictine vow whereby one promises to live in a particular monastery, is being reexamined by the monks them-selves. I recently met a monk who justified his nearly two hundred days of absence from the monastery in one year' by the argument that the essential part of the vow of stability is the stability of the heart or loyalty and not merely the geographic stability of place. What are your thoughts on stability? Abbot Butler: Lord Walsingham, foreign diplomat in the reign of Elizabeth I, used to describe his job as being to lie abroad in the service of her majesty. I think that the formal element in stability is the sta-bilitas cordis stability of the heart. Now we are get-ting down very near the basic roots of the monastic problem. Monasticism had its genesis in an entirely different cultural background from what we are grow-ing into at the present day. Stability meant a great deal more and had a great deal more positive value in those days than it has today. It meant that you grew into a total 'local environment which was only doing rather better and more deliberately what everybody tended to do in those days. There wasn't much instability in the life of the ordinary person. Today we live in a world where the horizons are so widened and the socialization has become such, that the old idea of local stability does not have the same role to play in monasticism as it used to. I say this with great.hesitation, because I am con-vinced that local stability has an obvious value. It makes the stabilitas cordis not merely a kind of pious velleity but a positive incarnational thing. As men, we do form a concrete, human family in our local monas-tery and we interact on one another directly in a very obvious way. It could be that because the world is going so socialized and so universalized that it needs a counter-poise that monasticism offers. Interviewer: You don:t feel that the uniqueness of Benedictine monasticism is in jeopardy if a liberal view of stability is adapted?. Abbot Butler: What is most specific in monasticism, compared with other forms of religious life in the Church, is allegiance to the local abbot. In orders like the Dominicans or Franciscans°your allegiance would be to a superior who rules thousands of people all over the world. He is a remote figure and few of his subjects have any contact with him. Even if a Benedictine spends half a year outside the monastery he does know his abbot personally and has a personal link with the other brethren in the monastery. This does make a great difference. Interviewer: On the other hand, the Dominicans, Franciscans, or Jesuits also have their local superior and they live in a community structure. While it's true that monasticism insists more on the communitarian aspect of life, can it still do so if it accepts a very wide view of stability which does not stress the local aspect--the permanence in a particular place? Abbot Butler: It is very difficult to conceptualize such things. But in my own abbey, for instance, we have a certain number of parishes where the monks are in charge and they spend years outside the monastery. I feel that the relationships between the monks on the distant parishes and his abbot are of a different human quality from the relations .between a friar and his local superior. Apart from the pope there is no higher supe-rior for a monk than his abbot. Interviewer: Declericalization is a primary goal in the present religious renewal. How does this apply practi-cally to monasticism? Abbot Butler: The separation in monastic life be-tween the clerical family and the lay brotherhood is in itself an absolutely outrageous thingl Here we must get back to the spirit of the founder. If there is one thing about which I am absolutely certain it is that St. Benedict conceived of monastic life as a way of being a Christian, not a way of being a priest. You might be a priest as well, but it is accidental to your monastic vocation. The present state of things in monasticism in the West is a bit of a scandal. It almost amounts to a dictation to the Holy Ghost. You tell the Holy Ghost that He may not give a full monastic vocation to any-body unless he couples it with a quite different thing, which is a sacerdotal vocation. Interviewer: Historically the tendency to clericalize goes back to the eighth or ninth century. Abbot Butler: It did begin as early as that, but I think that the monstrosity of the lay brother probably came in about the end of the eleventh century or the beginning of the twelfth. In a legalized form it was a Cistercian invention. It is helpful to remember that we do belong to the Catholic Church and that Eastern monasticism has never fallen into this awful abyss. Interviewer: Let us change the subject to theology. As an Englishman and a theologian, do you think that modern theology has successfully answered the challenge put forth by linguistic analysis? Abbot Butler: No. ÷ + ÷ Abbot Butler VOLUME 26, 1967 53 ÷ ÷ ÷ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 54 Interviewer: Do you think theology has a duty to answer? 'Abbot Butler: Yes, there is a duty. I would like to preface my remarks by saying that I am not a pro-fessional philosopher. I am inclined to think that lin-guistic analysis is a rather provincial phenomenon and a rather transitory stage in the total history of philosophy. It will probably have done some good in much the same way as the Greek Sophists, in forc.ing men to be careful in their use of language and to reflect upon their use of language. In toto, linguistic analysis is not too impor-tant, but in the actual situation it happens to be im-portant because it controls a great deal of the higher culture of the West in its more sophisticated side. I don't think that we hav

Issue 19.6 of the Review for Religious, 1960. ; SACRED CONGREGATION OF RITES Litany of the Precious Blood [On February 24, 1960, the Sacred Congregation of Rites issued .the Latin text of a new litany to be included in future editions of the Roman Ritual immediately after the Litany of the Sacred Heart. The,:original text may be found in /lcta Apostolicae Sedis, 52 (1960), 412-13. On March 3, 1960 (Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 52 [1960], 420), the Sacred Apostolic Penitentiary granted an indulgence of seven years each time the litany is recited with contrite heart; moreover once a month a plenary indulgence can bi~ gained under the usual conditions provided the litany has been said daily for an entire month.] Lord, have mercy on us. Christ, have mercy on us. Lord, have mercy on us. Christ hear us. Christ graciously hear us. God the Father of heaven, have mercy on us. God the Son, Redeemer of the world, have mercy on us. God the Holy Spirit, have mercy on us. Holy Trinity, one God, have mercy on us. Blood of Christ, only Son of the eternal Father, save us. Blood of Christ, incarnate Word of God, save us. Blood of Christ of the new and eternal testament, save us. Blood of Christ, flowing to the earth during the agony, save us. Blood of Christ, poured out during the scourging, save us. Blood o[ Christ, streaming forth during the crowning of thorns, save us. Blood of Christ, shed on the cross, save us. Blood of Christ, price of our salvation, save us. Blood of Christ, without which there is no forgiveness, save us. Blood of Christ, purifying drink of souls in the Eucharist, save us. Blood of Christ, river of mercy, save us. Blood of Christ, conqueror of the devils, save us. Blood of Christ, courage of the martyrs, save us. Blood of Christ, strength of confessors, save us. Blood of Christ, seed of virgins, save us. Litany ot the Precious Blood VOLUME 19, 1960 ~2! Blood of Christ, strength of those in danger, save us. Blood of Christ, solace of the suffering, save us. Blood of Christ, consolation in time of grief, save us. Blood of Christ, hope of penitents, save us. Blood of Christ, comfort of the dying, save us. Blood of Christ, peace and sweetness of hearts, save us. Blood of Christ, pledge of eternal life, save us. Blood of Christ, liberating souls from Purgatory, save us. Blood of Christ, worthy of all glory and honor, save us. Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, spare us, O Lord. Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, graciously hear us, O Lord. Lamb of God, who takes away the sins of the world, have mercy on us. V. You have redeemed us, O Lord, in Your Blood. R. And You have made us a kingdom for our God. Let us pray Almighty, everlasting God, who made Your only begotten Son the Redeemer of the world and who willed to be pro-pitiated by His Blood: grant, we beseech You, that we may venerate this price of our salvation and be defended on earth by Its power from the evils of the present life, so that we may thereby enjoy the perpetual reward of heaven. Through the same Christ our Lord. Amen. ÷ ÷ ÷ Sacred Congregation o~ Rites REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 322 JOSEPH F. GALLEN, S. J. The Constitutions Questions, difficulties, and cases on the constitutions ot religious institutes are of frequent occurrence. It seems more practical to retain the question and answer form for this matter than to synthesize it in the abstract form of an article. I. The Obligation to Strive for Perfection 1. What is the obligation o] a religious to strive ]or perfection? All authors admit the existence of such an obligation, but they differ in explaining its source. The first and at least solidly probable opinion is that the obligation of striving for perfection is not distinct from the obligation of observing the two distinctive means of perfection of the religious state, that is, the vows and the laws of the par-ticular institute, which are contained principally in the Rule and constitutions. This obligation is consequently completely identified with the obligation of observing the vows and the laws of the particular institute. Therefore, sin cannot be committed against a special and distinct ob-ligation of striving for perfection. The first argument for this opinion is that the Code of Canon Law nowhere as-serts a distinct obligation of striving for perfection. The code at least appears to confirm this opinion and may even be explicitly affirming it, since canon 593 states that all religious are obliged to observe their vows constantly and completely, to order their lives according to their rules and constitutions, and thus tend to the per[ection oI their state. The canon evidently at least appears to identify the obligation of observing the vows, rules, and constitutions with the striving for perfection. The same principle is con-tained in canon 488, 1°: "A religious institute signifies a society., in which the members, according to the laws proper to the society, take public vows., and so strive after evangelical perfection." This opinion maintains also that one who is obliged to the means of perfection is suffi-ciently obliged to strive for perfection, and an additional obligation is not to be asserted without necessity. It is likewise a general principle that one fulfills the duties of Joseph F. Gallen, $.J. is Professor of (:anon Law at Woodstock College, Woodstock, Maryland. VOLUME 19, 1960 323 ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 324 his state of life by satisfying the obligations proper to that state. The final argument is drawn from a comparison with~ the obligation of attaining eternal salvation. All mankind' is obliged to attain eternal salvation, but this is not an oh' ligation distinct from that of obeying the laws to which/ one is subject. The man who habitually commits or in-~ tends to commit serious sins of theft does not also sini against a special obligation of attaining eternal salvation.~ Geerts, Revue D'~lsc~tique et De Mystique, 2 (1921),i 213--47; Auxentius a Rotterdam, Commentarium Pro Re-¢ ligiosis, 31 (1952), 250-75; 33 (1954), 77-85; 192-211;I 302-11; Creusen, Religious Men and Women in Church l Law, n. 253; Bastien, Directoire Canonique, n. 521; bart, Trait~ de Droit.Canonique, n. 876, 3°; and others. The second probable opinion affirms a special obliga-~ tion from the virtue of religion to strive for perfection, that is, an obligation distinct from that of observing the l vows and the laws of the particular institute. The first l argument for this opinion is that the religious by profes-sion becomes a member of a public state whose purpose~ is to strive for perfection. The religious is therefore t obliged to strive for the purpose of his state of life. It can~ be immediately replied that the religious does this by the obligation of observing the vows and the laws of the par-ticular institute, whose observance necessarily leads to per-fection. No other obligation is necessary nor proved. The second argument is founded on a tacit promise of the re-ligious in his profession to strive for the purpose of his state. But again the religious fulfills such a promise by the obligation of observing the vows and the laws of the par-ticular institute. The last argument is that one who ex-plicitly promises to observe a definite means [the vows] to an end, implicitly also promises to strive for the end. This may be granted, but it does not prove a special obligation to strive for the end. It even appears to affirm the con-trary doctrine, that is, the end or purpose is sufficiently attained by the obligation of observing the means to that end. We may therefore conclude that the obligation of ob-serving the vows and the laws of the particular institute is clear in itself and in the code; that such observance necessarily leads to perfection; and that a special obliga-tion of striving for perfection is not necessary, is not proved, and consequently does not have to be admitted. The opinion of a digtinct obligation is held by Vermeersch, De Religiosis, II, (68)-(69); I, nn. 224-27; Epitome luris Canonici, I, n. 748; Theologia Moralis, III, n. 114; Wernz- Vidal, De Religiosis, n. 338; Pujol, De Religiosis Orientali-bus, nn. 342-45; Muzzarelli, De Congregationibus Iuris Dioecesani, n. 327; and others, H. Meaning and Content of Rule an_d Constitutions 2. We call the constitutions our holy Rule. Are consti-tutions and the Rule the same thing? The Rule gives only general, primary, fundamental, and concise spiritual and ascetical norms; the constitutions are more detailed, more legal and disciplinary. The Rule is relatively small and incomplete; the constitutions are larger and contain all the particular norms necessary for the religious life. The various Rules originated before the fifteenth century; new constitutions continually arise. The Rule is usually the work of the founder himself; the con-stitutions have very frequently originated in chapters. The Rule is considered as perpetual, untouchable, immutable, and may be changed only by the Roman Pontiff; this sta-bility is greater than that of the constitutions, even when the latter were approved by the Holy See. The Rule is in fact common to many distinct religious institutes; the con-stitutions are proper to each institute. To exemplify this fact, even though incompletely, in lay institutes the Rule of St. Augustine is found in nuns of the Sacred Order of Preachers, of Our Lady of Charity of Refuge, of the Blessed Sacrament of Our Lady, of the Visitation, and of the Order of St. Ursula, as also in Dominican congregations of sisters and in the Good Shepherd of Angers Sisters. The Rule of St. Benedict is used by Benedictine nuns and sisters; and the Rule of St. Francis, which is rather a triple Rule, is found in institutes of Franciscan nuns, sisters, and broth-ers. The Rule of St. Basil is confined almost exclusively to oriental religious. The Rules of St. Basil, St. Augustine, St. Benedict, and St. Francis are called the four great Rules. Other Rules also exist, for example, that of the Carmelite Order, which is observed also by Carmelite nuns and sisters. Because the Rule was general, incomplete, and so ex-clusively spiritual, in institutes that arose before the six-teenth century it had to be completed by other norms that clarified and determined the general principles of the Rule, adapted the Rule to the specific purpose of an insti-tute, and completed it by defining the purpose, means, government, offices, and the rights and obligations of the members. These complementary norms were usually called constitutions. Therefore, in institutes that have a Rule, the Rule is the fundamental law, the constitutions are the complementary law. Institutes that arose from the beginning of the sixteenth century ordinarily did not adopt one of the ancient Rules but assembled all their basic laws in one collection, which was generally called constitutions. Therefore, in these institutes and in the more modern sense, constitutions include both the funda-mental and complementary law of the institute. However, ÷ ÷ ÷ TI~ Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 325 4" ]oseph F. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 326 at present in institutes of brothers, nuns, and sisters that have a Rule, the constitutions ordinarily are of exactly the same nature in subject matter as in institutes that fol-low no Rule. The sense explained above is that of Rule in the singu-lar. In the plural, rules are not part of the basic law of an institute, as are the Rule and constitutions, but secondary, particular, and detailed norms of conduct, for example, common rules, rules of modesty, of the provincial, of the local superior, of priests, of confessors, of scholastics, of lay brothers, and so forth. Such rules are in use in many of the institutes founded from the beginning of the sixteenth century. They are not found too frequently in lay insti-tutes, whose particular law generally consists of a Rule, if the institute follows one, constitutions, directory, custom book, ordinances of the general chapter, and regulations of higher superiors. In the Code of Canon Law, the terms rules, rules and constitutions, and constitutions in relation to religious sig-nify the entire particular law of an institute, whether this has its origin in a Rule or constitutions, and no matter what may be the parts or the names by which various parts of this particular law are designated in a given institute. The Normae of 1921 forbade religious congregations to call their constitutions a Rule in the text of the constitu-tions. They are to be termed constitutions (n. 22 h.). This norm of canonical usage does not forbid such expressions as "our holy Rule" in other usage nor in conversation Even moral and canonical authors are still accustomed to explain the obligation and Other matters appertaining to constitutions under the general heading of the obligation of the Rule. Maroto, Regulae et Particulares Constitu-tiones Singularum Religionum, nn. 1-97; Larraona, Com-mentarium Pro Religiosis, 4 (1923), 134-39; Ravasi, De Regulis et Constitutionibus Religiosorum, 8-14. 3. I have noticed that religious universally speak of their constitutions, or of their holy Rule, as iJ all the arti-cles of the constitutions had the same force. Is this true? Constitutions are in fact composed of several different species of laws. 1. Laws of God. These, for example, the prohibition of stealing or of lying, whether natural or revealed, oblige immediately under sin, mortal or venial, according to the particular law. There are very few such laws in constitu-tions. 2. Laws that determine the matter of the vows. These are also few in number, since they are ordinarily confined to the articles that give the definition of each vow. Such laws evidently oblige in the same way as the vow, because they define the matter of the particular vow. A particular article may also contain a precept in virtue of the vow of obedience, but such articles are not found in the constitu-tions of lay institutes. 3. Laws of the Church, especially those appertaining to religious. A very great number of these are found in all constitutions. They oblige immediately under sin, mortal or venial, according to the law. However, practically none of these laws immediately affect the daily lives of religious. 4. Particular laws of the institute. These are divided into exhortations or counsels, legal, merely disciplinary, and spiritual articles. (a) Exhortations or counsels. It is not repugnant that some articles of the constitutions be mere ex-hortations or counsels, such as those on the practice of virtue to an exalted degree, for example, charity, hu-mility, obedience, mortification, and so forth. Of this nature are articles that demand a perfect love of God and complete detachment from selblove in all actions, the acceptance and desire only of what our Lord ac-cepted and desired, complete conformity of judgment in all obedience, and the more perfect abnegation and mortification of oneself in every act. If understood in the particular institute as counsels, they produce no obligation; if understood as preceptive, they are vio-lated only by a habitual neglect to cultivate such vir-tues. (b) Legal articles. Some of these are on government and the organization of the institute, for example, the following matters established by the law of the con-stitutions: the members Of the general and provincial chapters; the substitutes for such members; the system of electing delegates; the possession of active and pas-sive voice; the number required for a valid s~ssion of a chapter and council; the number of votes re-quired for a valid election; the right of making pro-posals to the general chapter; the qualities required for offices, for example, for superiors, councilors, sec-retaries, and treasurers; the term of office and imme-diate reelection or reappointment of supe?iors and officials; the incompatibility of offices; matters that require the consent or advice of councils; matters that demand a secret vote of a council; the number of councilors; appointments to be made in a full coun-cil; substitutes for councilors; the prescribed resi-dence Of officials, for example, of general and provin-cial councilors; the manner of replacing a general official; the frequency of canonical visitations by higher superiors; determination of higher superior competent for admission to the postulancy, novice-ship, and professions, reception of professions, for the erection and transfer of a novitiate, and for the erec- 4- The Constitutions VOLUME 19. 1960 ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 328 tion and suppression of houses; and reports and ac-counts of administration of various superiors and officials. Some articles of this class prescribed by the law of the constitutions are concerned with formation and religious profession, for example: entrance impedi-ments; entrance testimonials; a postulancy longer than six months; a noviceship longer than a year; temporary profession longer than three years; man-ner of beginning the .noviceship; formula and rite of profession; place of religious profession, except the first; limitations on 'acquisition and ownership of personal property; limitations on disposition of use and usufruct of p~rsonal property; and the giving of a copy of the constitutions to each novice. (c) Merely disciplinary articles. In general, such articles refer to the order and regularity of common life, the religious exercises, the work, and domestic and community duties of the religious, for example: reporting of presumed permissions; reception of visi-tors; going out of the house; going out alone; permis-sion for and inspection of correspondence; reception of visitors; visiting of externs; silence; reading at ta-ble; suffrages for the dead; interviews prescribed with superiors and masters; the spiritual duties, for exam-ple, daily Mass; recitation and choral recitation of the Little Office or the Short Breviary; prescribed visits to the Blegsed Sacrament; meditation and its prepara-tion; rosary; examen; spiritual reading; weekly con-fession; public devotional renewal of vows; retreats; monthly recollection; and the chapter of faults. (d) Spiritual articles. The constitutions, contain many spiritual articles, which enjoin the practice of various virtues, especially of those more distinctive of the religious life. IlL Obligation of the Constitutions 4, What is the obligation o~ constitutions which state merely that they do not o] themselves bind directly, or immediately, under pain o] sin and o] ~hose that add the phrase, "but under the penalty imposed ]or their viola-tion?" Authors usually treat this matter under the heading of the obligation of the rule; but they understand rule here to include not only the Rule properly so called, for ex-ample, the Rule of St. Augustine, St. Benedict, and St. Francis, but also the constitutions; and they quite Com-monly include also the legitimate customs, ordinances of the general and provincial chapters, if the latter possesses such authority, and the regulations of higher superiors. We are following the same complete sense in answering this question. The question of the obligation of the particular law of an institute is confined to. the articles described in n. 4(b), (c), and (d) of the preceding question, since the obligation of the other articles contained in the constitutions was stated in this s~ame question. Constitutions have the moral obligation that the legislator imposed. This can be imme-diately under sin. In some of the older orders, there are prescriptions of the Rule or constitutions that oblige im-mediately under mortal or venial sin. A prescription o~ the constitutions of any clerical exempt institute to which a canonical penalty is attached necessarily obliges immedi-ately under mortal sin, because such a punishment pre-supposes an objective and. subjective mortal sin (cc. 2218, §2; 2242, §1). In several older orders, congregations, and lay institutes in general, the obligation of the constitu-tions is phrased as in the present question and more com-monly in the first manner.~ All authors admit that the constitutions effect a real obligation. No Rule or constitutions consist entirely of counsels and exhortations. The essential effect of law is to produce an obligation.The common opinion has been and is that such constitutions are merely penal laws. The enactment of a law requires the power of jurisdiction. This authority is possessed by the general chapters of clerical exempt religious (c. 501 §1); and the constitutions o~ other institutes become laws by theapprobation or confirmation of the Holy See or local ordinaries, in the case o~ diocesan congregations. Some authors, ancient a_nd modern, have denied that the Rule and constitutions are laws; but this does not imply that they deny also an obligation to ob-serve the Rule and constitutions. That which is commanded or forbidden by the articles of such constitutions is not enjoined immediately under sin, for example, the violation of silence is not in itself a sin. There is no dispute on this point, because these con-stitutions expressly exclude such an obligation. The legis-lator of these laws or statutes is not indifferent to the ob-servance of his laws. He wills the observance of the law. An obligation immediately under sin is not necessary to secure the observance o~ the constitutions ~rom religious, and a legislator should not impose, an obligation greater than is necessary for observance and for the common good. Religious are cer~tainly subjects more prone to observance than to violation of law. Another way o~ stating the same argument is that sins are not to be multiplied without necessity. An 9bligation immediately under sin would also cause unnecessary anxieties of conscience. Since religious profession is a free and,spontaneous c?nsecration of one-self to Christ, it is becoming also that the living of this ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 + 4. 4. Joseph F. Gollen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 330 consecration should not be lacking in these same notes of freedom, spontaneity, and generosity. A religious who vio-lates his constitutions under the rationalization that they do not oblige under sin overturns the very reasons for which his constitutions exclude such an obligation, as is evident from the reasons listed above. He has a disposi-tion exactly contrary to that presumed by his constitutions. I[ religious were commonly of this disposition, the only reasonable norm of a legislator would be to make the con-stitutions oblige immediately under sin. All authors admit that the violation of such constitu-tions is in itself a positive imperfection. This is defined as the omission of a good that is not commanded under sin but in the concrete circumstances is known certainly to be a greater good for the person concerned, either from the clear interior inspiration of the Holy Spirit, the certain judgment of reason, or the declaration of legitimate au-thority given through oral directives or such a medium as the constitutions of religious. A dispute exists among theologians as to whether a positive imperfection is a sin in itself, but the more common opinion denies that it is a sin. The effect of such an imperfection is the lessening of worthiness for more intense and more efficacious graces from God. The dispute as to whether a positive imperfection is a sin in itself is of little practical import, since all authors declare, particularly of a violation of constitutions, that such an act is rarely lacking in at least some venial malice, either from the effects or the motive of such a rejection of a greater good. Sinfulness from the effects is verified when the violation causes scandal, a relaxation of religious dis-cipline, or other harm. The sinful motive can be anger, impatience, pride, vanity, sloth, sensuality, and so forth. A religious penitent may therefore accuse himself of vio-lations of the constitutions in confession both for better guidance and because these violations rarely lack at least some venial sinfulness. All theologians and canonists also agree that a subject is obliged under sin to accept and perform a punishment, or penance, imposed by a superior for a violation of the constitutions. Some hold that this obligation arises wholly or at least partially from the constitutions themselves; others maintain that the obligation has its source purely in the precept of the superior imposing the punishment. There is little practical difference, if any, in these two - theories. In the latter doctrine, the punishment will not oblige immediately under sin. unless it is expressly so im-posed by a precept of a superior. However, in practice this is true also in the first opinion. It would be contrary to the spirit of such constitutions if all punishments, even when very slight, were considered as imposed immediately under sin. Therefore, also in the first opinion, the punishment will not oblige immediately under sin unless it is so im-posed, explicitly or implicitly, by the precept of a superior. "Therefore, let all members Of the states of striving for evangelical perfection remember, and frequently recall before God, that it is not enough for the fulfillment of the obligations of their profession to avoid grave sins or, with the help of God, even venial sins; nor is it enough to carry out only materially the commands of their superiors, or to observe the vows or bonds binding in conscience, or even to observe their own constitutions according to which, as the Church herself commands in the s, acred canons, 'each and every religious, superiors as well as subjects, ought . to order his life and thus strive after the perfection of his state.' They should accomplish all these things with a whole-hearted intention and a burning love, not only out of necessity, 'but also for conscience's sake.' In order to be capable of ascending the summits of sanctity, and of being living founts of Christian charity for all, they must be im-pelled by the most ardent love for God and their neighbor and adorned with every virtue." Plus XII, Apostolic Con-stitution, Sedes Sapientiae, n. 24. 5. Don't the constitutions o] lay congregations ap-proved b~ the Hol~ See state that subjects are obliged Irora the virtue o] obedience to observe the constitutions and prescriptions o~ superiors, that is, over and above those contained in a precept in virtue o] the vow? Doesn't "to oblige" mean an obligation immediately under sin? It is the practice of the Holy See to include such an arti-cle in the constitutions. The article quoted in the question is taken verbatim from the Normae of 1901, n. 134; Statuta a Sororibus Externis Monasteriorum Monialium Cuiusque Ordinis Servanda, n. 60; and the Normae pro Constitu-tionibus Congregationum luris Dioecesani a S. Congrega-tione de Propaganda Fide Dependentium, n. 69. However, it is not the intention of the Holy See in this article to affirm any obligation over and above what these other prescriptions of superiors and the constitutions have in themselves. All of these documents, successively in nn. 320, 126, and 193, also state explicitly that the constitutions do not oblige immediately under sin. 6. Do the constitutions oblige in virtue of the vow of obedience~ ÷ It is possible to find older orders of religious in which ÷ prescriptions of the Rule or constitutions binding immedi-ately under sin oblige in virtue of the vow. This is evi-dently possible, because obedience is vowed according to the constitutions and such is the sense of the vow of obedi-ence in these orders. It is equally evident that institutes The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 331 in which the constitutions do not in general bind immedi-ately under sin may place some precepts in virtue of the vow in their constitutions. This is actually done, and such specific precepts obviously oblige in virtue of the vow of obedience. Outside of such precepts, constitutions that do not bind immediately under sin do not and cannot oblige in virtue of the vow of obedience. They do not, because the sense of the vow in such institutes is that the constitutions can be made the matter of a precept of the vow by a competent superior but are not in themselves a precept in virtue of the vow. They cannot of themselves oblige in virtue of the vow, because the vow obliges immediately under sin and the prescriptions of these constitutions do not so oblige. 7. Precisely what sin is committed by a sinful violation of constitutions that do not oblige immediately under sin? The sinfulness in such a violation is from the subjective motive or the circumstances or both. Therefore, the precise sin is that of the motive or the circumstances. For example; if such constitutions are violated from pride, the sin is pride; if the circumstances of the violation are such as to cause scandal, the sin is against charity. It is evident that both malices can be found in the one act. If the constitu-tions obliged immediately under sin, the primary malice would be from the object. For example, the violation of such a law of fast would be against the virtue of temper-ance. This sinfulness is not verified in the constitutidns in question, because they do not oblige immediately under sin. 4" $oseph F. Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 8. What do our constitutions mean when they state that a sin is committed by violating the constitutions from contempt? It is evident thata sin is committed whenever the con-stitutions are violated from a sinful motive. Formal con-tempt is the despising of a superior, a law, or a counsel as such. It is therefore the contemning or despising of au-thority. This is a mortal sin, because to despise authority is to despise God, from Whom all authority proceeds. Formal contempt is rarely found in the faithful and less fre-quently in religious. The contempt stated in the constitu-ttons is formal contempt. Despite its rare occurrence, con-stitutions almost universally specify contempt as a sinful motive. It seems to me that it would be more realistic and practical to state that a religious sins whenever he violates the constitutions through a sinful motive. This is particu-larly true of constitutions which word the pertinent article as if contempt were the only sinful motive. Cf. Normae of 1901, n. 320; Statuta a Sororibus Externis Monasteriorum Monialium Cuiusque Ordinis Servanda, n. 126; Normae pro Constitutionibus Congregationum Iuris Dioecesani a S. C. de Propaganda Fide Dependentium, n. 193. Material contempt is the despisal of the person or a su-perior or of the matter of a law or counsel, "for example, if a religious despises a legislator or superior as ignorant, imprudent, rigid, malicious, uncultured,, obstinate, or a law as unsuitable, antiquated, ridiculous and because of such a motive violates the constitutions. This is ordinarily a venial sin. The sin will be mortal if such a motive leads to a serious violation of the vows, the serious harm of the institute, grave scandal, or to the proximate occasion of grave sin. 9. According to your explanation ot the obligation of constitutions, a superior may by his precept impose im-mediately under sin a punishment or penance for a vio-lation. The only precepts immediately under sin of which our constitutions speak are those in virtue of the vow of obedience. Is is true that the constitutions of lay institutes ordi-narily mention explicitly only precepts in virtue of the vow of obedience, which are usually also called formal precepts, A superior may impose a penance for such a vio-lation by a precept in virtue of the vow, since a penance for a violation, as something necessary or very useful for the observance of the constitutions, is indirectly Or implicitly contained in the constitutions. However, the constant practice of the Holy See in approving the constitutions of lay institutes forbids a superior to give a command in vir-tue of the vow except in grave matter. Other institutes should take this practice as a directive norm. Therefore, in practice a precept imposing a penance for a violation in virtue of the vow may be given only when the matter is grave. Even when such matter is verified, it is not the practice of religious institutes to impose the penance al-ways in virtue of the vow. All religious superiors, clerical or lay, possess authority in virtue of their office (cc. 501, §1; 502). This authority includes the power to impose an obligation immediately under sin, mortal or venial; and superiors are not obliged to impose such an obligation in virtue of the vow of obedi-ence, The understanding of the constitutions is that a su-perior may impose a penance immediately under sin for a violation. The constitutions do not demand that such a penance be imposed in virtue of the vow. It is therefore evident that precepts immediately under sin can and do exist in the religious life that are not imposed in virtue of the vow of obedience. A superior is obliged to make it clear, explicitly or implicitly, that he is imposing a strict precept, that is, one imposing an obligation immediately ÷ ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19o 1960 333 ÷ ÷ ÷ ]oseph F. Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR' RELIGIOUS 334 under sin. In light mgtter, he may impose an obligation only under venial sin; in grave matter, he may impose the obligation under mortal or venial sin. Religious superiors are not to be unmindful of the ad-monitions of the'Council of Trent expressed in canon 2214, §2: "Let bishops and other ordinaries bear in mind that they are shepherds and not oppressors and that they ought so to preside over those subject to them as not to lord it over them, but to love them as children and breth-ren and to strive by exhortation and admonition to deter them from what is unlawful, that they may not be obliged, should they transgress, to coerce them by due punishments. In regard to those, however, who should happen to sin through frailty, that command of the Apostle is to be ob-served, that they reprove, entreat, rebuke them in all kind-ness and patience, since benevolence toward those to be corrected often effects more than severity, exhortation more than threat, and charity more than force. But if on account of the gravity of the offense there is need of the rod, then is rigor to be tempered with gentleness, judg-ment with mercy, and severity with clemency, that disci-pline, so salutary and necessary for the people, may be preserved without harshness and they who are chastised may be corrected, or, if they are unwilling to repent, that others may by the wholesome example of their punish-ment be deterred from vices." Schroeder, Council ol Trent, 81. 10. To what observance does the obligation of the con-stitutions extend? The obligation of the constitutions, as is true also of the vow of obedience, does not certainly extend beyond the external performance of what is commanded by the con-stitutions. However, we are to beware here also of the danger of saving the law and losing our souls. A religious who restricts himself to the field of strict obligation has, in a certain sense, put himself outside the religious state, which is essentially a life of supererogation, counsel, and generosity. A merely external and legalistic observance is contrary to the purpose of the religious life. The religious therefore should strive constantly to purify and elevate the interior motives of his observance. In the same way, he is to endeavor to attain an ever more perfect external ful-fillment of the law, He cannot be content with the legal-istic external observance of the mere demands of the law. The religious life should be the state of the spiritually magnanimous, not of spiritual misers. The vows are the primary, the constitutions the secondary, of the distinctive means of striving for sanctity in the religious life. As in the vows, so in the constitutions, the essential source of sanctification is in the interior acts of the mind and the will. Mere externalism is foreign to the. religious life, so also is a supposed interior life without external observ-ance. Anyone who has the proper interior spirit cannot be deficient in external observance. "Submission to the observances of the rule must not degenerate into a stifling formalism. The religious cannot be content in an external observance devoid of care for the interior spirit. If the in-terior dispositions are lacking, the rigid practice o[ ob-servances and usages does not conduce to union with God." Reverend I. Van Houtryve, O~S.B., Acta et Docu-menta Congressus Generalis de Statibus PerIectionis, II, 458; "There is also a danger, especially in superiors and superioresses, of legalism, which is a source of no small harm to the formation of subjects. By legalism we mean the acquired propensity merely or principally to the ma-terial and literal observance of positive laws and the pro-portionate omission of true morality, which consists in sincere love of God and the neighbor." Reverend R. Car-pentier, S.J., ibid., II, 548. "There is danger Of a certain formalism in proposing the religious life to subjects when external regularity is so intensively and vehemently urged that explicit formation to supernatural virtues is almost omitted." Reverend R. Carpentier, S.J., ibid.; "It seems particularly that in the study of moral theology and canon law a sufficient distinction is not made between the view-point of simple morality, sin and no sin, and that of Christian perfection. The norm of life of the religious is not merely the sinless, but the more perfect." Reverend Benjamin of the Most Holy Trinity, O.C.D., ibid,, II, 195; "The interior life is essentially the union or habitual oc-cupation of the soul with God, so that it thinks, speaks, and acts constantly in 'the spirit of God, that is, it is guided and impelled in its every movement by the spirit and love of God." Reverend A. Gennaro, S.D.B., ibid., II, 62; "All realize that automatism and formalism are fatal to any re-ligious life and that legalism, or the mere satisfying of the wording of the law, can quiet the conscience but is the source of sterility and pharisaism, the negation of evangeli-cal sanctity." Reverend L. Veuthey, O.F.M. Cony., ibid., II, 229. His Holiness, Plus XII, reaffirmed the warning of these authors: "It is clear, in the first place, that a sincere devo-tion to the religious life excludes all legalism, that is, the temptation to be bound by the letter of the law, without fully accepting its spirit. Such an attitude would be un-worthy of those who bear the tide of spouse of Christ and who wish to serve Him with a disinterested love." .4llocu-tion to Cloistered Contemplatives, REviEw l~oR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 71. 4- The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 Joseph F. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 336 11. Aren't there any cases in which a violation of the constitutions is not a sin? A religious does not sin when he has a reasonable mo-tive and no culpable effects~arise from not observing the constitutions. Authors .commonly give as an example of reasonable motive the break!ng of silence in order to con-sole a fellow religious in sadness. One author adds that such acts, though good and not sinful, will frequently less perfect than the observance of the constitutions. religious also does not sin when he is excused or dispensed from the observance of an article of the constitutions. The individual transgressions of articles of frequent applica-tion will often not be sinful because of the lack of ad-vertence, but the habitual will of persisting in or of correcting such violations will be sinful. Cf. Genicot-Sals-mans, Institutiones Theologiae Moralis, II, n. 796; Rega-tillo- Zalba, Tractatus de Statibus Particularibus, n. 212. 12. Does a religious obtain the merit of the virtue of obedience and of the vow of obedience by observing ,the constitutions? A religious who observes his constitutions because they are commanded obtains the merit of the special virtue obedience. If he observes them because of another good motive, he obtains the merit of the virtue under which this motive falls. Therefore, a religious obtains the merit of the vow of obedience, that is, of the virtue of religion, when the motive of his observance of the constitutions the vow. The presumption is that the motive of the sub-jection of a religious to any type of will of his superiors is his vow of obedience. Therefore, in all subjection, un-less he positively excludes this motive, he acquires the-merit of the vow of obedience. The Holy See has approved constitutions that contain an article of the following type: "The sister can always have the new bond or virtue of re-ligion as the motive or end of any act of obedience. In fact such a will must be presumed to be implicitly contained the act of religious profession. Accordingly, the special e~cacy of the vow of obedience, or merit of the virtue o~ religion, extends not only to actions obligatory on the sis-ter by a formal precept in virtue of the vow but also to the ordinary commands and to every action in conformity with the constitutions that the religious perform with motive o[ obedience." Constitutions of the Pious Society of the Daughters of St. Paul, n. 131, 4; Cf. Choupin, Nature et Obligations de l'~tat Religieux, 481. 13. What is my obligation as a superior to correct vio. lations of the constitutions? All superiors have a grave obligation in conscience to maintain observance of the constitutions. A superior may consequently sin mortally by the neglect of correction, for example, of frequent violations, even though not serious in themselves, that will cause a serious relaxation of re-ligious discipline, or of violations that gravely compromise the good name of the institute. The obligation admits lightness of matter, for example, the failure to take appro-priate action against isolated violations that create no danger of a serious relaxation of the religious life. The obligation of correction is often stated in the constitutions, for example, that superiors are bound to admonish and correct subjects who violate the constitutions, especially when the violations are frequent or serious. It is evident that the superior should be prudent. He will often appear not to see violations. Counsel, advice, direction, persuasion, correction, and reprimand are to be employed more frequently than the imposition of a pen-ance; and patience will sometimes accomplish more than an immediate correction, These counsels of prudence have always been given. Superiors have rarely failed to observe them, and one may be permitted the suspicion .that they have been observed too well. Harshness is not desirable in a superior; neither is softness, sloth, nor cowardice. The prime requisite of a superior is not that he is a man who will never bother anyone. Such a man is a bother only to the observant and t9 the sanctity of the religious life. Nice people are not always competent people. Niceness is in some cases a product of weakness. All realize that a su-perior must be prudent; but the norms of prudence vary according to the circumstances, for example, patience is considered an attribute of prudence, but what religious does not know of abuses whose existence is due to failure to correct the original violations? "Although your rules, by the wise decision of your founder, do not bind their subjects under sin, nevertheless superiors are bound to foster their observance; and they are not free from guilt if they permit a general neglect of regular discipline." Plus XII, Allocution to the Thirtieth General Congregation of the Society o[ Jesus, September 10, 1957. IV. Excuse, Permission, Dispensation 14. My superioress told me that ! was excused from hearing Mass because of sickness. I told this to a priest, and he replied that it was impossible for a superior who is not a cleric to have the power of dispensing from a law of the Church. Which of the two is right? Both. An excuse is not a dispensation (cf. Question 17). An excuse from the observance of a law means that the obligation simply ceases to exist for a subject of the law. No one may place an action that is intrinsically evil, for example, blasphemy, idolatry, denial of the faith, hatred ÷ ÷ ÷ Th~ Com~imtions VOLUME 1% 1960 337 ÷ ÷ ÷ 1o~'ph F. G~, SJ. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS of God, and so for~hiThe obligation of other laws.gen-, erally ceases when an accidental but special difficulty, dis-i proportionate to the observance of the law, is connectedl with its observance, for example, it is impossible for a l person in a weak and dying condition to attend SundayI Mass; a teacher is excused from the law of fast if its ob-] servance causes quite a lessening of his efficiency.In an l excuse, the obligation of the law simply ceases to exist of[ itself; there is no need of a relaxing of the obligation, (dispensation) or of a declaration by an ecclesiastical au-~ thority or a superior. Since a judgment has to be made[ between the difficulty and the matter and importance of] the law, it would often b~ prudent to ~onsult a book or a competent person. This is the sense of c~nstitutions which state that a superioress may declare a subject excused from the observance of the constitutions and even of an ec-clesiastical law, for example, from Sunday Mass and ec-clesiastical fast. Cf. R~vmw fOR R~LIG~OUS, I (1942), 42-46. 15. What is the difference between a permission with regard to our constitutions and a dispensation from them? Some laws do not forbid an act absolutely but only when it is done without the permission of a competent superior. For example, canon 806 forbids bination without the per-mission of the local ordinary; canon 1108, §3, prohibits the solemn nuptial blessing during Advent and Lent without the same permission; the reading of forbidden books is forbidden by canon 1398, §1, without proper permission; and clerics and professed religious are forbidden, by canon 139, §3, to undertake the administration of property be-longing to lay persons without the permission of their own ordinary. The constitutions usually forbid the reception of visitors, visiting of externs, consultation of a doctor, going out of the house, sending out letters, and absence from common exercises without the permission of the superior. The permission makes the act licit, and the law is ob-served. Permission does not remove the obligation and free from the observance of the law, as is done in a dis-pensation. A permission.is granted for lesser reasons than a dispensation. It may also be presumed, unless formal and express permission is demanded by a particular law. A dispensation may not be presumed, because the obligation of a law ceases by a dispensation only through the actual exercise of the dispensing power. A dispensation from an ecclesiastical law can be granted only by one possessing the power of jurisdiction; a permission may be given by one who possesses only dominative power. A presumed dispensationis admitted in matters of lesser legal moment than those ordinarily contained in laws, as is true of many spiritual duties that the constitutions command absolutely, for example, visits to the Blessed Sacrament, meditation and its preparation, rosary, exa-men, and spiritual reading. The proportionate reason for a presumed dispensation in such cases will usually con-stitute an excuse from the'oblig~ik'ion (cf. Question '14). A dispensation may also be presumed from an obliga-tion imposed by dominative power, for example, by the ordinances of the general chapters of lay institutes and the ordinances and regulations of religious superiors. The re-lation in such cases is not that of a subject to a law but of his will to that of the superior. In a presumed dispensa-tion, subjection to the habitual will of the superior is pre-served, since a dispensation may not be presumed unless it is at least solidly probable that the superior would grant it, if asked. It is presupposed that there exists an impossi-bility or difficulty, according to the importance of the matter, of approaching the superior for his express dis-pensation. Cr. Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 448; Ledwolorz, Antonianum, 13 (1938), 35; R~VlEW FOR R~- r~c,ous, 1 (1942), 196--205. 16. 11 a dispensation can be given only in virtue o~ the power of jurisdiction, how can a lay religious superior of brothers, nuns, or sisters ever dispense? Jurisdiction is the authority to rule a perfect society; dominative power that of ruling an imperfect society. In virtue of canon 118, only clerics are capable of possessing the power of orders and of ecclestiastical jurisdiction. Therefore, no brother, nun, or sister superior possesses ecclesiastical jurisdiction. 'The obligation of an ecclesiastical law arises from the power of jurisdiction. Consequently, the power of juris-diction is necessary in one granting a dispensation, because this is the liberation from an obligation of ecclesiastical law. The power of jurisdiction is not necessary to dispense from the obligation imposed by dominative power, for example, from the ordinances of chapters in lay institutes and from the ordinances and regulations of religious su-periors. Since the obligation in such cases arises £rom dominative power, it can be made to cease by the same power. Both the common doctrine in the Church and the con-stitutions themselves give lay superiors the power of dis-pensing the Rule and constitutions. There is no doubt therefore that they can dispense and that this act has the same effect as if it were granted by one possessing jurisdic-tion. It may be gr~nted for reasons of no greater import and it equally frees from the obligation of the Rule or con-stitutions. The problem is the explanation of the nature of this act o£ lay superiors. There is no difficulty in clerical ÷ 4. ÷ Tlw Constitutiom VOLUME 1% 1960 ÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, $.1. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 340 institutes. In clerical exempt institutes, the superiors pos-sess jurisdiction according to the code and the particular constitutions (c. 501, §1); in clerical non-exempt institutes, the superiors can be given jurisdiction. For those who hold that the Rule and constitutions are not ecclesiastical laws but laws of the particular institute (Creusen, Revue des Communaut~s Religieuses, 2[1926], 173) or not laws at all (Ravisi, De Regulis et Constitu-tionibus Religiosorum, 109), the solution is easy. Domina-tive power suffices for a dispensation in either opinion, because jurisdiction is necessary only for a dispensation from an ecclesiastical law. The far more common opinion is that the Rule and con-stitutions are ecclesiastical laws. In clerical exempt insti-tutes, the chapters possess jurisdiction according to the norms of the code and of the constitutions (c. 501, §1). These chapters may therefore enact laws. In other insti-tutes, the Rule and constitutions become laws by the ap-probation or confirmation of the Holy See in the case of pontifical institutes, by that of the local ordinary in the case of diocesan institutes. In the former case, the Rule and constitutions are in fact treated as pontifical laws; in the latter, as diocesan laws (cf. Ravisi, ibid., 44-51). The nature of a dispensation of a lay superior is a real diffi-culty for this more common opinion. Various unsatisfactory theories have been proposed to solve this difficulty, for example, that the dispensation of a lay superior is a mere declaration that the subject is ex-cused; that his act is a relaxation or exemption, not a dispensation; that the laws from which he dispenses are implicitly conditional and therefore his act is a permis-sion, not a dispensation; or he is giving a private interpre-tation that the law does not extend to a particular case; or such a superior merely declares that a just reason exists but the dispensation is given by the Holy See in a pontifical institute, by the local ordinary in a diocesan institute (Van Hove, De Privilegiis, De Dispensationibus, n. 426; Mi-chiels, Normae Generales Iuris Canonici, II, 725-26; Fe-rreres- Mondria, Compendium Theologiae Moralis, II, n. 168). All of these theories are contrary to the clear wording of constitutions approved by the Holy See. These constantly grant lay superiors the power of dispensing and use the term "dispense," not to relax or exempt. Furthermore, what would be the distinction between a relaxation or exemption from an obligation in a particular case and a dispensation? These same constitutions also distinguish clearly, at least implicitly, between an excuse, an interpre-tation, and a dispensation; between absolute and condi-tional laws; and between a dispensation granted by a superior and one given by external authority. Therefore, it is certain that lay superiors have the power of dispensing from the Rule and constitutions, but we have no satisfactory explanation of the nature of this act in the supposition that the Rule and constitutions are ec-clesiastical laws. The source of the difficulty is that a dis-pensation from an ecclesiastical law demands the power of jurisdiction and these superiors possess only dominative power. 17. What is a dispensation? A dispensation is the liberation from the obligation of a law in a special case. It can be granted only by a compe-tent authority and only for a proportionate reason. The act of the competent authority flees from the obligation. The case is special because the law remains; a dispensa-tion is not the abrogation of a law. Since a dispensation is the authoritative liberation from the obligation of a law, it may be given only by the legislator, his successor or su-perior, or one to whom any of the preceding has granted such authority (c. 80). The reason or reasons should be pro-portionate to the gravity of the law in question. They evi-dently need not be as serious as those required for an ex-cuse, but they should at least be such as to make the observance of the law more than ordinarily difficult or onerous or such that they render the observance of the law obstructive of a greater good. A dispensation may he licitly asked or given in a doubt about the sufficiency of a reason (c. 84, §2) and, with at least safe probability, also in a doubt about the existence of a sufficient reason (cf. Mi-chiels, Norrnae Generales Iuris Canonici, II, 754). 18. When we request a dispensation from the Holy See, the Apostolic Delegate, or a local ordinary, are. we merely to request the dispensation or must we also give reasons? It is evident from the definition and explanation of a dispensation, given in the preceding answer, that a dis-pensation is granted not because it is requested but be-cause of the reasons for which it is requested. Any petition for any dispensation should also contain truthfully, ac-curately, clearly, and as briefly as possible all the reasons that actually exist for asking and granting the dispensa-tion. Canon 583 forbids a religious of simple vows of a con-gregation to give away his property during his lifetime. Only the Holy See can dispense from this law of the code. A petition for a dispensation is not to state merely that the religious wishes to give away his property. Explicitly this is merely another way of stating that the religious does not wish to observe the law. He may petition the dis-pensation and it may be granted only for sufficient tea- 4- 4- 4- The Constitutions Joseph ~. Gell¢~, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS sons. Therefore, all relevant facts and his precise petition, should be stated, that is, the number of years he has beenl professed, the value of all the property he possesses, i whether he wishes' to give away all or part of it, and thel value of such a par.t. The reasons must then be given, for~ example, he wishes to give this determined sum or all his i property to his father and mother because they are in need, or to his institute" to help pay its large debts, or to assist in the erection of a new chapel, and so forth. If th~ , institute requests a dispensation from the canonical age of thirty-five years prescribed for the novice master (c. 559, §1), the relevant fact of the age of the religious for whom the dispensation is intended should be given. The reasons are then to be stated, for example, that he is the only competent or the most competent religious for this office. The failure to give the relevant facts, to state the petition accurately, and to include the reasons causes un-necessary work and delay in the chancery or on the part of one who is forwarding the petition. 19. Is a dispensation given without a sulT~cient reason merely illicit or is it also invalid? At least one sufficient reason, that is, at least probably sufficient or a probably existing sufficient reason (cf. Ques-tion 17), must for licelty be verified at the time the dis-pensation is granted, e~en when it is given by the legis-lator, his successor, or superior (c. 84). Otherwise, the one dispensing would unreasonably free a subject from an obligation whose observance would tend to the common good. A law or statute is enacted for the common good. A dispensation from an ecclesiastical law given by an inferior (not by the legislator, his successor, or superior) without such a sufficient reason is both illicit and invalid, because an inferior is not granted the power of dispensing except when this sufficient reason exists (c. 84, §I). Re-ligious superiors are inferiors in this matter, not legis-lators. ¯ The principles given above apply to ecclesiastical laws. According to the far more common opinion, the Rule and constitutions are ecclesiastical laws (cf. Question 16); and the same principle of invalidity would therefore apply to their dispensation. However, it is a solidly probable opin-ion that the Rule and constitutions are not ecclesiastical laws. A dispensation from them without a sufficient reason will always be illicit, from the argument given above; but it does not seem certain that we must apply the principle of invalidity, established for ecclesiastical laws, to enact-ments that are not certainly ecclesiastical laws. Therefore, it is safely probable that a dispensation from the Rule or constitutions without a sufficient reason is valid. Ravisi, II De Regulis et Constitutionibus Religiosorum, 116; Creu-sen, Revue des Communautds Religieuses, 2 (1926), 177. 20. What power of dispensing from the Rule and con-stitutions is possessed by lay religious superiors of broth-ers, nuns, and sisters? It is evident that no religious superior may dispense his subjects from the substance of the vows, for example, free him of the obligation of the vow of poverty or obedience. This would at least temporarily and morally put the sub-ject outside the religious state, for which the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience are essential (cc. 487-488, 1 °). Nor may a superior dispense from a vow proper to the institute, unless such a faculty is expressly granted in the constitutions. Some of these vows are of such import as to exclude a dispensation; others are not. The general principle is that superiors possess only the power of dispensing that is expressly granted them by the constitutions. The common doctrine of authors and the practice of the Holy See in approving constitutions ex-clude the power of dispensing in articles that concern the government and organization of the institute and the sub-stance of the vows. These are in fact the matters listed in Question 3 under legal articles, that is, on government, organization, formation, and religious profession. How-ever, the constitutions may grant authorit~y to dispense from some of these, as is generally done for merely pro-hibiting impediments to the noviceship prescribed by the particular law of the institute. Some of these are also not of such moment as to be excluded from the power of dis-pensing possessed by superiors, for example, the reports of various superiors and officials, entrance testimonials of particular law, the manner of beginning the noviceship prescribed by particular law, and the giving of a copy of the constitutions to each novice. Proper and efficient government demands some power of dispensing in superiors. Therefore, the common doc-trine of authors and the practice of the Holy See in ap-proving constitutions grant to all superiors the right of dis-pensing in merely disciplinary articles, temporarily, and at least in favor of individuals. This power is accordingly possessed by all religious superiors, even when it is not expressly stated in the constitutions. The constitutions may limit such a power. The merely disciplinary articles were stated in Question 3. The dispensation is to be granted for a limited time, but it may be renewed on its expiration. This power extends at least to all individuals of the institute who are subjects of the superior, that is, all attached to or present in his province or house. The con-stitutions or, more likely, the usage of a lay institute may ÷ ÷ ÷ ÷ ÷ ÷ ]oseph F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 344 limit a superior's power of dispensing with regard to one, of his subjects who is temporarily outside his own province / or house and concerning one, otherwise not a subject, who l is temporarily residing in the p~ovince or house of the su-~ perior. Cf. Normae of 1901, nn. 266, 316; Statuta a Soro- I ribus Externis Monasteriorum Monialium Cuiusque Or-dinis Servanda, n. 127; Normae pro Constitutionibus Congregationum luris Dioecesani a S. Congregatione de Propaganda Fide Dependentiurn, nn. 162, 182. 21. When the common doctrine in the Church and the practice of the Holy See in approving constitutions state that religious superiors may dispense from the merely disciplinary articles of the Rule and constitutions, does this faculty extend also to the merely disciplinary ordi-nances oy the general chapter? Yes. The ordinances of a chapter are understood as in-cluded in the Rule and constitutions in this matter Question 4). 22. Our constitutions state that the superior may dis-pense "'in particular cases." Is this power restricted to dispensing individual subjects or may entire houses, provinces, and the institute itself be dispensed in virtue of a taculty so worded? It is conceivable that these constitutions explicitly ex-clude any dispensation except that of individuals by stat-ing that the superior may dispense individual religious subject to him in particular cases. If so, only individuals may be dispensed, except in the case given in Question 23. The meaning of "in particular (or special) cases" is then merely that the dispensation may be given to individuals for as long as the sufficient reason of. the dispensation ex-ists. The constitutions do not explicitly restrict the dispens-ing power to individuals when they state that the su-perior may dispense the religious subject to them in par-ticular or special cases or simply that the superiors may dispense in particular or special cases. In virtue of such formulas, a superior may dispense both individuals and, with safe probability, also houses, provinces, or the in-stitute for a sufficiently general reason and for as long as this reason exists. The particular or special character of a dispensation is verified not only when it is given to an in-dividual but also when granted for a special, accidental, and transitory or temporary necessity to a house, province, or the institute. Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, nn. 467; 503; Cicognani-Staffa, Commentarium ad Librum Primum Codicis Iuris Canonici, II, 570; 599; Coronata, lnstitu-tiones Iuris Canonici, I, 432; Abbo-Hannan, The Sacred Canons, I, 332-33. The reason is sufficiently general, even though not veri-fied in everyone, when it would he difficult or inopportune to restrict the dispensation to those in whom the reason is actually verified. Rodrigo, ibid., n. 487. 23. May a superior never dispense an entire commu-nity when the constitutions state expressly that his power of dispensing is restricted to individuals? A superior whose power of dispensing is limited to indi-viduals may by the one act dispense all individuals of a community if he knows that the reason for the dispensa-tion is verified in all o[ these individuals. He is then dis-pensing the individuals as such, not the community as such. Vermeersch-Creusen, Epitome Iuris Canonici, I, n. 204; II, n. 554. Van Hove, De Privilegiis, De Dispensa-tionibus, n. 328. 24. Don't lay religious superiors of brothers, nuns, and sisters ever have the power of dispensing entire houses, provinces, and the entire institute? The more common practice of constitutions approved by the Holy See grants the superior general the faculty of dispensing individual religious, provinces, regions, and houses; that o[ the provincials and other intermediate su-periors, for example, o~ regions, extends to individuals and houses; but the faculty of local superiors is restricted to individuals. This more common practice may be followed when it is not certainly contrary to the constitutions, since it manifests what is commonly understood to be a su-perior's power o[ dispensing. Some constitutions of lay institutes demand that the su-perior general have the advice or consent o~ his council for a dispensation to a province or house. Some institutes permit the superior general to dispense the entire institute with the advice or consent of his council or for a definite occasion. A Jew institutes impose the same restrictions on a ,provincial for the dispensation of a house or of the prov-ince. Some constitutions grant a local superior the ~aculty of dispensing his entire community in an urgent case, or for a single occasion and a grave reason, or with the advice or consent of his council. 25. May a religious superior, whether general, provin- + cial, regional, or local, delegate to another, for example, + to his assistant, the yaculty of dispensing ~rom the Rule + and constitutions. A superior general, provincial, or local,, as also a master of novices, possesses the power of dispensing from the Rule and constitutions in virtue of the law of the consti-tutions. It is therefore ordinary power; and ordinary The Constitutions VOLUME 1% 1960 ~45 ÷ ÷ ÷ ~oseph F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 346 power may be delegated in whole or in part to another~ except in those matters in which law expressly exclude.~ delegation (c. 199, §I). It is not the practice of constitu:' tions, especially of lay institutes, to make any such exclu sion with regard to the faculty of dispensing. Therefore,i a superior general or provincial, the local superior of al canonically erected house, and the master of novices may certainly delegate the faculty of dispensing in whole or in~ part to another. The same principle is true of a regional superior or any similar intermediate superior when his authority ofl governing is ordinary, that is, granted by the constitutionsl themselves. However, the authority of a regional superior~ may be merely delegated by either the superior generall or provincial. In this case, the regional superior will pos-i sess a general delegated faculty of dispensing his subjects. General delegation may be subdelegated only for indi-vidual cases, that is, for one or many determined cases (c. 199, §3). Therefore, such a regional superior will be able to subdelegate his faculty of dispensing only for one or several determined cases. This is true also of the one at the head of a canonically filial house, because his author-ity is delegated either by a higher superior or by the local superior of the canonically erected house to which the filial house is attached. An acting superior or vicar succeeds to the full dispens-ing power of the superior; and the legitimate substitute, such as the assistant, of a superior who is absent or im-peded from fulfilling his duties has the dispensing power that is necessary for ordinary government. He is to use this faculty according to the expressed or presumed will of the superior; and its use may also be regulated by the law, or in lay institutes, more frequently by custom or usage. 26. The constitutions of our pontifical congregation ol brothers grant no faculty of dispensing to the novice master, but the novice masters have always exercised such a power with regard to the novices. How can this be ex-plained? The constitutions of lay institutes apparently never mention the power of the master of novices to dispense. Since the master may be said to be, in a wide sense, the superior of the novices and of the novitiate part of the house (c. 56i, §1), he has the same power of dispensing his subjects as a local superior possesses for his commu-nity, exclusive of the matters that appertain to the general discipline of the house. In virtue of the same canon, these matters are under the authority of the local superior. However, the local superior maydelegate the faculty to dispense also in these matters to the master of novices. Cf. Lar~aona, Commentarium Pro Religiosis, 24 (1943), 32. 27. May a religious superior dispense himself? Even if such a power is not expressly stated in the con-stitutions, any religious superior may dispense himself in matters in which he is competent to dispense others. The principle of canon 201, §~, is that voluntary jurisdiction, and from analogy of law the same is to be said of domina-tive power, may be exercised in one's own favor. The canon also states that this power may be excluded by law. The constitutions may therefore deprive a superior of the faculty of dispensing himself in some matters. Such an exclusion is not found in the constitutions of lay insti-tutes. It would not be prudent to deprive the superior en-tirely of the power of dispensing himself, 28. Our constitutions state that a local superior "'must consult her council before granting a dispensation to any-one subject to her." What do you think of this law? It is evidently too rigid and consequently an imprudent law. Dispensations should not be .granted for insufficient reasons. This of its nature tends to weaken religious disci-pline. On the other hand, there are many occasions when a dispensation is not only justified but a greater good will :be attained or a greater evil avoided by its concession. According to the literal.sense of the law quoted in the question, a local superior must consult her council before granting the slightest dispensation from a religious disci-pline, for example, to allow a subject to go to bed earlier or to rise later than the community. The same consulta-tion would be necessary for a dispensation from any pre-scription of the constitutions, for example, from choral recitation of the Little Office, rosary, examen, or spiritual reading. The law is an evidently imprudent restriction of the authority of a local superior and should be changed. Such an imprudent rigidity with regard to religious ob-servances has been noted and castigated by authors on renovation and adaptation. "Religious discipline is also frequen_t.ly enforced with an unreasonable rigidity. Re-ligious know that it is possible to be excused or dispensed from the laws of the Church, for example, from Sunday Mass or from fasting; but observances are often proposed as if they never admitted an excuse or dispensation." RE-VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 14 (1955), 301. 29. May a local ordinary dispense from all articles of the constitutions that are proper to a diocesan congrega-tion? ~ Yes. The local ordinary is the legislator or ~he successor of the legislator of the laws proper to a diocesan congre-÷ ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 ~ose~h F. Gallen, $.L REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 348 gation. He therefore possesses the intrinsic right of dis-pensing from all such l~iws, whether they are merely pre-ceptive or invalidating (cc. 80; 492, §2). The Holy See may exclude some articles of the constitutions, because of their greater importance, from this dispensing power of the ordinary but thus far has not certainly done so. In a reply of February 12, 1935, the Code Commission stated that the local ordinary could dispense from the second year of noviceship in diocesan congregations when this was not required for the validity of profession. This reply does not certainly deny that the local ordinary may give the same dispensation when the second year is required for validity. The reply can be interpreted as merely an answer to the question proposed, that is, .when the second year is required only forliceity, without saying anything about a question that was not proposed, that is, when the second year is demanded for validity. The affirmative an-swer to this latter question is had in the clear wording of canon 80, stated above. Cf. Regatillo, Interpretatio et Iurisprudentia Codicis Iuris Canonici, 210; Larraona, Commentarium Pro Religiosis, 23 (1942), 15, and note 969. The laws proper to a pontifical congregation are treated in fact as pontifical laws (cf. Question 16). Therefore, for a dispensation from these same laws, except for those that fall under the dispensing power of religious superiors (cf. Question 20), a pontifical congregation must recur to the Holy See, unless the faculty of dispensing from the par-ticular article has been granted to the Apostolic Delegate or the local ordinary by the Code of Canon Law, his ha-bitual delegated faculties, or a particular indult (cf. Question 31). 30. May a local ordinary dispense from all the laws of the constitutions of diocesan lay congregations? No. It is evident that no authority within a lay insti-tute, whether pontifical or diocesan, may dispense from the laws or decrees of the Holy See. This faculty would de-mand a power of jurisdiction, and canon 118 states that only clerics are capable of acquiring ecclesiastical juris-diction. As was stated in Question 3, many of the articles of constitutions are laws of the universal Church, that is, laws or decrees enacted by the Holy See. The intrinsic right to dispense from a law appertains to the legislator, his successor, or superior; and these three alone may give the faculty of dispensing to another (c. 80). Therefore, all lay institutes, even if diocesan, must recur to the Holy See for dispensations and permissions with regard to such laws and decrees, unless the faculty to grant the particular dispensation or permission has been ~iven to the Anos- tolic Delegate or the local ordinary by the Code of Canon Law, his habitual delegated faculties, or a particular in-dult. The following are the cases of more frequent occur-rence for which a diocesan congregation also will have to recur to the Holy See: 1. Spending of the dowry (c. 549). 2. Impediments to the noviceship (c. 542). 3. For canonical novices to have a vacation outside the novitiate house (c. 555, §1, 3°). 4. To make the first temporary profession outside the novitiate house (c, 574, §1). 5. Whole or partial renunciation of personal patri-mony (c. 583, 1°). 6. Change of will (c. 583, 2°). 7. For a religious to reside outside any house of his institute for more than six months, except for study (c. 606, §2). 8. Alienation of property and contracting of debts (c. 534), except for the amount for which the Apos-tolic Delegate is competent. 9. Reappointment of a local superior for an immedi-ate third term in the same house (c. 505). 10. Age required for the master of novices (c. 559, §1). 31. What delegated faculties of the Apostolic Delegate and o~ the local ordinary concerning religious are of practical moment? The following habitual delegated faculties of the Apos-tolic Delegate and of the local ordinary concerning re-ligious are of practical utility: 1. Of the Apostolic Delegate a) To dispense from the dowry in orders and all con-gregations (c. 547, §4). b) To abbreviate or prolong the postulancy pre-scribed by canon law (c. 539, §1). c) To allow nuns in case of sickness or for other just and grave reasons to live outside the religious house for a time to be fixed at his prudent discre-tion (c. 601, §1). d) To permit the contracting of debts and the alien-ation of property provided the sum involved does not exceed $300,000 ( . 534). 2. Of the local ordinary a) To dispense for entrance into religion from il-legitimate birth and advanced age that is not over forty. b) To dispense from the dowry in orders and all con-gregations (c. 547, §4). c) To approve an ordinary confessor of religious women for a fourth and fifth three-year term, The Constitutions vol.IJ~i~ 3.% tg~,~, 849 + ÷ ÷ ]oseph F. Gallen, S.$. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 350 d) e) with the c6nsent of the majority of the religious (cc: 524, §2; 526). To permit nuns to leave papal cloister for surgi-cal treatment.(c. 601, §1). In mission territories, to permit religious women to do the first washing of palls, corporals; and purificators and to allow religious men and women to practice medicine and surgery (cc. 1306, §2; 139, §2; 592). 32. May a local ordinary dispense exempt religious from the common laws of the Church? In virtue of canon 615, all religious orders are exempt from the jurisdiction of the local ordinaries, provided in the case of religious women that they are subject in fact to an order of men. Congregations, or religious institutes o~ simple vows, are not exempt unless they have obtained this privilege by a special indult from the Holy See (c. 618, §1). Exempt orders are subject to the jurisdiction of the local ordinary only in the matters in which the code declares them to be subject; congregations exempt by privilege have an exemption according'to the terms of the indult. Because exemption removes religious from ~he jurisdiction of the local ordinary, the question naturally arises whether or not the latter may use his jurisdictional power of dispensing in favor of exempt religious. Canon 620 states: "By an indult legitimately granted by the local ordinary dispensing {rom the obligation of the common law, that obligation ceases likewise for all religious living in the diocese, without prejudice to the vows and particular constitutions of their own institute." This canon is clearly explained by Abbo-Hannan, The Sacred Canons, I, 640: "The privilege conceded here is that by which even exempt religious may avail themselves of dispensations granted by the.local ordinary, e. g., from the laws of fast and abstinence, though they are not per-mitted to do this, i. e, invoke the dispensation from the law of fast and abstinence, in a case in which they are bound to the observance involved by an additional obli-gation arising from a special vow or from their constitu-tions. But in the latter case, a violation of the obligation would offend, not against the law of the Church, the obli-gation of which has been removed by the local ordinary's dispensation, but only against the vow or constitutions." This canon confirms the common opinion that exempt religious may recur to the local ordinary, pastor, and other priests, whether the faculties possessed by any of these is from law or delegation, for dispensations from the com-mon laws of the Church. The reasons for this doctrine are that exemption is a privilege and therefore is not to be interpreted to the disadvantage of exempt religious; be- cause otherwise exempt religious would be in a less favor-able position 'in such matters than other religious and the faithful; and, finally, exemption does not demand that exempt religious be excluded.from the favorable jurisdic-tion of the local ordinary. Cf. Regatillo-Zalba, Theologiae Moralis Summa, I, n. 576; Michiels, Normae Generales furls Canonici, II, 735-36; Van Hove, De Privilegiis, De Dispensationibus, n. 434; Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 481; Schaefer, De Religiosis, n. 1288. 33. May a confessor or pastor dispense religiouS' frdm the observance of merely disciplinary articles of the Rule or constitutions? No. Neither the confessoi: nor the pastor possesses any faculty in virtue of his office to dispense from any article of the Rule or constitutions, nor are local ordinaries or religious superiors accustomed to delegate any such fac-ulty to confessors or pastors. For example, a pastor pos-sesses the ordinary faculty and confessors frequently the delegated faculty of dispensing from the fast and absti-nence prescribed by the Church (c. 1245, §1); but neither has the faculty of dispensing from fast or abstinence im-posed by the Rule or constitutions of a religious institute. Both, when a sufficient reason exists, may declare a re-ligious excused from the observance of an article of the Rule or constitutions (cf. Question I4). 34. Before last Lent, 1 talked over the matter of fasting with my local brother superior. He told me he thought I should ask the confessor for a dispensation. Before going to confession, this matter came up accidentally in a con. versation with another priest. We talked over the whole matter of fasting and my own case thoroughly, and he said that he could dispense me. He gave me the dispensa-tion during this conversation. I did not know that a dis° pensation could be given to an individual outside of con-fession, The only faculty of a confessor that is confined by its nature to the sacrament of penance, or what the Church also calls the internal sacramental forum, is that of ab-solving from sin. This faculty therefore may be exercised only in the internal sacramental forum. Confessors possess or may possess other jurisdictional faculties, for example, of dispensing from fast and absti-nence and from the observance of Sundays and holy days of obligation (c. 1245, §1); of commuting the pious works established for gaining indulgences (c. 935); of dispensing and commuting private non-reserved vows and promis-sory oaths (cc. 1313, 1°; 1314; 1320); of dispensing from irregularities (c. 990); of dispensing from matrimonial im-rpediments (cc. 1043--44-45); and of absolving, dispensing, + ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 351 and suspending canonical punishments. Such faculties may be exercised by a confessor outside of confession, in what the Church calls the internal non-sacramental forum, unless the law or authority that granted the faculty restricted it to the sacrament of penance, that is, to the internal sacramental forum. A confessor may dispense anyone in the internal non-sacramental forum if he could here and now hear the confession of this person. The con-cession to confessors of the faculty to dispense from fast and abstinence is frequently not restricted to the sacra-mental forum. This was true in the'case proposed, and the confessor thus granted the dispensation in the internal non-sacramental forum. Cf. Van Hove, De Privilegiis, De Dispensationibus, n. 419; Michiels, Normae Generales Juris Canonici, II, 728; Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 57; Regatillo-Zalba, Theologiae Moralis Summa, I, n. 574, 7°. 4- 4- 4- Joseph F. Gallen, S.l. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 35. May I, a confessor, use the jurisdictional faculties I possess in favor of myself, for example, by dispensing myself ~rom fast or abstinence? Judicial jurisdiction may not be used in one's own favor. The only judicial jurisdiction possessed by a con-lessor is that of absolving from sin (c. 870), which there-fore he may not use in his own favor (c. 201, §2). The other jurisdictional faculties that a confessor possesses or may possess fall under the heading of voluntary or non-judi-cial jurisdiction. These faculties may be used by a confes-sor in his own favor unless such a use is excluded by the nature of the matter, which is true of the remission of a canonical punishment or a dispensation from an irregu-larity; or the concession of the faculty restricts its exercise to the sacramental forum, which demands the distinction of persons of confessor and penitent (cf. cc. 1044; 2253, 1°; 2254; 2290); or, finally, the concession of the faculty expressly excluded its use in one's own favor (c. 201, §3). Local ordinaries, in delegating the faculty to dispense from fast and abstinence, quite frequently restrict it to the sacramental forum. They are not wont to exclude the exercise in one's own favor when they have not restricted the faculty to the sacramental forum. Therefore, in the former case, the faculty may not be exercised in one's own favor; in the latter, it may. Cf. Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 482; Michiels, Normae Geneiales ]uris Ca-nonici, II, 736-37; Coronata, Institutiones Iuris Canonici, I, 330-31. V. Change and Authentic Interpretation 36. A general revision of the constitutions of our con-gregation is being planned and discussed. A priest told me that a change in the constitutions had to be approved by the unanimous vote of all the members of the congre-gation. Is this correct? No. The reason for the statement is evidently canon 101, §1, 2°, which reads: "That which affects all singly must be approved by all." No one may' maintain that any change in the constitutions falls under this canon and demands the unanimous approval of all the members of the institute. It has been the evident law, practice, and teaching for centuries that changes in the constitutions appertain to the general Chapters of religious institutes, which are evidently not tl~e entire institute. The general chapters have either full auth6rity to make these changes, or partial, that is, with the confirmation of the Holy See, or at least the authority to request such changes from the Holy See or the local ordinaries. The practice of the Holy See does not consider a general revision of the constitu-tions as something that in itself requires the approval of all the members of an institute. This is clear from the fact that the Holy See has repeatedly approved such revisions with only the ordinary majority vote of the general chap-ter. Nor does a change in the constitutions demand a unani-mous vote of the general chapter. In by far the greater number of lay institutes, the approval of such a change requires only an absolute majority vote of the chapter. In about one-fourth of these institutes, such a change de-mands a two-thirds vote. The latter norm is found with greater frequency, but by no means always, in constitu-tions of more recent approval. If the constitutions contain no special norm for the approval of a change of the con-stitutions, an absolute majority vote of the general chap-ter is sufficient, because this is the general norm in con-stitutions for deciding matters in the chapter of affairs and a change of the constitutions as such does not fall under the norm of canon 101, §1, 2°. The Sacred Congregation of Religious at times ap-proves at least temporarily and experimentally a change in the constitutions recommended only by the superior general with the consent of his council, for example, the extension of the time of temporary profession from three to five years (cf. REvIEw VOR P~LXG~OUS, 18 [1959], 156-57). If approved only temporarily and experimentally, the matter must be discussed at the next general chapter. If the necessary majority vote is attained, it is again sub-mitted to the Sacred Congregation for definitive approval. The matters that demand the unanimous approval of all the mer~b.ers of the institute are commonly defined as those that d.irectly, primarily, and principally affect in-dividuals ~s such, that is, the privation of a personal right + The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 at. 4, ~oseph F. Gallen, S.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 354 or the imposition of a new personal obligation, of such a nature in either case that its exaction without the con-sent of the individuals would be an injustice. It is not easy to give the abstract definition of such matters, and all admit that it is even more difficult to determine in the concrete just what these matters are. Authors commonly list the following as failing under the necessity of the unanimous vote: a reformation of an institute, the impo-sition of a new observance, a change in the form or nature of an institute, union with another institute, a substantial change in an institute, and the change of the special pur-pose of an institute. The difficulty of determining what these matters are can be ~een from the opinion of Michiels (Principia Generalia de Personis in Ecclesia, 489), who argues that all the matters just listed except the last two (and his opinion applies equally to these) appertain in themselves directly and primarily to the institute and only indirectly and secondarily to the individuals as such, so that a decision for any of them requires only the pre-scribed majority vote, not a unanimous vote. It is evi-dent that the imposition, of any new observance whatever does not in itself demand a unanimous vote. The necessity of a unanimous vote is the exceptional norm in law. Therefore,.in any case in which its necessity is not proved with certainty, the prescribed majority vote of the general chapter suffices (cf. c. 19; Cappello, Summa luris Canonici, I, n. 197, 4°; Michiels, ibid.; Jone, Com-mentarium in Coclicem Iuris Canonici, I, 114). However, all authors recommend that any really probable case of this kind be referred to the Holy See, which in the pleni-tude of its power can for the common good impose indi-vidual obligations and deprive subjects of individual rights. The Holy See is accustomed in such cases to pro-vide suitable measures for the liberty of individuals, ~for example, in the resumption of solemn vows by a monas-tery of nuns, any nun in simple perpetual vows who does not wish to make the solemn profession may remain in simple vows but she is obliged by all the prescriptions of papal cloister; and in such matters as the union of insti-tutes or the change of. an order of nuns into a congrega-tion of sisters, the Holy See has added the clause that any religious who refuses to consent to the change may re-quest an indult of secularization or a ti:ansfer to another institute according to the norms of canon law. The practical course of action in any matter that even probably requires a unanimous vote of all the members is to present the question to the Holy See, with the vote for and against the measure End a statement also of the reasons for and against it. It should also be stated whether the opposition constitute a clamorous and hardened mi-nority. The Holy See will settle the question; but, even thbugh the measure is highly desirable, it may in pru-dence and for peace recommend a delay. The unanimous vote can clearly create a difficulty. Some measures that at least pr?bably require this 'vote are not only desirable but ~t times even necessary for the very existence of the institute. All who have experience with religious know that a unanimous vote is possible and that it sometimes occurs; they also know that it is very rare, especially in important matters. 37. Our pontifical congregation of sisters has Warded a general revision of our constitutions to the Hoiy See. Is this revision now in effect, that is, before the approval of the Holy See? In virtue of their approval by the Holy See, the consti-tutions of pontifical lay institutes are treated as if they were pontifical laws; those of diocesan congregations, ap-proved by the local ordinary, are treated in the same way as diocesan laws. Therefore, not the institute but the Holy See is the legislator for pontifical institutes and the local,ordinaries for the particular laws of the constitutions of diocesan congregations. Such institutes merely request that their constitutions or a change in them be approved by the Holy See or the ,local ordinaries. No authority within a lay institute, may change its constitutions, and local ordinaries may not change the constitutions, of pon-tifical institutes (c. 618, §2, 1°). The Holy See alone has the authority to change the constitutions of a pontifical institute, The same change in a diocesan congregation may not be made without the ,unanimous consent of all the ordinaries in whose dioceses 'the congregation has houses (c. 495, §2). The dissent of even one of these or-dinaries prevent.s the change from becoming effectiv$~ The congregation may recur to the Holy See in such a case. The ordinaries may' not change any of the things ap-proved by the Holy See in the erection of the diocesan c6ngregation, that is, the special purpose, title, particular works, and form and color of the habit. A change of any of these requires the approval of the Holy See. These mat. oters did not have tO be proposed to the Holy See for the erection of a diocesan congregation before July 16, 1906. Therefore, in congregations erected before this date, the local ordinaries may change such matters also (cf. Ravisi, De Regulis et Constitutionibus Religiosorum, 126, note 3). The answer to the question proposed should now be evident. Any change in the constitutions of lay institutes is effective only from the date on which its approval is granted by the Holy See or the local ordinaries. Before this date, the institute may not put the proposed change into effect. ÷ ÷ ÷ The Consiitution's VOLUME 19, 1960 ÷ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 356 38. The constitutions of our pontifical congregation of sisters state: "The Holy See alone may change and au-thentically interpret the constitutions . In case of real doubt about some particular point of the constitutions, the general chapter, as also the mother general with the advice of her council, may give a practical interpretation of the doubt; and the sisters are obliged to follow this in-terpretation." What is.the meaning of these two articles? An interpretation is an explanation of the true sense contained in a law. A law needs no interpretation when it is so clear that it excludes even subjective obscurities and doubts. An interpretation is frequently necessary, be-cause it is difficult for a human legislator to express his will with perfect clarity in a brief general statement. Ex-perience also proves that the obscurity of a law often in-creases proportionately with its length. The application of a brief general norm to various particular cases is also a frequent source of obscurities and doubts. An authentic interpretation is an authoritative or obligatory explana-tion of the sense of a law. It may therefore be given only by the legislator, his successor or superior, or in virtue of power delegated by any of these (c. ,17, §1). Since the constitutions of pontifical lay institutes are treated in fact as pontifical and those of diocesan congre-gations as diocesan laws, it follows that the authentic in-terpretation Of the former is reserved to the Holy See and of the latter to the local ordinary, if the diocesan congre-gation is confined to one diocese, and otherwise to the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries in whose dioceses the congregation has houses (cc. 492, §2; 495, §2). It is clear that the Holy See also, as the superior of the local ordinaries, may authentically interpret the constitutions of diocesan congregations. The constitutions of lay insti-tutes usually affirm explicitly that an authentic interpre-tation is reserved to the legislator (cf. Normae of 1901, nn. 251; 265; Normae pro Constitutionibus Congregationum Iuris Dioecesani a S. Congregatione de Propaganda Fide Dependentium, n. 162). A private, non-authentic, or doctrinal interpretation is one given according to the principles of correct interpre-tation by those who lack the authority to enact an authen-tic interpretation. It is based on the legitimate principles of interpretation of canon law, of constitutions in general, and of the particular constitutions. A doctrinal interpreta-tion is a purely private opinion and possesses only the weight and value of the arguments on which it is founded. This is the nature of the opinion given by authors on canon law and constitutions. These can and often do differ in their interpretations. This diversity of opinion often disturbs lay religious superiors. They should follow the norm given by Creusen: "Superiors, however, may follow in their government the doctrinal interpretation given by those authors whose opinions carry weight. In this case the inferior who may have a different opinion must sub-mit himself to the superior, for it is the superior who has the right to choose among several opinions the one which seems to him to offer the best guarantees of truth" (Re-ligious Men and Women in Church Law, n. 273). The exclusion of an authentic interpretation does not prohibit superiors from giving a doctrinal interpretation of the constitutions. In a doubt about the sense of any matter of particular law of a lay :institute, the general chapter or the superior general, as in the second article quoted in the quegtion, may also determine what observance is to be followed. This is in fact an ordinance of the chapter or a regulation of the superior (cf. Van Hove, De Legibus, n. 243; Mi-chiels, Normae Generales Juris Canonici, I, 504, note 1; Rodrigo, Tractatus de Legibus, n. 380). In constitutions it is sometimes called a practical solution of the doubt. It is evident that each superior may authentically in-terpret his own regulations. A higher superior may do the same with regard to the regulations of a lower superior. A general chapter is the authentic interpreter of its own or-dinances and of those of previous chapters. A doctrinal interpretation by others is not excluded, and the superior general may give a practical solution of a doubt concern-ing the sense of these ordinances, as described above for the constitutions. The constitutions could give the su-perior general the faculty of authentically interpreting the ordinances of the general chapter. Such a concession is not contained in the constitutions of lay institutes, but this does not disprove its desirability. It is evident that only the Holy See may authentically interpret the laws of the code and its own decrees and instructions, whether these are contained in the constitutions or not. Cf. Ma-roto, Commentarium Pro Religiosis, 1 (1920), 41-45; Ravisi, De Regulis et Constitutionibus Religiosorum, 96- I00. 39. Our constitutions say nothing whatever about a change in the constitutions. Some have stated explicitly and I think many others hold that our constitutions are immutable. Certainly no change has been made in them for many years. Do our constitutions consequently ex-clude any change? It is contrary to the nature of human law to exclude any change or abrogation. The common good, according to the varying circumstances of persons, places, and times can counsel or demand an abrogation, change, or the substi-tution of another law. Even the universal laws of the ÷ ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 .Joseph F. Gallen, S.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 358 Roman Pontiffs may be and have been changed, and we can certainly predicate no greater stability or perpetuity of religious constitutions. It is furthermore evident that the constant practice of the Holy See considers constitu-tions changeable and grants the authority to request a change to the general chapters of lay imtitutes. Finally, as stated in Question $6: "If the constitutions contain no special norm for the approval of a change of the constitu-tions, an absolute majority vote of the general chapter is sufficient, because this is the general norm in constitutions for deciding matters in the chapter of affairs and a change of the constitutions as such does not fall under the norm of canon 101, §1, 2°. . Superiors are not to think that they can preserve the identity of their institute intact if they never dare to change particular regulations. If they te-naciously adhere to these as if they were immutable laws, they will most certainly destroy the essential unity of their institute. A tree would certainly die if it did not change its blossoms or leaves . The fact that more ancient inSti-tutes are already senile is at least one of the reasons why we see new institutes constantly arising." Reverend R. Lombardi, S.J., Acta et Documenta Congressus Generalis de Statibus Per[ectionis, I, 117. "A religious order or con-gregation that always rejects any change in its regulations for the sole reason that things were always done this way and accordingly refuses to face the new exigencies is con-demned to self-fossilization and sooner or later to disap-pear. The precise reason is that its particular manner of life will no longer be compatible with actual conditions. Other institutes more adapted to the actual circumstances of society will take its place. The most optimistic outlook for institutes that do not strive to adapt their methods of teaching and their life is that they will necessarily appear deficient in comparison to the age in which they live. This will inevitably produce in their members a state and a sense of disturbing and harmful inferiority, which will also curtail the efficacy of their apostolic efforts." Leoni, Aggiornamento o Processo di Adeguamento, 47-48. The balanced judgment that should guide an institute in this matter has been given by Pius XII: "It is only right that convents and orders bf cloistered nuns esteem, protect, and remain faithful to the distinctive spirit of their order. It would be unjust not to take account of this. But they should defend it without narrow-mindedness or rigidity, to say nothing of a certain obstinacy which opposes every legitimate development and resists every kind of change even though the common good requires it." Allocution to Cloistered Contemplatives, REWEW ~'OR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 136. 40. According to our constitutions, "a change in the constitutions may not be proposed to the Holy See until three successive general chapters have sanctioned the change." Is this restriction prudent? Evidently no. The necessity of the approval of three suc-cessive chapters would ordinarily demand an interval of eighteen years before a useful or even necessary change in the constitutions could be proposed to the Holy See; Such an interval is clearly an obstacle tO the common good of the institute and to efficient government. The changes in the constitutions that are frequently being made now, for example, to a postulancy of nine or ten months or a year and to temporary profession for five years, evidently can-not wait eighteen years for their inception. A useful or nec-essary change in the constitutions that is proposed now could even be antiquated in eighteen years. This restric-tive law is directly contrary to the principles of the Holy See on renovation and adaptation. The next general chap-ter should vote forits abrogation and send the petition im-mediately to the Holy See. "If superiors according to their rank refuse to see the changed circumstances of the time, there is danger that they may turn that which was living [their institute] into a carefully protected corpse, even though they believe that they have completely preserved their institute. They have killed it by a form of spiritual parricide. The greatest effort of superiors should be to act, as far as possible, in "the same way as the founder himself, if he were alive, would act. It is true that he taught his sons a rule composed by him under the direction of the spirit of God for their government; but in defining many things, even those of greater importance, in the interpreta-tion of the rule according to the circumstances, and in the selection of mihistries, he would undoubtedly avail him-self of a holy liberty. He would be guided by the .burning zeal that consumed him on earth, that made him a man of his own age, and led him to devote himself to the more pressing needs and to select the more suitable ministries within the limits of his vocation." Reverend R. Lombardi, S.J., Acta et Documenta Congressus Generalis de Statibus Perfectionis, I, 119. "In the same spirit of profound intelli-gence of the rule, some communities no longer judge every proposal to change the constitutions as necessarily a sacri-lege." Reverend A. PM, O.P., ibid., II, 146. 41. According to an article of our :diocesan constitu. tiom, the constitutions may be neither authentically in-terpreted nor changed without the unanimous consent of the ordinaries ol the dioceses in which the congrega-tion has houses. Are these two the only matters in a dioc-esan congregation that demand the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries? 4" 4" + The Constitutions VOLUME "t91 '1960 359 ÷ ÷ ÷ $oseph F. Gal~en, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 360 Canon 495, §2, explicitly requires the unanimous con-sent of all the ordinaries for any change in the constitu-tions. Since the local ordinaries are the legislators for di-ocesan congregations and the ordinary of the motherhouse enjoys no pri~aaacy of jurisdiction, the authentic interpre-tation of the constitutions also certainly demands this same unanimous consent (c. 17, §1). The Code of Canon Law says nothing concerning the erection, union, modification of boundaries, or suppres-sion of provinces in diocesan congregations (c. 494, §1). In the introduction to the quinquennial report, the Holy See stated that the division of a diocesan congregation into provinces could scarcely be permitted and that such an institute, if special reasons existed for a division into prov-inces, should petition pontifical approval. Before the time of this report, a very small number of diocesan congrega-tions had been divided into provinces; and the report does not absolutely exclude the same division o~ other diocesan congregations. Canonical authors begin their treatment of this question by stating that the constitutions, if ex-traordinarily they contain anything on the matter, are to be observed. This is evidently true, but the mere observ-ance of the constitutions will most rarely be sufficient. Even when they mention the matter, the constitutions will practically never affirm anything but the religious superior (general chapter, superior general with the consent of his council, or both) competent for the preliminary judgment on the erection and related acts concerning provinces. The observance of the constitutions will be sufficient only when they state that such acts appertain to all the local ordi-naries affected or to the local ordinary of the motherhouse. In the latter case, the other ordinaries have delegated or consented to the delegation of their jurisdiction to the ordinary of the motherhouse. No authority within the in-stitute will ever be sufficient for the acts in question. A division into provinces is the erection of new moral per-sons; and the code does not give religious institutes the authority to erect religious moral persons. This is clear from the canons on the erection o~ religious houses (cc. 495, §1,497). It is the common and at least probable opin-ion of authors that the acts concerning provinces listed at the beginning of this paragraph demand for validity the consent of the one local ordinary, if such acts affect houses within only one diocese, or the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries concerned when the houses affected by these acts are in many dioceses. The best proof of this opinion is that the silence of the code on provinces in diocesan con-gregations should be supplied (c. 20), because of the argu-ment on moral persons given above, and the similar law to be applied is canon 495, §9. This may also be the argu- mentation of several authors who give no explicit reason for their doctrine. At least two authors apparently argue that any matter which affects houses.in several dioceses re-quires, in virtue of canon 495, §2, the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries o[ such dioceses. One or two authors demand the unanimous consent because the erection of provinces implies a change in the constitutions. This is true, but the two matters are distinct. Some authors demand also the consent of the ordinary of the motherhouse for all the acts listed above concerning provinces. They argue that his consent is afortiori neces-sary because canon 495, §1, requires it for the erection of the first house in another diocese. This doctrine also is probable. The erection of provinces does not necessarily imply the extension of the congregation into other dio-ceses, but something of the same reason is verified, that is, the judgment as to whether the congregation is capable of such a division and whether or not the division is expe-dient (cf. Larraona, Comrnentarium Pro Religiosis, 5 [1924], 262--63; Muzzarelli, De Congregationibus Iuris Di-oecesani, p. 92, note 15; nn. 101; 130). The. changes in the constitutions consequent upon the division into provinces will evidently demand the consent of all the ordinaries in whose dioceses the congregation has houses, in virtue of canon 495, §2. The other similar matters in a diocesan congregation that has houses in many dioceses are: the acceptance of the resignation and the deposition of the superior general; transfer of the permanent residence of the superior gen-eral; dispensation of a law that affects the entire congrega-tion, province, or houses in several dioceses, for example, of a law of the congregation that forbids postulation in the general or provincial chapter or of an impediment of the constitutions for the appointment of a provincial superior or provincial official; canonical visitation of the general and provincial houses, superiors, and officials as such and o[ the general and provincial government and administra-tion; consent for any investment or change of investment of general or provincial funds in congregations of women; the right of inquiring into the entire financial state of a generalate or provincialate of congregations of men or women; permission for the convocation of a general chap-ter for reasons other than general elections; and the con-firmation of the deposition o[ a general councilor. Some authors maintain that these and similar matters which affect an entire diocesan congregation, province, or houses in many dioceses appertain cumulatively to the jurisdiction of the ordinaries of all the dioceses concerned and demand their unanimous consent. Any one ordinary is competent in these matters only when he is exceptionally ÷ ÷ The Constitutions VOLUME 191 1960 36! 4, ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, $.]. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 362 granted such authority by the code. The following are the arguments for this opinion. Canon 492, §2, according to these authors, states that a multidiocesan congregation remains subject, not to any one ordinary, but to all the ordinaries and thus to their cumulative jurisdiction. Canon 495, §2, requires the unanimous consent of all the ordinaries for a change in the constitutions. The reason for this prescription is that such a change affects general government. Therefore, the same norm is to be applied to all similar matters. The lack of a general principle in the code on these matters should be supplied (c. 20), and the similar law to be applied is canon 495, §2. The juris-diction of any one ordinary is necessarily confined to his own diocese and does not extend to the congregation, provinces, or houses in other dioceses. Any one ordinary acting on matters that affect houses or religious in another diocese would be infringing on the jurisdiction of the or-dinary of this diocese. The unilateral action of an ordi-nary in such a matter would endanger the unity of govern-ment of the congregation. The code and the practice of the Holy See are opposed to a primacy of jurisdiction in any one ordinary, especially in the ordinary of the mother-house. These arguments are evidently sufficient to con-stitute at least a probable' doctrine. The opinion of these authors should be followed in practice, since it is at least preferable in itself and has been accepted by the Sacred Congregation of Religious, as is clear from the introduc-tion to the quinquennial report for diocesan congrega-tions (cf. Muzzarelli, ibid., nn. 96-102). It can be maintained that this doctrine is not as evident from the sense of our present law as it appears to some of its followers. The code nowhere asserts the general prin-ciple of cumulative jurisdiction. Cumulative jurisdiction is stated only once and then on the specific matter of a change of the constitutions (c. 495, §2). The local ordinary of the place of the chapter presides in his own name, not by delegation from the other ordinaries, at the election of the mother general (c. 506, §4). This ordinary has the same right of confirming or rescinding her election (c. 506, §4) and of accepting or refusing a postulation for this office when the impediment is. of the particular law of the con-gregation (c, 181, §1). The local ordinary of the higher superior has the vigilance over the dowries, which are part of the general or provincial administration (cc. 549-550). In alienations and the contracting of debts and obligations below the sum that demands the permission of the Holy See, the literal and more obvious sense of canon 534, §1, is that such acts by a congregation or province, as opposed to a house, of diocesan sisters require the permission of the ordinary of the generalate or provincialate. The text of canon 512, §1, 2°, does not certainly exclude the right of the local ordinary to make a canonical visitation of a mul-tidiocesan generalate or provincialate as such, nor canon 533, §1, 1 °, the necessity of his consent for an investment or change of investment of general or provincial funds in a congregation of women, nor canon 535, §3, 1°, the right of inquiring into the administration of general and pro-vincial property. Only the local ordinary of the mother-house approves constitutions to be presented to the Holy See for pontifical approbation (Normae of 1921, n. 8, d.), although testimonial letters are required from the other ordinaries. The typical constitutions published for dioc-esan missionary congregations by the Sacred Congrega-tion of the Propagation of the Faith in 1940 contain no prescriptions based on cumulative jurisdiction. Finally, it can also be maintained that matters such as the convoca-tion of a general chapter and the deposition of a general councilor appertain of their nature to internal govern-ment. They therefore demand the permission or confirma-tion of a local ordinary and fall under cumulative juris-diction only when the intervention of the local ordinary is prescribed.by the particular constitutions. The same is true of the establishment and transfer of a novitiate, which is not too frequently explicitly mentioned by authors as appertaining to cumulative jurisdiction (cf. Larraona, ibid., 10 [1929], 376, note 25). The difficulties in the exercise of cumulative jurisdic-tion are evident immediately, for example, it is most la-borious, cumbersome, and inefficient to be compelled to secure the unanimous consent of nine, ten, or fifteen or more ordinaries for any change in the Constitutions. The obvious remedy is to petition pontifical approval, which is practically always long overdue in these multidiocesan congregations (cf. Larraona, ibid,, 5 [1924], 145, note 95; Muzzarelli, ibid., 94, and notes 27-28). Until this approba-tion is secured, the efficient remedy is the delegation jurisdiction, preferably in the constitutions, to the local ordinary of the motherhouse for matters that fall under cumulative jurisdiction. Extraordinarily serious m~itters may be excepted from this delegation. An ordinary who receives into his diocese a congregation whose constitu-tions give the competence in such matters to the ordinary of the motherhouse implicitly consents to this delegation. In a case of urgent necessity, delegation may be presumed as far as is really imperative to take care of the necessity. Tacit or implicit delegation is also not excluded to the ex-tent that the actions of the other ordinaries certainly mani-fest a delegation (cf. Larraona, ibid., 14 [1933], 418-19, note 784; Muzzarelli, ibid., n. 102). 4. 4. 4. The onstitutiom VOLUME 1% 1960 36~ VI. Knowledge, Practice, and Public Reading of De-crees of the Holy See. Public Reading and ihe Giving ol a Copy of the Constitutions to Each Novice ÷ ÷ ÷ ]oseph F. Gallen, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 364 42. Am I, a local superior, obliged to put into execu-tion immediately any new document of the Holy See that affects religious? All superiors in the proper sense of this term, whether general, provincial, or local, are commanded by canon 509, §l, to promote among their subjects the knowledge and practice of the decrees of the Holy See that concern religious. A question of the quinquennial report to the Holy See reads: "How do superiors see to it that the de-crees of the Holy See which concern religious be known and observed by their own subjects?" Decrees of the Holy See include the canons of the code and the interpretations, instructions, and decrees promulgated by the Holy See after the code. The decrees that concern religious are not merely the documents specifically or exclusively on the religious life but all documents of the Holy See that apply either solely or also to religious. The matter of these docu-ments may therefore be on things common to all the faith-ful, for example, the sacraments, liturgy, and indulgences, or on the apostolate of the religious as priests, educators, catechists, nurses, social workers, and missionaries. Canonical Legislation Concerning Religious, published by the Vatican Press, is an authorized but unofficial trans-lation of the canons on religious, with the exception of those that affect only clerical religious. It is an evident fact of experience that lay religious especially are not con-versant with the mere prescriptions of canon law. One consequence is that they fail to distinguish between the articles of their constitutions that are canons and those that are laws proper to the particular institute. The read-ing in the refectory once a year of Canonical Legisla-tion Concerning Religious would help considerably to eliminate this common and harmful ignorance. The Canon Law Digest, Bouscaren-O'Connor, four volumes and annual supplements, published by Bruce, Milwaukee, is a collection of the documents promulgated by the Holy See after the Code of Canon Law. It therefore contains the subsequent interpretations, instructions, and decrees of the Holy See that affect religious. Current documents are to be learned from a periodical such as the REvIEw fOR RELIGIOUS, in which they are also explained. A regular section of the REwEw is devoted to a survey of Roman documents. A local lay superior should inform his com-munity of such a document as soon as he is in possession of the accurate official text in the vernacular. The ordi- nary way is by posting the text or having it read to the community, usually in the refectory, Practically all authors state the evident principle that a local superior is obliged to put a document of the Holy See into effect, without waitifig to be informed of it by either higher superiors or a diocesan chancery. However, in practice a local lay superior will rarely be in possession o[ an accurate translation and much less of the certain sense of a document before he is informed of it by higher superiors. A document should not be put into execution before its text and sense are known with accuracy and cer-tainty. Higher superiors must strive to secure an accurate translation and a certain explanation as soon as possible. The higher superior should then inform all the religious subject to him of the document by a circular letter. From custom or previous consultation, it will be known whether the superior general or provincial is to issue this letter. It should be an understood duty of a general or provincial secretary that he is to inform the respective superior and council of any new document of the Holy See and of any new diocesan or civil enactments that affect the institute or its members. Authors also point out that a document which requires the coordinated activity of several supe-riors cannot be put into execution until such activity is possible. All superiors must enforce any legislation of the Holy See. Higher superiors should investigate its ob-servance at the time of the canonical visitation, and an account of the same observance should be included in the reports of local to higher superiors, 43. Our constitutions contain no prescription on the public reading of the constitutions. Are we obliged by canon law to have them read publicly? Local superiors are obliged by canon 509, §2, 1 °, to have the constitutions of their institute read publicly in the community at least once a year on the days a~nd in the place determined by the constitutions, custom, usage, or the directives of higher superiors. The usual place is the refectory. There are many constitutions that say nothing about this matter. These institutes must observe at least the frequency of reading imposed by the code. The more usual frequency in constitutions is twice or at least twice a year, but in many the norm is once or at least once a year. The first part of the constitutions of lay institutes, exclusive of such chapters as the care of the sick and de-parture and dismissal, contain the duties common to all. In a few institutes, this part is read more frequently, two or four times a year or every month. A few institutes pos-sess an ascetical or spiritual summary of their constitutions and read this instead of the full constitutions. This prac-tice may be followed, because such a summary pertains + The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960~ ÷ ÷ Joseph F. Gallen, $.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 366 more immediately to the religious perfection of all and thus fulfills the purpose of the law. It would be preferable to have the full constitutions read at least once a year. All religious should be familiar also with the canonical or legal articles of their constitutions. An article is often found that commands or exhorts the religious to read the constitutions frequently in private, to meditate on them, and to make their observance a subject of the particular examen. Greater attention is obviously to he given to the spiritual articles and to the chapters containing the com-mon obligations. These are evidently laudable and profit-able practices for all religious, even when not commanded nor counselled by the particular constitutions. 44. The constitutions of our pontifural congregation oy sisters have been conlormed to the Code of Canon Law. Three documents antedating the code are in the back of the constitutions. Some older sisters have com-plained that these documents are no longer read publicly once a year. This practice was discontinued some years ago. Are we still obliged to have these documents read publicly once a year? No, and these documents should not be in your consti-tutions. Canon 509, §2, 1°, commands local superiors to have read publicly in their communities, with the fre-quency and on the days determined by the Holy See, any of its documents, that the Holy See will order to be read publicly. The canon is in the future tense, that is, decrees that the Holy See has ordered to be read after the promul-gation of the Code of Canon Law. Thus far there has been no order to read any document publicly in lay institutes. Only one such document, the instruction of the Sacred Congregation of Religious, December 1, !931, on the cleri-cal and religious training of members who are called to the priesthood and on the test to be made before the re-ception of orders, has been ordered to be read publicly at the beginning of each year but only to religious clerics. Documents antedating the code are no longer to be in-cluded in the constitutions nor read publicly. Several lay institutes are apparently unaware of this fact and continue to do both. The decrees antecedent to the code that the questioner has in mind are on manifestation of conscience, confessors, and frequent and daily Communion, that .is, Quemadmodum, of the Sacred Congregation of Bishops and Regulars, December 17, 1890; Cum de sacramentali. bus, of the Sacred Congregation of Religious, February 3, 1913; and Sacra Tridentina Synodus, of the Sacred Con-gregation of the Council, December 20, 1905, which was in-cluded in some constitutions. The same principle is to be followed with regard to all other documents antedating the code. 45. We are a diocesan lay congregation. There is noth-ing in our constitutions about giving a colby of the con-stitutions to each novice. I heard that we were obliged to do so. Is this correct? The universal practice of the Sacred Congregations of Religious and of the Propagation of the Faith in approv-ing constitutions commands that a complete copy of the constitutions be given to each novice from the beginning of the noviceship. This prescription is not a canon and is strictly obligatory only when included in the particular constitutions. Even when not found in the constitutions, it is at least the preferable practice, since it clearly mani-fests the mind of the Holy See and in itself is most useful, if not necessary, for the study of the constitutions. The ex-pressed purpose of the practice is that the novice may be able to read and meditate on the constitutions and more readily follow the instructions of the master. Each novice and professed may be given only an ascetical summary, but a copy of the complete constitutions should be in the library or in some other readily accessible place for con-sultation. It is the better practice to give a complete copy of the constitutions to all professed and novices. 4. 4. The Constitutions VOLUME 19, 1960 LEO P. ROCK, S.J. Is Christian Spirituality Self-Centered?' Leo P. Rock, S.J. is cur-rently

Article by Morris Arnold on the Arkansas Legal System during the Colonial Period. ; THE ARKANSAS COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM, 1686-1766 Morris S. Arnold* Except for the silence of its final letter, there is nowadays noth­ing very French about Arkansas. Yet before the American takeover in 1804 the great majority of the European inhabitants of the area presently occupied by the state were of French origin. There is s9me visible proof of this in the names, many now mangled beyond e:asy recognition, which eighteenth-century voyageurs and coureurs de bois gave to a good many Arkansas places and streams; 1 and there are, as well, a number of Arkansas townships which bear the names of their early French habitants .2 While these faint traces of a remote European past survive, ab­solutely nothing remains of the laws and customs which the ancient residents of Arkansas observed. This is no accident. It was a favor­ite object of Jefferson to introduce the common law of England into the vast Louisiana Territory as quickly as he could. In the lower territory he waited too late. New Orleans had had a large French population and a somewhat professionalized legal system for some time, and the civilian opposition, given time to congeal, proved to * Ben J. Altheimer Distinguished Professor of Law, University of Arkansas at Little Rock. B.S.E.E. 1965, LL.B. 1968, University of Arkansas; LL.M. 1969, S.J.D. 1971, Harvard Law School. This article is the first chapter of Professor Arnold's book, UNEQUAL LAWS UNTO A SAVAGE RACE: EUROPEAN LEGAL TRADITIONS IN ARKANSAS, 1686-1836, which will be published later this year. l. See generally Branner, Some Old French Place Names in the State of Arkansas, 19 ARK. HIST. Q. 191 (1960). The etymology of some of these names is difficult and interesting. Who would guess very quickly, for instance, that Smackover in Union County is Chemin Couvert (covered road) in disguise? Id. at 206. Tchemanihaut Creek (pronounced 'Shamanahaw") in Ashley County is a good deal easier: Chemin a haut (high road) must have been its original name. Its initial letter, one local historian has plausibly suggested, is probably attributable to "a misguided attempt to derive the name from the Indian lan­guage." Y. ETHERIDGE, HISTORY OF ASHLEY COUNTY, ARKANSAS 17, 18 (1959). Other names should on sight be instantly intelligible to a modern Parisian, though their current pronunciation might cause him consternation: Examples are the Terre Rouge (red earth) and Terre Noire (black earth) Creeks in Clark County, the L 'Angui!le (eel) River in north­east Arkansas, and La Grue (crane) township in Arkansas county. 2. Vaugine and Bogy Townships in Jefferson County, Darysaw (Desruisseaux) Town­ship in Grant County, and Fourche La Fave (Lefevre) Township in Perry County are good examples. 391 392 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 have sufficient muscle to win a partial victory.3 As a result, as to substantive civil matters the state of Louisiana is today a thoroughly civilian jurisdiction. In the upper territory, however, by a piecemeal process beginning in 1804, the English common law was insinuated into the legal system, until, in 1816, it was at last adopted virtually wholesale by the General Assembly of the Missouri Territory.4 The purpose of this article is to explain why civilian legal institutions proved so weak in Upper Louisiana and especially in Arkansas. It turns out that the smallness and character of the European popula­tion in Arkansas was the main cause for the vulnerability of Euro­pean legal norms there. The reception of the common law in Arkansas was simply one element in a more general exchange of cultures which occurred following the Louisiana Purchase. I At ten o'clock on the morning of March 12, 1682, Robert Cava­lier, sieur de la Salle, having been commissioned four years earlier by Louis XIV of France to explore and take possession of the Mis­sissippi and its tributaries, drew near the Quapaw Village of Kappa. The village was located on the right bank of the Mississippi River about twenty miles north of the mouth of the Arkansas. From the war chants emanating from the Indian town, La Salle judged that he was in for a hostile reception; so he hastily constructed a "fort" on an island opposite the village and awaited developments. Soon, however, the Quapaw chief sent the calumet of peace, and La Salle and his men went to Kappa where they were received with every possible demonstration of affection both public and private. Asked by the Quapaws for help against their enemies, La Salle promised that they could thenceforth look for protection to the greatest prince of the world, in whose behalf he had come to them and to all the other nations who lived along and around the river. In return, La Salle said, the Quapaws had to consent expressly to the erection in their village of a column on which His Majesty's arms were to be painted, symbolizing their recognition that he was the master of their lands. The Indians agreed and Henry de Tonti, La Salle's lieutenant 3. See generally G. DARGO, JEFFERSON'S LOUISIANA: POLITICS AND THE CLASH OF LEGAL TRADITIONS (1975). 4. 1 LAWS OF A PUBLIC AND GENERAL NATURE, OF THE DISTRICT OF LOUISIANA, OF THE TERRITORY OF LOUISIANA, OF THE TERRITORY OF MISSOURI, AND OF THE STATE OF MISSOURI, UP TO THE YEAR 1824, ch. 154 (1842). 1983) COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 393 and commandant of one of the two brigades in the company, imme­diately caused the column to be fashioned. On it was painted a cross and the arms of France, and it bore these words: Louis the Great, King of France and of Navarre, rules. 13th of March, 1682. Tonti then conducted the column with all the French men-at-arms to the plaza of the village, and, La Salle taking up a position at the head of his brigade and Tonti at the head of his, the Reverend Fa­ther Zeno be Membre sang the hymn 0 crux, ave, spes unica. The company then went three times around the plaza, each time singing the psalm Exaudiat te Dominus and shouting vive le roy to the dis­charge of their muskets. They then planted the column while re­peating the cries of vive le roy, and La Salle, standing near the column and holding the king's commission in his hand, spoke in a loud voice the following words in French: On behalf of the very high, very invincible, and victorious prince Louis the Great, by the grace of God, King of France and of Navarre, the fourteenth of this name, today, the 13th of March, 1682, with the consent of the nation of the Arkansas assembled at the village of Kappa and present at this place, in the name of the king and his allies, I, by virtue of the commission of His Majesty of which I am bearer and which I hold presently in my hand . , have taken possession in the name of His ffi.ajesty, his heirs, and the successors to his crown, of the country of Louisiana and of all the nations, mines, minerals, ports, harbors, seas, straits, and roadsteads, and of everything contained within the same . . . . After more musket-firing and the giving of presents the Indians cele­brated their new alliance throughout the night, pressing their hands to the column and then rubbing their bodies in testimony to the joy which they felt in having made so advantageous a connection. Thus did France gain sovereignty over and ownership of Arkansas. The reason that we know all these details and more about La Salle's activities in Arkansas is that he had requested, and received, from Jacques de la Metairie, the notary who was in his company, a lengthy proces-verbal describing the events at Kappa and officially attesting their occurrence.5 This was Arkansas's first exposure to civilian legal processes. It would be almost 150 years before the influence of the civil law ceased to make itself felt there. 5. 2 P. MARGRY, DECOUVERTES ET ETABLISSEMENT DES FRAN<;:AIS DANS L'0UEST ET DANS LE SUD DE L'AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONALE, 1614-1754 (1881). 394 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 II Arkansas Post was the first European establishment in the lower Mississippi valley. It was first located about twenty-seven miles by river from the mouth of the Arkansas on the edge of Little Prairie at what is now called the Menard Site. (See Figure 2). Set­tled in 1686 by six tenants of Henry de Tonti to whom La Salle in 1682 had granted the lower Arkansas as a seignory, 6 it was to serve as an Indian trading post and as an intermediate station between the Illinois country and the Gulf of Mexico.7 Tonti's plans for the place had been large indeed. In 1689 he promised the Jesuits to build a house and chapel at the Arkansas and to grant a resident priest a sizeable amount of land; while there, Tonti confidently asserted, the priest could "come and say mass in the French quarter near our fort."8 No priest in fact established himself during Tonti's ownership of the Arkansas and his French quarter and fort never materialized. When in an undated grant of land to Jacques Cardinal, one of his men at the Post, Tonti styled himself seigneur de ville de Tonti (lord of the town of Tonti),9 he was in the grips of an excessive enthusi­asm. There is no evidence that the European population of the place ever exceeded six. In fact, when Joutel arrived there in 1687 there were only two Frenchmen remaining in residence; 10 and the single log house he descpbed is apparently the only structure ever erected at Tonti's Post. Joutel remarked of Tonti's two traders that "if I was joyous to find them, they participated in the joy since we left them the wherewithal to maintain themselves for some time." Indeed, he said, "they were almost as much in need of our help as we of theirs." He ridiculed the whole idea of a post at that location. "The said house," Joutel noted sarcastically, "was to serve as an 6. See Faye, The Arkansas Post ef Louisiana: French Domination, ;26 LA. HIST. Q. 633, 635-36 ( 1943). 7. Such was the view of Father Douay, a Jesuit who described Tonti's post in 1687. See M. THOMAS, THE ARKANSAS POST OF LOUISIANA, 1682-1783 (M.A. Thesis, University of California, 1948). 8. Tonti's grant to the Jesuits is quoted in 1 M. GIRAUD, A HISTORY OF FRENCH LOUI­SIANA 8 (J. Lambert trans., 1974). 9. The grant is translated in THE FRENCH FOUNDATIONS 396 (T. Pease & R. Werner eds., 1934). 10. Faye, supra note 6, at 735. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM Henry de Tonti, lieutenant of La Salle. He founded Arkansas Post in 1686 and in the late seventeenth century styled himself seigneur de ville de Tonti. He was the first European to possess judicial authority in Arkansas. (Courtesy of the Museum of the History of Mobile). 395 396 UALR LAW JOURNAL · [Vol. 6:391 entrepot [way-station] for the French who travelled in these parts, but we were the only ones whom it so served." 11 Short of supplies and virtually inaccessible, the tiny outpost never prospered. The war with the Iroquois closed the route to Ca­nada and made trade to and from Arkansas impossible much of the time until 1693.12 By 1696, Jean Couture, Tonti's lieutenant and commandant at the Post, had deserted to the English, 13 and in 1699 Jesuit missionaries to the Quapaws found no trace of a French set­tlement. 14 By then the French had evidently abandoned the Arkan­sas, though there may have remained behind a "few white savages thereabouts as wild as red savages." 15 However grandiose and ambitious had been the schemes of Tonti, they would soon come to seem tame. In 1717 the Mercure de France, a Paris newspaper, began advertising the riches of Louisi­ana to its readers: Gold and silver could be mined there "with al­most no labor." The mountains situated on the Arkansas River would be explored, and there, one correspondent exuded, "we shall gather, believe me, specimens from silver mines, since others al­ready have gathered such there without trouble." When Cadillac sensibly protested that "the mines of the Arkansas were a dream" he was promptly committed to the Bastille "on suspicion of having spo­ken with scant propriety against the Government of France."16 The man behind the propaganda campaign was John Law, a Scot, who owned a bank in Paris and who had in 1717 succeeded in securing for his Compagnie d'Occident a monopoly on Louisiana trade. Law's company recruited thousands of colonists to settle in Louisiana and the king granted it authority to grant land from the 11. Joutel Remarques sur /'Ouvrage de Tonti Re/at(( a la Louisiane ( 1703), Archives Service Hydrographique (Paris), vol. 115-9, no. 12 (Typescript in Little Rock Public Li­brary). The translation in the text is mine. 12. Faye, supra note 6, at 638. 13. IBERVILLE'S GULF JouRNALS 144 at n.98 (R. McWilliams ed. 1950). 14. 18 COLLECTIONS OF THE WISCONSIN HISTORICAL SOCIETY 427, at n.37 (1908). 15. Faye, supra note 6, at 646. See also I M. GIRAUD, supra note 8, at 8: "When d'Iberville reached the Mississippi [i.e., in 1699] the post had been abandoned." Some writ­ers are reluctant to say that the Arkansas was completely devoid of Europeans at this time. See, e.g., P. HOLDER, ARCHAEOLOGICAL FIELD RESEARCH ON THE PROBLEM OF THE LOCA­TIONS OF ARKANSAS POST ARKANSAS 4 (1957): "The French occupation of the general area along the lower courses of the Arkansas and White Rivers was virtually continuous from the 1680's onward." The truth is that the sources simply fail to mention any Europeans in Ar­kansas, except Jesuit missionaries, between 1699 and 1721. It is, however, hard to resist believing that a few hunters and trappers ventured from time to time into the area and established temporary camps there. Almost certainly no real settlement existed however. 16. Faye, supra note 6, at 653. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 397 Royal domain. Proprietors of the company's land grants (conces­sionaires) were given considerable latitude in choosing the spots for their settlements, since the interior of Louisiana was not well known; and they therefore exercised much discretion in locating their colonists on arrival. 17 However, the company early on had recognized the Arkansas River as an important spot, since it was thought that it might well be the best route to the Spanish mines of Mexico. Thus the company specifically directed where the Arkansas concession should be located and ordered that it be the first occu­pied. 18 It granted this concession to Law himself. In August of 1721, a group of Law's French engages (perhaps as many as eighty) took possession of land on Little Prairie at or near the site of Tonti's abandoned trading post. 19 (See Figure 2). Although Law was by then bankrupt and had fled France, the news did not reach Louisiana until after Jacques Levens, Law's director in Louisiana, had caused the Arkansas colony to be established under the command of some of his subordinates.20 By December of that year Bertrand Dufresne, sieur du Demaine, replaced Levens as director for Arkansas, and in March of 1722 he took possession of the concession and began an inventory of its effects and papers.21 On his arrival he found only twenty cabins and three arpents (about 2.5 acres) of cleared ground. He reported a total of about fifty men and women resident,22 tristes debris, Father Charlevoix called them,23 of Mr. Law's concession. They had produced only an insig­nificant harvest. Lieutenant la Boulaye was nearby with a military detachment of seventeen men.24 (See Figure 1). Despite the existence of a company store at the Arkansas con­cession, both the colony and the military establishment were in con­siderable difficulty.25 Dufresne therefore immediately released twenty of the engages from service and gave them lots to cultivate in the hopes that a better harvest of corn and wheat would be realized in 1722. In February of the following year there were only forty-one colonists remaining, divided now into two small farming communi- 17. 4 M. GIRAUD, H!STOJRE DE LA LOUISIANE FRANc_;;AISE 198 (1974). 18. Id. 19. Id. 20. Id. at 199. 21. Id. at 271. 22. Id. at 272. 23. 6 P. CHARLEVOIX, JOURNAL D'UN VOYAGE FAIT PAR ORDRE DU Roi DANS L'AMERIQUE SEPTENTRIONNALE 164 (1744). 24. 4 M. GIRAUD, supra note 17, at 273. 25. The following paragraph is based on Id. at 273-74. 398 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 ties: Fourteen men and one woman at Law's concession under Dufresne, and sixteen men, some with families, two leagues down the river with the troops. Among this latter group there lived six black slaves. 26 Benard la Harpe, while exploring the river in 1721, had predicted, or at least hoped for, a turn in the fortunes of the struggling colony, but that hope proved false and in 1727 Father Paul du Poisson, the Jesuit missionary to the Arkansas, reported that only about thirty Frenchmen remained behind.27 The military post had been abandoned two years previous. 28 Village des Arcan~as ---N Poste francais commande par le S. la Boulaie 0 - - - -, ·: ·Concession de M. Law I I L. --- ' MISSISSIPPI Figure 1 Sketch of the location of Law's colony by Du­mont de Montigny,Archives Nationales, Paris, 6 JJ-75, Piece 254. All this seemed worth recounting in some detail because for generations historians of Arkansas have believed that a colony of Germans once occupied their river. Law did recruit many Germans for settlement in Louisiana, and they were destined for the Arkan­sas, but as soon as the news of Law's bankruptcy reached the colony 26. Recensement General des Habitans Estab!ys,,.SoteJouy Arkansas et d~s Ouvrier~ ~e la Concession cy devant Apartenant a M. Law, 18 February, 1723. (Transcnpt at Lomsiana History Center, Louisiana State Museum, New Orleans). 27. Du Poisson to Father___, translated in Falconer, Arkansas and the Jesuits in 1727-A Translation, 4 PUBLICATIONS OF THE ARKANSAS HISTORICAL ASSOCIATION 352, at 375 (1917). 28. Faye, supra note 6, at 670. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 399 in June of 1721, the Compagnie des Indies took over the direction of his concession;29 and when the time arrived to transport the German immigrants to Arkansas, the company, in an economy move, de­cided instead to send them to Delaire's grant in Lower Louisiana.30 In short, none of Law's Germans ever reached Arkansas. This is a pity, as the prospect of discussing, or at least imagining, a group of German immigrants living under French law on the Arkansas River was an intriguing one--one of which the facts have now unfortu-nately deprived us. · III Before 1712, the colony of Louisiana, with a population of only a few hundred, had been entirely under military rule and regular civil regulation was altogether lacking. On September 19, 1712, the Crown granted a trade monopoly to Antoine Crozat but he was given no governmental authority: As Henry Dart noted, the charter was "only an operating contract with the duties of government re­tained in the Crown."31 However, the charter did adopt as law for the colony "nos Edits, Ordonnances Et Coutumes Et !es usages de la Prevoste Et Vitf/omte de Paris--our edicts, ordinances, and customs, and the usages of the Provostry and Viscounty of Paris."32 The Cou­tume, despite its name, was actually a small code of some 362 titles first reduced to writing in 1510,33 and treating both substantive and adjective law. It was itself terse, indeed epigrammatic; but the com­mentary on it by the time of its adoption in Louisiana was volumi­nous. 34 Annotated versions of the Coutume were therefore very popular in France and in time they found their way to Louisiana.35 Also in 1712, by a separate instrument, a new and important institution was created for the colony, the Superior Council of Loui­siana. 36 Modelled on the governmental arrangements already in 29. 4 M. GIRAUD, supra note 17, at 216. 30. Id. at 248. 31. Dart, The Legal Institutions of Louisiana, 3 SOUTHERN LAW Q. 247 (1918). This article also appears in 2 LA. HIST. Q. 72 (1919). 32. The charter is printed in 4 PUBLICATIONS LA. HIST. Soc. 13, at 17 (1909). 33. For a precis of its provisions, title by title, see Schmidt, History ef the Jurisprudence of Louisiana, l LA. L. J., no. l, l (1841). 34. The most useful eighteenth-century commentary is C. FERRIERE, CoMMENTAIRE SUR LA CouTUME DE LA PREVOTE ET VICOMTE DE p ARIS. It is available in several editions. 35. Dart, The Law Library ef a Louisiana Lawyer in the 18th Century, 25 REPORTS OF THE LOUISIANA BAR ASSOCIATION 12, at 22 et seq. (1924). 36. See Dart, supra note 31, at 249 et seq. See also, for some discussion of the work of this body, Hardy, The Superior Council in Colonial Louisiana, in FRENCHMEN AND FRENCH 400 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 place in other French colonies, the Council had original and exclu­sive jurisdiction to decide disputes arising anywhere in Louisiana. It consisted of the Lieutenant General of New France; the Intendant of the same; the Governor of Louisiana; a first councilor of the king; two other councilors; the attorney general; and a clerk. Judgments in civil cases required the concurrence of at least three members and in criminal cases at least five. The Council was originally created to exist for three years, but on September 7, 1716, it became by virtue of a Royal Edict a permanent institution.37 In 1717 a fundamental change occurred in the government of Louisiana. In that year Crozat, having lost an enormous sum under his operating charter, surrendered it, and John Law's Compagnie d'Occident was given a monopoly over trade in the colony. In addi­tion, unlike Crozat's company, the Compagnie d'Occident was granted extensive governmental authority: It had the power to ap­point the Superior Council, to name governors and military com­mandants, and to appoint and remove all judges. The charter also provided that "Seront tous !es juges Etbalis en tous !es d. Lieux tenus de juger suivant !es Loix Et ordonnances du Royaume Et se Con-former a la Coutume de la prevoste Et Vicomte de Paris. . . ."; that is, that "all the judges established in all the said places shall be bound to judge according to the laws and ordinances of the realm, and [shall also be bound] to conform to the customs of the Prevostry and Viscounty of Paris."38 This portion of the charter obviously provided for the reception of general French legislation and the Custom of Paris. In addition, it has been shown that subsequent French legislation, as soon as it was registered in the colony, and the legislation of the Superior Council itself, formed part of the body of colonial Louisiana law.39 The subsequent French legislation was of three distinct sorts: (a) general legislation; (b) special colonial legis­lation; ( c) colonial legislation passed specifically for Louisiana. 40 Two years later we hear for the first time about inferior courts for outlying portions of the colony. On September 12, 1719, the king noted the need to appoint persons to act as judges "to facilitate w A YS IN THE MISSISSIPPI v ALLEY 87 (J. McDemott ed., 1969); Micelle, From Law Court to Local Government: Metamorphosis of the Superior Council of French Louisiana, 9 LA. HIST. 85 (1968). 37. The edict is printed in 4 PUBLICATIONS LA. HIST. Soc. 21-23 (19CS). 38. Id. at 48. 39. Baade, Marriage Contracts in French and Spanish Louisiana: A Study in "Notarial" Jurisprudence, 53 TUL. L. REV. 3, 9 (1978). 40. Id. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 401 the administration of justice in places distant from the place where the Superior Council holds it sessions."41 The "heads or directors" of concessions along with "other of our subjects, capable and of pro­bity" were to "exercise both civil and criminal justice." The edict went on to provide that, even in these inferior courts, "three judges shall sit in civil matters and in criminal matters five judges . " The plan, evidently, was to have a kind of provincial council at each settlement. The king further provided that an appeal from these lo­cal tribunals would lie in all cases to the Superior Council.42 All this was being done, of course, to make ready the way for Law's coloniz­ing schemes. In 1720 or 1721 Louisiana was for the first time divided into districts (or counties). Arkansas was one of the nine districts origi­nally created, and a local commandant and a judge was assigned to each "to put justice with greater ease in reach of the colonists."43 Presumably, and understandably, the plan to establish local councils outside New Orleans was abandoned at this time. The sources sim­ply fail us on the question of whether more than one person was expected to sit on local courts, but it could not have proved worka­ble in remote places like Arkansas to assemble a multi-member ju­dicial body. In May of 1722 the Regent issued an order creating a provincial council for Illinois, the jurisdiction of which supposedly extended from "all places on and above and Arkansas River . . . to the boundaries of the Wabash River." The commandant of the Illinois, Lieutenant de Boisbriant, was to serve as "chief and judge" of this so-called council, which in fact had only one other member.44 It thus seems to have been the plan to abolish the Arkansas district and annex its territory to its nearest northern neighbor; and the Illi­nois provincial council was directed "to hold its sessions at the places where the principal factories of the company shall be estab- 41. The edict is printed in 4 PUBLICATIONS LA. HIST. Soc. 63 (1908). 42. The translation in the text is mine. The entire edict is translated and discussed in Dart, supra note 31, at 261 et seq. Further discussion of this edict can be found in Dart, The Colonial Legal Systems of Arkansas, Louisiana, and Texas, 27 REPORTS OF THE LOUISIANA BAR ASSOCIATION 43 at 52 (1926). 43. Id. at 267. The other districts were New Orleans, Biloxi, Mobile, Alibamous, Natchez, Yazoo, N atchitotches, and the Illinois. 44. Translated extracts from this order appear in 2 J. WHITE, A NEW COLLECTION OF LAWS, CHARTERS, AND LOCAL ORDINANCES OF THE GOVERNMENTS OF GREAT BRITAIN, FRANCE, AND SPAIN, RELATING TO THE CONCESSION OF LAND IN THEIR RESPECTIVE COLO­NIES . 439-40 (1837). 402 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 lished."45 This language could have been construed to require the Illinois council to sit at the Arkansas. It is, however, very much to be doubted that such a session was ever held, and certainly it is not believeable that anyone would repair from Arkansas to Illinois to settle a grievance in 1722. It seems probable, then, that whatever judicial functions were exercised at the Arkansas were entrusted to its resident directors even after the supposed creation of the council of the Illinois. The only resident director that the Arkansas ever had was, as we saw, Bertrand Dufresne, sieur du Demaine, who arrived at the Post March 22, 1722, and he was evidently the judge from that point on. Prior to that, Jacques Levens had been director, but as he never took up residence in Arkansas we have to presume that if judicial func­tions were undertaken by anyone, it was by one or more of the three subordinates to whom Levens had entrusted the management of the struggling colony: Jean-Baptiste, Menard, Martin Merrick, and Labro.46 When Dufresne left the Arkansas around 1726 we can hardly guess the means resorted to for the settlement of disputes. Probably Father Paul du Poisson, the Jesuit missionary resident from 1727 to 1729, used his good offices to maintain order among the approximately thirty Frenchmen who had remained behind.47 It seems probable, therefore, that Arkansas's first sustained ex­posure to European legal proceedings and principles occurred in the period during which Law's Company held sway in Louisiana. Tonti's seventeenth-century feudal seignory no doubt carried with it the right to render justice. Though his charter from La Salle has not as yet come to light,48 other conveyances of La Salle's are extant; and in them he gave his grantees judicial power over small cases ("low justice" this is called) while specifically reserving important cases ("high justice") to himself. (Cases of the latter type he di­rected to be heard by the judge "who shall be established at Fort St. 45. Id. at 440. 46. 4 M. GIRAUD, supra note 17, at 272. Menard left the Arkansas in 1722 (jd., 275) and was in New Orleans in 1720. Index to the Records efthe Superior Council of Louisiana, 4 LA. HIST. Q. 349 (1921). 47. Dufresne appears in the Arkansas census of January !, 1726; but on October 21, 1726, he is described as a "settler in Arkansas, but now domiciled with Mr. Traguidy [in New Orleans]." Index to the Records of Superior Council of New Orleans, 3 LA. HIST. Q. 420 (1920). In 1727 there was no director at the Arkansas, as Father Du Poisson tells us that he took up evidence in "the India Company's house, which is also that of the commandants when there are any here . " See Falconer, supra note 27, at 371. 48. For a charter from Tonti to Jacques Cardinal, one of his men at the Arkansas, see THE FRENCH FOUNDATIONS, supra note 9, at 396. 'Fhla is tlae Olll)' grant gf Tgati's eKtastF 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 403 Louis.")49 We do not know whether Tonti's charter contained iden­tical provisions but it certainly would have contained similar ones. But during the fifteen years or so that Tonti held the right to dispose of certain cases arising in his seignory, it hardly seems credible that he or his deputies ever held anything resembling a court, or even executed many instruments or documents.50 IV In 1731 the Compagnie d'Occident surrendered its charter to Louis XV, and for the rest of the period of French dominion Louisi­ana was a Crown Colony. Late that same year a military garrison was re-established in Arkansas; it consisted of twelve men com­manded by First Ensign de Coulange and was located again on the edge of Little Prairie. 51 (See Figure 2). It was apparently during the reorganization of the colony in 1731 that civil and military authority at the outposts of Louisiana were combined in the commandant of the garrison-an arrangement that would survive into the Spanish period and even for a short time during the American regime. Part of a post commandant's civil authority was to act as notary and judge. The exact scope of his judicial jurisdiction during the French period is obscure, there being no document of which I am aware which describes it specifically. Parkman, writing of condi­tions in the Illinois in 1764, says that the "military commandant whose station was at Fort Chartres on the Mississippi, ruled the Col­ony with a sway as absolute as that of the Pasha of Egypt, and judg­ed civil and criminal cases without right of appeal."52 Captain Phillip Pittman, an English engineer and Mississippi explorer who was writing at almost exactly the same time, gives a slightly different version. According to him, the Illinois commandant "was absolute 49. Concession in fee by La Salle to Pierre Prudhomme, in id. at 32. 50. When Tonti petitioned for confirmation of his charter, he was evidently refused. The petition is printed in E. MURPHEY, HENRY DE TONTI, FUR TRADER OF THE MISSISSIPPI 119 (1941). It is possible that La Salle did not have the power to make permanent grants and that may be the reason that Tonti needed confirmation. The Letters Patent of May 12, 1678, giving La Salle the right to explore "the western part of New France" in the king's behalf, gave him the power to build forts wherever he deemed them necessary; and he was "to hold them on the same tern1s and conditions as Fort Frontenac." See T. FALCONER, ON THE DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI 19 (1844). La Salle said expressly in 1683 that this allowed him to "divide with the French and the Indians both the lands and the commerce of said country until it may please his majesty to command otherwise . " See THE FRENCH FoUNDATio~;upra note 9, at 43. The language is ambiguous, but on one permissible read­ing it indicates a specifically reserved power in the king to revoke grants made by La Salle. 51. Faye, supra note 6, at 673. 52. Quoted in Dart, supra note 31, at 249. 404 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 in authority, except in matters of life and death; capital offences were tried by the council at New Orleans."53 Of course, the Arkan­sas commandant's judicial jurisdiction was not necessarily as exten­sive as that possessed by the commandant of the Illinois. He may very well have been subordinate to the Illinois commandant during most of the French period. Some fitful light is thrown on the judicial authority of the Ar­kansas commandant by an interesting proceeding which took place at the Post in 1743.54 In October of that year, Anne Catherine Chenalenne, the widow of Jean Francois Lepine, petitioned Lieu­tenant Jean-Francois Tisserant de Montcharvaux, whom she styled "Commandant for the King at the Fort of Arkansas," asking him to cause an inventory and appraisal to be made of the community property in her possession. The object in view was to make a distri­bution to the petitioner's son-in-law and daughter who had the pre­vious May lost all their goods when attacked by Chickasaws on the Mississippi not far below the mouth of the Arkansas. They had nar­rowly escaped with their lives.55 Widow Lepine had decided to make a distribution to "her poor children, at least to those who have run so much risk among the savages." She was preparing to marry Charles Lincto, a well-to-do resident of the Post, and she wished to dissolve the old community which by custom had continued after her husband's death in her and their children. The commandant informed Madame Lepine that on 26 Octo­ber, 1743, he would inventory the "real and personal property de­rived from the marital community" and would bring with him two persons to look after the widow's interest and two to represent the children. The idea was that each party in interest should have in­dependent appraisers present to insure the impartiality of the inven­tory and evaluation. De Montcharvaux in the presence of these and other witnesses caused the inventory to be made on the appointed day. The estate was fairly sizeable, being valued at 14,530 /ivres and 10 sols. It contained a great deal of personalty, including four slaves, a number of animals, 1600 pounds of tobacco, and notes and accounts receivable; the realty noted was "an old house" with three small outbuildings. Interestingly, no land was mentioned. There are two possible explanations for the absence of land in S3. P. PITTMAN, THE PRESENT STATE OF THE EUROPEAN SETTLEMENT ON THE M1ss1s­SIPPI S3 (1770) (Reprinted with intro. by R. Rea 1973). S4. The relevant documents are translated in Core, Arkansas through the Looking Glass ef 1743 Documents, 22 GRAND PRAIRIE HISTORICAL SOCIETY BULLETIN 16 (1979). SS. This incident is reported and discussed in Faye, supra note 6, at 677-78. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 405 the inventory. One is that land may not have been actually granted to Arkansas settlers but only given over temporarily to their use. The other possibility is that the land on which the house was built had belonged to Lepine before the marriage and had remained his separate property under his marriage contract or under the general provisions of the Coutume de Paris. The Coutume, which, as we have seen, was in force in French Louisiana, provided that all mov­ables (personalty), belonging to a husband or wife, whenever ac­quired, became part of the community; but only certain immovables (realty) acquired after the marriage were so treated.56 This rule could be altered by contract, but in Louisiana, as in France, the Cou­tume was often specifically incorporated into marriage contracts by future spouses in defining the regime that would rule their prop­erty; 57 and if there was no contract provision creating a property regime, the Coutume of course automatically applied. The inventory is said to have been made "Pardevant nous Jean Francois Tisserant Ecuyer Sieur Demoncharvaus Commandant pour le Roy au Fort des Arkansas." The formulapardevant nous ("before us") is Parisian notarial boiler-plate and indicates that the comman­dant was acting in his surrogate notarial capacity. To an American common lawyer, the notary is not a member of the legal profession, not even a paralegal. But in seventeenth- and eighteenth-century France he enjoyed a much more elevated status, as indeed he still does in that country. Originally an official of the medieval Euro­pean ecclesiastical courts, the notary developed into a nonconten­tious secular legal professional in France. In England, partly because the canon and secular laws were not on speaking terms, "the notarial system never took deep root."58 For one thing, an im­portant aspect of the notary's duties, his authority to "authenticate" documents, was of little use to the English. The whole notion of a state-sanctioned authenticator of private acts was entirely foreign to the common law: Whereas in France we see notaries "making" and "passing" contracts, the common law left that to the parties. The state was very much in the background in England, and was called upon only to enforce obligations that arose by force of nature. The other aspect of the French notary's duties, the drafting of instruments, conveyancing, and the giving of legal advice, was per- 56. See Baade, supra note 39, at 7, 8. 57. Id. at 25. 58. l F. POLLOCK & F. MAITLAND, A HISTORY OF ENGLISH LAW 218 (2d ed., reissued with intro. by S. Milsom 1968). 406 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 formed by the regular legal profession in England. It is true that there was a scriveners' company organized in London in the six­teenth century which was granted a charter in the reign of James l.59 Members were empowered to draft legal documents, especially obli­gations (or bonds), and they gave a certain amount of low-level le­gal advice particularly in commercial and banking matters. 60 The few secular notaries who practiced in London at that time con­cerned themselves mainly with drafting documents relevant to inter­national trade, and they were members of this company.61 But in the eighteenth century the company lost its effort to keep common­law attorneys from competing, and in 1804 parliament made con­veyancing the monopoly of the regular legal profession.62 In con­trast, the French notary's duties by the eighteenth century had come to include not only the familiar ones of administering oaths, taking acknowledgements, and giving "authenticity" to "acts" of private persons by attesting them officially, but they also ran generally to the drafting of documents, conveyancing, and the giving of practical legal advice.63 It is not surprising, therefore, that notaries would 59. See 12 w. HOLDSWORTH, A HISTORY OF ENGLISH LAW 70 (1938). See generally on the notary in England, Gutteridge, The Origin and Development ef the Profession of Notaries Public in England, in CAMBRIDGE LEGAL ESSAYS 12 (1926). 60. 12 w. HOLDSWORTH, supra note 59, at id. 61. 5 w. HOLDSWORTH, supra note 59, at 115 (3d ed. 1945). 62. 12 w. HOLDSWORTH, supra note 59, at 71-72; T. PLUCKNETT, A CONCISE HISTORY OF THE COMMON LAW 227-28 (5th ed. 1956). 63. As draftman of wills, marriage contracts, and conveyances, Mons. le Notaire has survived in France as a much respected person, especially in the country villages. He is a general non-forensic legal practitioner, his part in the legal scheme "being confined to vol­untary as distinct from contentious jurisdiction." Brown, The office of Notary in France, 2 INT'L & COMP. L. Q. 60, at 64 (1953). Indeed, the French notary is close to the equivalent of the English solicitor, except for the latter's participation in litigation. Thus one modern-day commentator opined that "a solicitor would feel much at home in the etude of the French notary, though he would be surprised, and perhaps disappointed, by the cordiality of the morning post." Id. at 71. Today in Louisiana as well the notary enjoys considerable powers. See Burke & Fox, The Notaire in North America: A Short Study of the Adaptation of a Civil Law Institution, 50 TUL. L. REV. 318, at 328-32 (1975); Brosman, Louisiana-An Accidental Experiment in Fu­srim, 24 TUL. L. REV. 95, 98-99 (1949). The Louisiana notary has the power "to make inventories, appraisements, and petitions; to receive wills, make protests, matrimonial con­tracts, conveyances, and generally, all contracts and instruments of writing; to hold family meetings and meetings of creditors; . to affix the seals upon the effects of deceased per­sons and to raise the same." LA. STAT. ANN.§ 35:2 (1964). When the Louisiana legislature defined the practice of law, and prohibited all but licensed attorneys from engaging in it, it therefore remembered to except acts performed by the notary which were "necessary or incidental to the exercise of the powers and functions of (his] office." LA. STAT. ANN. § 37:212(B) (1974). A walk through modern-day New Orleans will reveal a number of signs proclaiming the existence of "Law and Notarial Offices", a combination having an odd ring in the ears of an American common lawyer. The Louisiana notary is simply "a different and 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 407 make an appearance in eighteenth-century Louisiana. In New Orle­ans, of course, there was much work for them, but there were also provincial notaries operating in Biloxi, Mobile, Natchitoches, Pointe Coupee, and Kaskaskia.64 Since De Montcharvaux acted as notary for the Lepine inven­tory, it is reasonably clear that there was no provincial notary resi­dent at the Arkansas at that time. This comes as no surprise since in 1746 there were at the Post only twelve habitant families, ten slaves, and twenty men in the garrison, 65 hardly a sufficient European pop­ulation to require or attract a law-trained scrivener. When it was time to have their marriage contract made, the widow Chenalenne and her future spouse executed it in New Orleans. No doubt there was available there legal advice on which they might more comfort­ably rely.66 Besides, there was at that time no resident priest at the Post to perform the marriage. v On May 10, 1749, an event occurred that considerably reduced the European population of Arkansas and also made it difficult to attract settlers there for some time. On that day, the Post was at­tacked by a group of about 150 Chicaksaw and Abeka warriors. Their coming was undetected67 and thus they caught the small habi­tant population altogether unaware. They burned the settlement, killed six male settlers, and took eight women and children as slaves.68 The census taken later that year shows, not surprisingly, that the population had decreased since the previous census. Seven more important official person than is the notary public in other jurisdictions of the United States." Brosman, supra at 98. 64. See Baade, supra note 39, at 12. 65. Memoire sur /'Eta! de la Colonie de la Louisiane en 1746. Archives des Colonies, Archives Nationales, Paris [hereinafter cited as ANC], Cl3A, 30:242-281, at 249, (Typescript of original document available at Little Rock Public Library). As the average family size in Arkansas in the middle of the eighteenth century was about four, this would put the number of habitant whites at the Post at about forty-eight. 66. For an abstract of this marriage contract, see Records o.f the Superior Council o.f Louisiana, 13 LA. HlsT. Q. 129 (1944). 67. However, the habitants may have had a warning that something was afoot, for on May l, Francois Sarrazin had written from Arkansas that "two savages have killed a man and a woman and burnt a man in the frame." Records efthe Superior Court o.f Louisiana, 20 LA. HlsT. Q. 505 (1937). This incident may have been connected with the attack nine days later. 68. Vaudreuil to Rouille, September 22, 1749, calendared in THE VAUDREUIL PAPERS 59-60 (B. Barron ed., 1975). See also Faye, supra note 6, at 684 et seq. W. BAIRD, THE QUAPAW INDIANS: A HISTORY OF THE DOWNSTREAM PEOPLE 34 (1980), gives the number taken as slaves as thirteen. 408 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 men, eight women, eight boys, and eight girls remained, a total of only thirty-one white habitants at the Poste des Akansa .69 Nor did all this mark an end to serious trouble. When in June of 1751 First Ensign Louis-Xavier-Martin de Lino de Chalmette, the comman­dant of the Post, went uninvited to New Orleans to consult with the governor, his entire garrison of six men took the opportunity to de­sert. 70 Things were obviously at a critical juncture. When later in 17 51 Lieutenant Paul Augustin le Pelletier de la Houssaye took command at Arkansas he found there a post recently rebuilt by its habitants and _voyagij,tfrs and probably already relo­cated to a spot ten or twelve miles upriver at the edge of the Grand Prairie. (See Figure 2). It is clear that Governor Vaudreuil had determined to hold the Arkansas even if the cost proved high, for he assigned to De La Houssaye a large company of forty-five men.71 The lieutenant was also authorized to build a new fort; government funds being lacking, he undertook the construction at his own ex­pense in return for a five-year Indian trade monopoly.72 This new beginning could, in the nature of things, have given only a slight lift to the prospects for sustained settlement in the Ar­kansas country. Late in 1752 Governor Vaudreuil was informed that the Osages had attempted an attack on Arkansas Post but had failed. 73 While this indicates a stability of sorts for the l?ost, thanks no doubt to the size of the new garrison, still the perceived danger must have been so high as to discourage all but the most intrepid from taking up residence at the Arkansas. Mentions of Arkansas in the legal records tend to emphasize the dangerousness of the place. For instance, a couple from Pointe Coupee, on the verge of leaving for a hunting trip to the White River country, thought it best to deed their property to a relative, with the stipulation that the deed was to be void if they returned.74 It is not surprising, therefore, that even as late as 1766, the last year of French dominion, only eight habitant families, consisting in all of forty white persons, were resident at Arkansas Post.75 69. Arkansas Post Census, 1749, Loudon Papers 200, Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. There were also fourteen slaves resident at the post and sixteen voyageurs who had returned after their winter's work. There were five hunters on the White River and four on the St. Francis. Thirty-five hunters had failed to return from the Arkansas River. 70. Faye, supra note 6, at 708. 71. Id. at 211. 72. Id. 73. THE VAUDREUIL PAPERS, supra note 68, at 136. 74. Index to the Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, 24 LA. HlsT. Q. 75 (1941). 75. See Din, Arkansas Post in the American Revolution, 40 ARK. HIST. Q. 3, at 4 (1981). 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 409 All of these difficulties, and others, made for a place in which it might be regarded as too polite to expect the presence of much which corresponds to a legal system. In addition, political exigen­cies sometimes interfered to such an extent that the application of even-handed legal principle became inexpedient and thus entirely impracticable. For instance, the continued existence of the Arkan­sas settlement depended heavily on the loyalty of the Quapaws and their wishes were therefore relevant to any important decision made there. Their influence could extend even to the operation of the le­gal system as the following incident demonstrates. On 12 September, 1756, a meeting was held in the Government House in New Orleans to hear an extraordinary request from Guedetonguay, the Medal Chief of the Quapaws.76 His tribe had captured four deserters from the Arkansas garrison and had re­turned them; but the chief had come on behalf of his nation to ask Governor Kerlerac to pardon the soldiers. One of those captured, Jean Baptiste Bernard, in addition to having deserted, had killed his corporal Jean Nicolet within the precincts of the fort. The chief, obviously a great orator, said that he had come a long distance to plead for the soldiers' lives despite the heat and the demands of the harvest; and in his peroration he said that his head hung low, hi~ eyes were fixed to the ground, and his heart wept for these men. He knew, he explained, that if he had not come they would have been executed, and this was intolerable to him because he regarded them as his own children. He recited many friendly acts of the Qua paws to prove the fidelity of his people to the French. Among them was the release of six slaves (perhaps Chicaksaws cap­tured by the Quapaws) "who would have been burned" otherwise, and the recent capture of five Choctaws and two trespassing Eng­lishmen. He himself, he noted, had recently lost one son and had had another wounded in the war against the Chickasaws; and he . counted this "a mark of affection for the French." In recompense he asked for the pardon of the soldiers. The chief added that this was the only such pardon his nation had thus far requested, and he promised never to ask again. He did not doubt that Kerlerac, "the great chief of the French father of the red men," charged to govern them on behalf of "the great chief of all the French who lived in the 76. What follows is based on a memorandum entitled "Harangues faites dans /'assemb/ee tenue a /'hotel du gouvernment cejourdhui, 20 Juin 1756," found in ANC, Cl3A, 39:177-180 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). The translations are mine. 410 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 great town on the other side of the great lake," would listen and do the just thing. Guedetonguay left his best argument for last. He maintained vigorously that, under his law, any criminal who managed to reach the refuge of the Cabanne de Valeur where the Quapaws practiced their religious rites was regarded as having been absolved of his crime. It was their custom everywhere that the chief of the Cabanne de Valeur "would sooner lose his life than suffer the refugee to un­dergo punishment for his crime." Evidently the soldiers were claim­ing this right; and Ouyayonsas, the chief of the Cabanne de Valeur, was there to back them up. This last argument was an excellent one because it called upon the French to recognize an established Indian usage not dissimilar from the European custom of sanctuary. And the argument carried with it a threat of violent reaction if the cus­tom were not allowed. Kerlerac answered the chief that he was not unmindful of the past services of the Quapaws, nor was he ungrateful for them. "But," he said, "I cannot change the words declared by the great chief of all the French against such crimes, and . . . it would be a great abuse for the future" to pardon the soldiers. So, he continued, "despite all the friendship that the French have for you and your nation, these men deserve death." The great chief stood for a long time with his head down and finally answered ominously that he could not be responsible for the revolutions which the chief of the privileged house might stir up-­revolutions which he said ''would not fail to occur." The argument continued and the governor offered to grant the chief "anything else except these four pardons." But Guedetonguay stubbornly main­tained that "the sole purpose of his journey was to obtain the par­don of the four men." In the end the Governor extracted from the Quapaw chiefs "publicly and formally their word . . . that they would in the future deliver up all deserting soldiers as malefactors or other guilty persons without any restriction or condition whatso­ever, and that . pardons would be accorded at the sole discretion of the French." No immediate decision was reached by the Governor, but later that day some of his advisors, having reflected on what they had heard, reckoned "that a refusal of the obstinate demands of these chiefs . . . the faithful allies of the French would only involve the colony in troublesome upheavals on the part of the said nations who have otherwise up to the present served very faithfully." They con- 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 411 eluded that "saving a better idea by Monsieur le Gouverneur it would be dangerous, under all the present circumstances, not to sat­isfy the Indians with the pardons which they demanded." The governor took the advice but evidently did not write to Berryet, the French Minister of the Marine, for some time to tell him about it. From the comfort of Versailles it was easy for Berryet to pick at Kerlerac's decision.77 In responding to Kerlerac, Berryet first made the point that Bernard's case was different from that of the other captured soldiers since he was accused of homicide in ad­dition to desertion. Then, too, the minister had a lot of questions. Could not the difference in Bernard's case have been urged on the Arkansas chiefs to get them to relent in his case? Where was the record of the legal proceedings which should have been conducted relative to the killing? If this was a wilfull murder the pardon had been conceded too easily. "It would be dangerous," the minister warned, ''to leave such a subject in the colony, not only because he would be an example of impunity but also because of new crimes that he might commit." (The arguments of general and specific de­terrence are not very recent inventions.) Finally, the governor was sternly admonished "not to surrender easily to demands of this sort on the part of the savages . If on the one hand it is necessary, considering all the present circumstances, to humor the savages, it is also necessary to be careful of letting them set a tone that accords neither with the king's authority nor the good of the colony." Nevertheless, the minister talked to the king and he ratified the governor's decision. Writs of pardon were therefore issued under the king's name for each of the Arkansas soldiers. Because the homicide committed by Bernard was not a military crime and was cognizable therefore by the Superior Council of Louisiana, his par­don was directed to the Council. Interestingly, though Berryet ad­mitted knowing nothing of the circumstances surrounding the killing, the pardon recited that a quarrel had arisen between Ber­nard and Nicolet, that they had beaten each other, that Bernard : "had had the misfortune to kill the said Nicolet," and that the death "had occurred without premeditated murder."78 Thus Louis XV pardoned Jean Baptiste Bernard for killing by mischance when there was no evidence adduced as to the facts resulting in Nicolet's 77. What follows is based in Berryet's letter to Kerlerac and Bobe Descloseaux dated July 14, 1769. ANC, B, 109:487-88 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). The transla­tion is mine. 78. The pardon (brevet de grtJce) was enclosed in the letter and is ANC, B, 109:489 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). The translation is mine. 412 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 death. The decision was generated simply by a desire to accommo­date an important ally. Faithful adherence to legal principle some­times had to take a back seat to the more compelling demands of politics. VI Father Louis Carette, the Jesuit missionary who came to the Post of Arkansas in 1750, nevertheless attempted to bring some or­der to the legal affairs of the place. As he noted in a procuration (power of attorney) dated at Arkansas in 1753, he was "authorized by the king to make in every post where there is not a Notary Royal all contracts and acts . "79 There is no evidence that he had any formal legal training, but he was a Jesuit, and thus a learned man, one of a handful of such who would make their residence in eight­eenth- century Arkansas. The 1753 procuration is itself of some interest, as it sheds light on how litigants whose cases were technically beyond the jurisdic­tion exercised by the Arkansas commandant (whatever that was) might have had their cases heard if they wanted to resort to regular methods of dispute settlement. As incredible as it seems, it is prob­able that the only court of general jurisdiction in the entire colony was the Superior Council of Louisiana. Now, in 1763 La Harpe said that it was a two-week boat trip from the Arkansas to New Orleans, and six to eight weeks back.80 Obviously, the procuration was an important device for people in remote posts like Arkansas, for it enabled them through their attorneys, in the language of the docu­ment under discussion, "to act . . . as though they were personally present."81 Convoys or individual vessels travelled down the Mis­sissippi frequently enough to make this means of tending to legal affairs more tolerable than it might otherwise have been. In this case, the attorney chosen was Commandant de la Houssaye, and he was deputed to act in a probate matter at Pointe Coupee for Etienne de Vaugine de Nuysement and his wife Antoinette Pelagie Petit de Divilliers. An interesting feature of procurations which increased their utility and flexibility was that they were assignable. This fea­ture came in handy in this instance since De La Houssaye, having 79. Index to the Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, 22 LA. H!sT. Q. 255 (1939). 80. La Harpe to Chosseul, August 8, 1763, ANC, Ci3B, 1 (Typescript in Little Rock Public Library). 81. Records, supra note 79, at id. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 413 been detained at the Arkansas due to illness, simply transferred the power of attorney to a member of the Superior Council "to act in my place as myself."82 Perhaps one of the reasons that Carette had acted as notary in this instance was that the only other person in the little community authorized so to act, the commandant, was a party to the instru­ment. But in the French period priests were given general notarial powers and could act even in the absence of circumstances disabling the commandant. For instance, Carette acted as notary, and thus probably draftsman, for a marriage contract in which the comman­dant was not interested. This was the marriage contract of Francois Sarrazin and Francoise Lepine, executed at Arkansas Post on Janu­ary 6, 1752. Marriage contracts have no exact parallel in common-law prac­tice, and it thus seems worthwhile, before discussing the particulars of the Sarrazin-Lepine contract, to devote some time to their expla­nation and description. In a recent seminal study, Professor Hans Baade has outlined the provisions which one typically finds in mar­riage contracts executed in accordance with eighteenth-century Pari­sian notarial practice.83 The first and invariable undertaking by the future spouses was a promise to celebrate their marriage in facie ec­c! esiae. The parties would then choose the regime which would govern their property during the marriage. Next would come a dec­laration that the ante-nuptial debts of the parties were to remain their separate obligations; this was followed by a disclosure of the parties' assets, a requirement for the validity of the previous provi­sion. The dowry brought to the marriage by the wife was next re­cited; and delineating preciput, the right of the spouse to specific property in the event of dissolution of the community, frequently followed. Finally came the donation clause, usually a reciprocal grant of all or part of the predeceasing spouse's estate. In Louisiana, this donation, in order to be valid, had to be registered with the Superior Council in New Orleans. An inspection of the Sarrazin-Lepine marriage contract reveals that it very clearly drew on these French notarial precedents, and it reflects, moreover, an awareness of the practical requirements of the Louisiana registration provisions. It contained a promise to cele­brate the marriage in regular fashion, the creation of a community property regime, a clause stating the amount of the wife's dowry, a 82. Id. 83. What follows is taken from Baade, supra note 39, at 15-18. 414 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 mutual donation to the survivor of all property owned at death, and an undertaking to have the contract registered in New Orleans.84 While there was no clause dealing with ante-nuptial debts and no mention of preciput, it is quite obvious that the good Jesuit knew more than a little about French notarial practice, and may well have had at his disposal a form book on which he could draw. He was, for all practical purposes, for a time the "lawyer" of the post as well as its cure. Before we leave this interesting document there is an aspect of it which bears detailed attention. The property regime chosen by the parties included in the community "all property, movable and immovable"85-as common lawyers would say, all property, both personal and real. In this respect the contract departs from the Cus­tom of Paris which included in the community all movables but only certain immovables (conquets) acquired after marriage. 86 Par­ties were allowed in Louisiana to contract almost any property ar­rangement they wanted, 87 and Sarrazin and Lepine had elected a somewhat unusual variety of community. Curiously, however, the contract reckoned that this regime was "in accordance with the cus­tom received in the colony of Louisiana." A few months after the execution of this contract Commandant de la Houssaye wrote to the governor to say that Monsieur Etienne V augine, a French officer, was of a mind to marry Madame de Gouyon, the commandant's sister-in-law, and he sent along "the proposed conditions for the contract of marriage."88 This was a draft of the contract, as De La Houssaye asked the governor to pass "/'exemplair du contra!" along to the New Orleans notary Chantaloux if the governor decided to give his permission for the marriage. Chantaloux was "to make it as it should be."89 Three weeks later the governor wrote to say that the contract would be sent back soon and that Chantaloux had left it intact except for one rea­sonably minor alteration.90 In 1758 Father Carette, dismayed by the irreligious inclination of his flock, left the Arkansas and no replacement was sent. In 17 64, 84. Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, 25 LA. HlsT. Q. 856-57 (1942). 85. Id. at 856. 86. Baade, supra note 39, at 15. 87. Id. 88. La Houssaye to Vaudreuil, Dec. l, 1752, LO 410, Huntington Library, San Marino, CA. 89. Id. 90. THE v AUDREUIL PAPERS, supra note 68, at 152. 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 415 Captain Pierre Marie Cabaret Detrepi, commandant at the Arkan­sas, after Madame Sarrazin had found herself widowed, passed a second marriage contract for her which was extremely unsophistica­ted and rudimentary.91 It contained only a promise to marry regu­larly and a mutual donation. Perhaps the good widow had by this time tired of long-winded formalities. Just as likely, the Post was feeling the absence of Carette's drafting skills. VII As tiny, remote, and inconsequential as the Arkansas settle­ment was, then, it is nevertheless clear that at least some of its peo­ple were part of the time adherents to French legal culture. Of course almost everyone who lived at the Post during the period of French domination was either a native of France or French Cana­dian; and by the end of the French period a substantial number of native Louisianans were there. It is most interesting to find the sur­vival of civilian legal form in so remote an outpost of empire. Obvi­ously, not all of Arkansas's residents lapsed into a kind of legal barbarism. There were, however, circumstances at work which would make it impossible for some time to establish a community which could be expected to value the observance of legal niceties very highly. As we have already seen, the Post could not have been very attractive to the more civilized settler owing to its dangerous loca­tion. Arkansas Post, moreover, over the years experienced an ex­treme physical instability since it was necessary to relocate it several times due partly to flooding. (See Figure 2). The Arkansas River was in the eighteenth century "a turbulent, silt-laden stream, subject to frequent floods which were disastrous along its lower course."92 This proved to be a considerable disincentive to settlement. Add to that the enormous expanse occupied by the alluvial plain of the Mississippi and the difficulty becomes plain enough. Almost any site within thirty miles of the mouth of the Arkan­sas carried with it a considerable risk of floods. Law's colony, on the Arkansas twenty-seven miles or so from its mouth, was said in 1721 to be "in a fertile sector but subject to floods."93 The success of the attack by the Chickasaws in 1749, when the Post was at the same 91. Records of the Superior Council of Louisiana, Feb. 11, 1764, Louisiana History Center, Louisiana State Museum, New Orleans. 92. P. HOI.DER, supra note 15, at 152. 93. 4 M. GIRAUD, supra note 17, at 273 (1974). 416 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 location, was made possible by the absence from the neighborhood of the Quapaws: Because of recent floods they had abandoned their old fields for a more promising place upstream.94 This place, called Ecores Rouges (Red Bluffs) by the French, was about thirty-six miles from the mouth of the Arkansas and was at the present loca­tion of the Arkansas Post Memorial.95 After the attack, the Post was moved to join the Indians at Ecores Rouges so as to provide for mutual protection.96 The new spot was free from floods but proved unsatisfactory from a strategic standpoint because of its distance from the Missis­sippi. The location delayed convoys and Governor Vaudreuil ex­pressed the view that "a post on the Mississippi would be more practical."97 Therefore in 1756 the Post was moved back downriver to about ten miles above the mouth. But the inevitable soon oc­curred. In 1758 heavy flooding, graphically described in a letter of Etienne Maurafet Layssard the garde magasin (storekeeper) of the Post, caused heavy damage, almost undoing the work of builders and architects who had been at work for the better part of a year. The houses were saved by virtue of being raised on stakes against such a day as this; but the habitants' fields, everything but Lays­sard's garden for which he had providently provided a levee, were entirely inundated.98 It was in fact a small enough loss. From the beginning, and understandably, the attempt to make a stable agricultural commu­nity of the Arkansas had failed miserably. There is no doubt that the European population of Arkansas during the French period con­sisted almost entirely of hunters and Indian traders. In 1726 the reporter of the Louisiana census remarked of the Arkansas that "all the habitants were poor and lived only from the hunting of the Indi­ans." 99 A 1746 report said of the twelve Arkansas habitant families 94. Faye, supra note 6, at 717-19. 95. See figure 2. 96. For details, see Appendix II to my forthcoming book, UNEQUAL LAWS UNTO A SAV­AGE RACE; EUROPEAN LEGAL TRADlTIONS IN ARKANSAS, 1686-1836. 97. THE VAUDREUIL PAPERS, supra note 68, at 118. 98. Faye, supra note 6, at 718-19. A detailed description of the repairs made in the summer of 1758, evidently necessitated by these floods, is in ANC, CBA, 40:349-50 (Type­script in Little Rock Public Library). In addition to making repairs, the builders constructed a house 26 feet long and 19 wide just outside the fort for the Indians who came there on business. It was of poteaux en terre construction, was covered with shingles, and was en­closed with stakes. The report describing the renovation and construction work of 1758 is signed by Denis Nicol~s Foucault, chief engineer of the Province of Louisiana. 99. ANC, GI, 464 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM • DeWitt ARKANSAS COUNTY • Dumas I I I 0 1. 1686-1699; 1721-1749 N 1 DESHA COUNTY T I I 4 I 8 mi Figure 2 Locations of Arkansas Post, 1686-1983 2. 1749-1756; 1779-1983 3. 1756-1779 JB Based on a map drawn by John Baldwin which appeared in Arnold, The Relocation of Arkansas Post to Ecores Rouges in 1779, 42 ARK. HIST. Q. 317 (1983). Used with permission of the Arkansas Historical Association. 417 418 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 that "their principal occupation is hunting, curing meat, and com­merce in tallow and bear oil." As for cultivating the soil, the same source reported that the habitants grew "some tobacco for their own use and for that of the savages and voyageurs." 100 In 1765 Captain Phillip Pittman, an Englishman, said that there were eight families living outside the fort who had cleared the land about nine hundred yards in depth. But, according to him "on account of the sandiness of the soil, and the lowness of the situation, which makes it subject to be overflowed," their harvest was not enough even to supply them with their necessary provisions. Pittman noted that "when the Mis­sissippi is at its utmost height the Lands are overflow' d upwards of five feet; for this reason all the buildings are rais'd six feet from the ground." Thus the residents of the Arkansas, he said, subsisted mainly by hunting and every season sent to New Orleans "great quantities of bear's oil, tallow, salted buffalo meat, and a few skins." 101 Both Layssard102 and Father Watrin103 hint that the discour­agement produced by the frequent flooding contributed to Father Carette's decision to leave. However that may be, it must be clear that during the period of French dominion the Post did not provide fertile soil for either crops or religion. Would regular bourgeois le­gal procedures have generally been afforded a more cordial accept­ance? Even absent direct evidence, this would in the abstract seem most unlikely. Unsafe, unstable, and uncomfortable, the Arkansas Post of Louisiana during the period of French dominion must surely also have been largely unmindful of bourgeois legal values. It is true, as we have seen, that some of the Post's residents tried to maintain a connection between their remote outpost and Euro­pean legal culture. But the few legal records that chance has al­lowed to come down to us from the French period are remarkable not only for their small number but also for the social and economic characteristics they reveal of the people who figured in them. They were an elite, related by marriage and blood, struggling under the difficult circumstances of their situation to participate in regular le- 100. Memoire, supra note 65 (Transcript at Little Rock Public Library). 101. P. PITTMAN, supra note 53, at xliv, 40-41. 10+. See ANC, Cl3A, 40:357 (Transcript in Little Rock Public Library). Layssard there remarks that the inhabitants at Arkansas were too poor to build a levee, and that "the Father would rather leave than go to such an expense. He is very poor." 103. See J. DELANGLEZ, THE FRENCH JESUITS IN LOWER LOUISIANA 444, where Watrin is quoted as saying that, despite there being little hope for conversion of the Quapaws, Fa­ther Carette "nevertheless followed both the French and the savages in their various changes of place, occasioned by the overflowing of the Mississippi near which the post is situated." 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 419 gal processes. The probate proceeding of 1743 was instituted by one of the most well-to-do residents of Arkansas in the person of Anne Catherine Chenalenne, widow of Jean Francois Lepine. The com­munity property inventoried included four slaves. 104 Her future husband Charles Lincto became the most substantial civilian resi­dent of the Post. The 17 49 census, if one excludes from it for the moment the commandant and his household, reveals that Lincto's household accounted for eight of the twenty-nine white habitants and seven of the eleven slaves at the Arkansas. 105 Etienne de Vau­gine de Nuysement who executed the procuration of 1753 was a member of one of the most distinguished French families of Louisi­ana; 106 and he granted the power to Commandant de la Houssaye who would soon become a Major of New Orleans and a Knight of the Royal and Military Order of St. Louis. 107 Vaugine and De la Houssaye married sisters. The marriage contract executed at the Arkansas in 1752 was entered into by the Post's garde magasin and Francoise Lepine, a daughter of Anne Catherine Chenalenne the petitioner in the probate proceeding of 1743; and the bride's dowry had resulted from the dissolution of the community which had been the aim of that proceeding. Finally, Francoise Lepine's second mar­riage contract, passed by Detrepi in 1764, was prelude to her mar­riage to Jean Baptiste Tisserant de Montcharvaux, officer and interpreter at the Post and son of the commandant who executed the 1743 inventory. We are dealing with a propertied and intercon­nected gentry here, a tiny portion of what was anyway a very small population. How the other, the major part of the Arkansas populace regu­lated their lives during the French period will, in the nature of things, be difficult to document. But there is some evidence on this point and it indicates that there was a good deal of lawlessness on the Arkansas. According to Athanase de Mezieres, the Lieutenant Governor at Natchitoches, the Arkansas River above the Post was inhabited largely by outlaws. "Most of those who live there," he claimed, "have either deserted from the troops and ships of the most Christian King and have committed robberies, rape, or homicide, 104. For a translation of this inventory, see Core, supra note 54, at 22. 105. Resancement General des Habitants, Voyageurs, Femmes. En.fans, Esclaves, Clzevaus, Beufs, Vaclzes, Coclzons du Foste des Akansas, 1749. Lo. 200, Huntington Library, San Ma­rino, CA. 106. On the Arkansas Vaugines, see Core, T!ze Vaugine Arkansas Connection, 20 GRAND PRAIRIE HISTORICAL SOCIETY BULLETIN 6 (1978). 107. Faye, supra note 6, at 709. 420 UALR LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 6:391 that river being the asylum of the most wicked persons, without doubt, in all the Indies." 108 On another occasion, De Mezieres sin­gled out as a particularly heinous offender an Arkansas denizen nicknamed Brindamur, a man "of gigantic frame and extraordinary strength." Brindamur, De Mezieres complained, "has made himself a petty king over those brigands and highwaymen, who, with con­tempt for law and subordination with equal insult to Christians, and the shame of the very heathen, up to now have maintained them­selves on that river." 109 He had been resident on the Arkansas for a long time, as his name appears in the census of 1749. Interestingly, it is placed at the very head of a considerable list of "the voyageurs who have remained up the rivers despite the orders given them." 110 All persons hunting on the rivers were supposed to return every year as passports were not issued for longer periods. But there were large numbers of hunters who lived for twenty years or more in their camps without ever reporting to the Post. They constituted a large proportion, indeed sometimes a majority, of the European popula­tion in Arkansas during the French period. The 17 49 census, for instance, lists a habitant population of only thirty-one, including the commandant and his wife. But there were forty hunters on the Ar­kansas River whose passports had expired, and nine on the White and St. Francis Rivers. Sixteen hunters were said to be at the Post being outfitted to return to the hunt. Brindamur, the bandit King, was murdered by one of his men after the end of the French period, "though tardily" De Mezieres reckoned, and "by divine justice."111 In the Spanish period an effort was made to rid the river of these malefactors. VII Since no records of litigation initiated at the Arkansas during the French period have survived, if indeed any were ever kept, very little can be said directly on how lawsuits were conducted there. However, in 1747 Francois Jahan initiated a suit in the Superior Council in New Orleans against one Clermont, a resident of Arkan­sas Post, claiming damages for the conversion of a cask of rum at Arkansas. 112 The Superior Council, as we have shown, had jurisdic- 108. 1 ATHANASE DE MEZIERES AND THE LOUISIANA-TEXAS FRONTIER, 1768-1780 166 (H. Bolton ed., 1914). 109. Id. at 168-69. 110. Resancement, supra note 105. 111. t\. BOLTON, supra note 108, at 167. 112. Index lo the Records of the Superior Court of Louisiana, 17 LA. HIST. Q. 569 (1934). 1983] COLONIAL LEGAL SYSTEM 421 tion throughout Louisiana, and this case reveals how it was exer­cised against a defendant in the hinterlands. The summons was served on the Attorney General of Louisiana; thus, as Henry Dart pointed out, "it would seem . . . that a resident of the Post of Ar­kansas could be sued in New Orleans by serving the citation on the Procureur [Attorney] General."113 How the case would have, in the ordinary instance, proceeded from there is difficult to say. Probably the Arkansas commandant would have been asked to act as a master to gather facts and to report to the Superior Council. But it seems that the commandant had already ruled independently on the matter. Commandant de Monbharvaux's statement on this case, which is entered in the record a'few days after the suit was initiated, indicates that he had held a hearing on the matter at the Arkansas, had taken testimony as to the rum, and had "sentenced Clermont to pay for it."114 Apparently he had kept no record of the proceeding, as none was offered: The good lieutenant bore his own record. It is interesting to note, however, that this case was evidently not brought to enforce the commandant's judgment but was an independent action. How did the justice provided by the Post commandant during the French period measure up? In the absence of litigation records, this is the hardest kind of question to answer. We know, however, that whatever jurisdiction was exerciseable by the commandant, he acted alone, without official advisors and without, of course, a jury. To say that rule is autocratic is not to say

Issue 19.1 of the Review for Religious, 1960. ; Review For Religious Volume 19 1960 Editorial O[[ice ST. h~ARY'S COLLEGE St. Marys, Kansas Publisher TIlE QUEEN'S WORK St. Louis, Missouri EDITOR R. F. Smith, S.J. ASSOCIATE EDITORS Augustine G. Ellard, S.J. Henry Willmering, S.J. ASSISTANT EDITORS John E. Becker, S.J. Robert F. Weiss, S.J. DEPARTMENTAL EDITORS Questions and Answen Joseph F. Gallen, S.J. Woodstock College Woodstock, Maryland Book Reviews Earl A. Weis, S.J. West Baden College West Baden Springs, Indiana Published in January, March, May, July, September, November on Ihe fifleenlh of Ihe monlh. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS is Indexed in Ihe CATHOLIC PERIODICAL INDEX. Act of "Dedication of the Human Race to Christ the King Sacred Apostolic Penitentiary IOn July 18, 1959 (Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 51 11959~, 595-96), the Sacred Apostolic Penitentiary issued a new text of the act of dedication of the human race to the Heart of Christ the King. The text has been revised according to the directives of John XXIII who has also accorded a number of indulgences to the revised prayer. The following is a translation of the new text of the prayer together with the indulgences granted for its recital.I SWEET JESUS, Redeemer of the human race, look do~vn upon us humbly kneeling before Your altar.~ We are Yours and Yours we wish to be; but in order to be still more firmly united to You, today each one of us freely dedicates himself to Your most Sacred Heart. There are many indeed who have never known You; many others have rejected Your commandments and have repudiated You. Be merciful to all of them, 0 kind Jesus, and draw them all to Your holy Heart. Be king, 0 Lord, not only of the faithful who have never abandoned You, but also of the prodigal children who have left You; bring them back quickly to their Father's house lest they die of misery and hunger. Be king of those who have been deceived by erroneous ideas or have been separated by discord; bring them back to the harbor of truth and to the unity of faith so that soon there may be a single fold and a single shepherd. Bestow upon Your Church, 0 Lord, security, liberty, and safety; give to all nations the tranquillity of order; and grant that from one pole of the earth to the other there may ring out the cry: Praise to the divine Heart which brought forth our salvation; to It be glory and honor forever. Amen. July 18, 1959 His Holiness, John XXIII, after abrogating the prayer as given in the Enchiridion Indulgentiarum [Manual of Indulgences], 1952, n. 271, graciously granted the following indulgences: 1) A partial indulgence of five years to the faithful who devoutly recite the above act of dedication with contrite heart. 2) A plenary in- 1When the prayer is recited outside a church or oratory, "in Your presence" should be said instead of "before Your altar." ACT OF DEDICATION dulgence once a month, if they have recited the prayer devoutly every day for a whole month, provided they go to confession, receive Communion, and make a visit to a church or a public oratory. 3) The faithful may gain a partial indulgence of seven years if on the Feast of Christ the King they are present in any church or oratory, even a semi-public one (in the case of those legitimately attending it), when the act of dedication tn the Sacred Heart of Jesus according to the formula given above and the Litanies of the Sacred Heart are recited before the Blessed Sacrament solemnly exposed; moreover, they may gain a plenary indulgence if, besides fulfilling the above conditions, they have gone to confession and Communion. All contrary provisions not withstanding. N. Card. CANALI, Major Penitentiary L. ~I, S. I. Rossi, Secretary Living /aters Frederick Power, $. J. pius XII in his encyclical Haurietis aquas on devotion to the Sacred Heart urges us to"-study diligently the teachings of Scripture, the fathers, and the theologians--the solid founda-tions on which devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus rests." For the Holy Father is "firmly convinced that we can rightly and fully appreciate the incomparable excellence and inexhaustible store of heavenly gifts of this devotion only when we study its nature in the light of divinely revealed truth." The encyclical itself begins with a text from Isaiah: "You shall draw waters with joy out of the Saviour's fountains" (Is 12:3). A few lines further on the Holy Father returns to the idea of the "Saviour's fountains" when he refers to the scene in the Temple at Jerusalem on the Feast of Tabernacles as recorded in John's Gospel, Chapter 7:37-39. The words of our Lord on this occasion are numbered among the principal te~ts which establish the biblical foundation of the devotion. A closer study of this text will be most rewarding and will reveal the appropriateness of the text as the general theme of the encyclical. When the Feast of Tabernacles was at hand, our Lord had declined to go to Jerusalem with His relatives but afterwards went up by Himself "not publicly but as it were privately." The Feast of Tabernacles was held towards the end of Sepo tember after the grain harvest and the vintage and the gathering of the autumn fruit crop. Originally an agricultural festival in-stituted to give thanks to God for the fruitfulness of the soil, it later included the commemoration of the forty years spent by the Hebrews in the desert. In memory of the latter event all Jews of free status except the sick, women, and children lived for the week in huts made from the leafy branches of trees. These huts reminded them of the tents or tabernacles pitched in the wilder-ness of Sinai, a period kept ever fresh in their minds as one in which God gave them the great gifts of the manna and of the water from the rock. The desert ever afterwards remained in Jewish tradition as the place of God's protective presence. Two elaborate ceremonies added to the gaiety of the feast: the procession to the fountain of Siloe and the torch-light illumi-nation of the Women's Court. It is the first of these ceremonies that is of interest for the present article. FREDERICK POWER Review for Religious Each morning the multitude organized into a procession. The people lined the route leading to thepool of Siloe and crowded into the Temple and the surrounding courtyards and porches. Then a procession of priests and Levites descended the valley as far as the pool of Si|oe. Those assisting at the ceremony held a citron fruit in the left hand and in the right a palm branch twined with shoots of myrtle and green willow. The Levites chanted the group of festive psalms called the great Hallel; and the multitude, keep-ing time with the refrain, vigorously waved the fruit and palm branch in token of joyfulness and triumph. The officiating priest carried a golden ewer, and at the pool of Siloe he filled it with water to carry back to the altar of holo-causts. This liturgical act was both a commemorative symbol and a dramatized hope. It recalled the miraculous water that gushed forth from the rock of Horeb beneath the rod of Moses, and it was a figure of the outpouring of graces proper to Messianic times. As the celebrant drew the water of Siloe, the choir repeated the verse of Isaiah: "You shall draw water with joy out of the Saviour's fountains" [12:3), a verse which refers to the blessings promised for the days of the Messiah. This symbol of a spring bursting forth and of water flowing from a fountain was well known to those present, for it is one of the most frequent in the Bible; and in a land afflicted by drought and water scarcity, it was a readily understood symbol of divine blessings. Accordingly, the miraculous event in the desert, when Moses struck the rock with his rod and water gushed forth, was remembered with gratitude in the people's liturgical ceremonies. Moses himself had prayed before the Ark of the Covenant: "O Lord God, hear the cry of this people and open to them thy treasures, a fountain of living water, that being satisfied they may cease to murmur" (Num 20:6). In this text and elsewhere in Scripture "living water" is water flowing from a spring as opposed to the stagnant water of cisterns. It was this symbol of living waters that the prophets used to signify divine blessings. Jeremiah even calls God the fountain of living waters: "For my people have done two evils. They have forsaken me, the fountain of living waters, and have digged to themselves cisterns, broken cisterns that can hold no water" (Jer 2:13). In the last part of the book of Ezekiel, the prophet describes the vision of the holy waters issuing from all sides of the Temple. The desert through which they flow becomes extremely fertile; the trees on their banks have healing power and bear fresh fruit January, 1960 LIVING WATERS monthly. Such is the virtue and dynamism of Yahweh's holy presence in the Temple that it radiates0grace and blessings over the land. Zechariah, too., in speakingof the time of the Messiah, remarks: "In that day there shall be a fountain open to the house of David and to the inhabitants of Jerusalem" (Zech 13:1). The prophets, then, looked on water poured out upon parched land as an image of the new spirit that was to be characteristic of the time of salvation. In .the words of Isaiah: "I will pour out waters upon the thirsty ground, and streams upon the dry land; I will pour out my spirit upon thy seed, and blessing upon thy stock" (Is 44:3). In these texts we see some examples of how the blessings of God and the future blessings of the Messianic era are portrayed under the symbol of living waters, and the passages provide some introduction to the scene in Jerusalem on the last day of the Feast of Tabernacles. After the drawing of the water the procession wended its way up the slope from the pool of Siloe, the officiating priest carry-ing the golden pitcher of water, the Levites chanting psalms, and the crowd singing the refrain. As the procession approached the temple, the people became more enthusiastic, shouting out their response of Hallelu-Yah--Praise Yahweh--with ever greater vehe-mence. It wasin this way that they manifested their deep-felt conviction that Yahweh was their own God who had brought them out of the land of Egypt and had led them safely through the desert. The procession went up to the altar of holocausts just at the moment when the parts of the victim immolated that day were being placed upon it. The priest was greeted by the sacred trumpets and was met at the altar by another priest carrying the wine for the libations. While the people continued their enthusiastic shout-ing, the two pitchers were emptied into conduits that led to the foot of the altar. By this libation it was intended to thank God for the two occasions when He made water flow from a rock to satisfy the thirst of His people in the wilderness. By the same rite the attention of the people was directed to the Messianic promise of living waters and also to the expectation of the fulfillment of the promise which was symbolically signified. For the people were expecting a Messiah who would bring salvation and who was to be another Moses. When the liturgical rite was finished and the singing ended, a silence descended over the throng. Our Lord, who had been 7 FREDERICK POWER Rewew for Rehgmus present among the crowd, now took advantage of this opportunity to reveal His true mission. Mounting a step he cried out to the Jewish people: "If anyone thirst, let him come to me and drink; he who believes in me, as the Scripture says, 'From his heart there shall flow rivers of living water.' " By these words He revealed Himself as the one in whom all the abundant graces of the Messianic period are to be found, the object of the Messianic expectation, the Messiah himself. He is the rock from which the water of life flows; indeed, He is the fountain itself. He is the spring from which anyone who thirsts may quench his thirst. The effect of faith in Him would be the reception and communication of living water. This text requires the explanation of two important points. First, the text as a whole has been interpreted in two ways: that the fountain of living water flows from the one who believes in Christ, or that the fountain flows from Christ, the one in whom we believe. The Holy Father understands the text in the second way in his encyclical; this use, without doubt, holds the richest and profoundest sense, one more in agreement with the Old Testament prophecies given above. It is also more in agreement with the theology of St. John. Secondly, an explanation must be given for the use of the word heart in the text. The Latin edition of the encyclical follows the Vulgate version of the text, the literal translation of which would be: "Out of his belly shall flow rivers of living water." The Latin phrase used is de ventre eius, which literally means "out of his belly." This translation would also be a literal trans-lation of the Greek and Aramaic versions of the text. The trans-lation, however, would not be a correct interpretation of the idea intended. Those who are experts in the Aramaic language agree that for the Hebrews the viscera or the belly was regarded as the seat of the emotions in the same way as we regard the heart. Accordingly a proper translation of the phrase used by our Lord would be "from his heart." Such a translation, though not a literal one, is the proper way to express the idea in terms we understand today. It is what our Lord meant, though He expressed it in the idiom of His own day. It is with this understanding that authorities place this text among the fundamental texts of Scrip-ture regarding devotion to the Sacred Heart. On this occasion of our Lord's revelation of His Sacred Heart, He appeals to Scripture as being fulfilled in His person. He does not refer to one particular text but rather to that whole class of January, 1960 LIVING WATER~ texts from the Old Testament which we considered earlier. The people who heard these ~o.~s could take only one meaning: The man before them was definitely claiming the fulfillment of these prophecies in Himself; He was claiming it and at the same time promising untold blessings to those who would recognize this claim. Certainly St. John is impressed by the words, for he pauses to comment upon them. He tells us that they were prophetic and that they were fulfilled in the final glory of our Lord whicb, for ~John, is our Lord's passion, death, and subsequent transfiguration: "He said this, however, of the Spirit whom they who believed in~ Him were to receive; for the Spirit had not yet been given, seeing that Jesus had not yet been glorified" (Jn 7:39). The Spirit here means the Holy Spirit and includes the abundance of Mes-sianic goods and the gifts of redemption which the Holy Spirit brings to those who believe in Christ. But before the living water would flow, Christ had to be glorified; this was a condition that had yet to be fulfilled. That our Lord's glory was concerned with His passion is seen in His priestly prayer after the Last Supper: "Father, the hour has come! Glorify thy Son, that thy Son may glorify thee, even as thou has given him power over all flesh, in order that to all ,that thou hast given him he may give everlasting life" (Jn 17:2). By sacrificing Himself the Redeemer would cause the Spirit to flow and to open up the "fountain of living water." And this would happen when at the death of the Messiah His Heart would be pierced ~with a lance. The life-giving power of the living waters would find its source in the Blood of Christ as it gushed forth from the wounded Heart of Christ. It is, however, necessary to make here some distinctions between the piercing of Christ's side and the pouring forth of the Holy Spirit. The piercing is not of the same nature as the visible mission of the Holy Spirit on Pentecost. Nevertheless there is an ancient tradition, attested to among others by St. Augustine, that the Church was born from the pierced side of Christ. As Eve was taken from the side of the sleeping Adam, so also the Spouse of Christ, the Church, sprang from the pierced side of the dead Christ, the new Adam in His sleep of death being the source of the new Eve, the Church. And this Church is the Mystical Body of Christ whose soul is the Holy Spirit. FREDERICK POWER Review for Religious That the living waters promised to those who believe in Christ spring from the pierced side of the dead Saviour is also attested to by the common interpretation that for John the water and blood are signs of the sacraments of Baptism and the Holy Eucharist. In his encyclical Plus XII puts it this way: "From this wounded Heart the grace of the sacraments, from which the children of the Church draw supernatural life, flowed most pro-fusely . " And the Holy Spirit is included in the sacrament of Baptism, for the new birth to be effected by Baptism is brought about by "water and the Spirit" as our Lord told Nic~demus. So it is that the prediction of John in Chapter 7 concerning the flowing rivers to come after Christ's glorification was fulfilled when on the cross a soldier "opened his side with a lance, and immediately there came out blood and water" (Jn 19:34). The streams of blood and water are certain signs that now have been fulfilled the Scriptural prophecies of Messianic grace. Now the living water has begun to flow; now the Spirit is given, but only in blood; grace is given but only from the pierced Heart on the cross. Unless the spiritual rock that is Christ had been struck, the waters would nol~ have ~ome forth. And John in his Gospel insists that this incident of the soldier declining to break our Lord's legs and instead opening His side was a momentous event. He emphasizes his own role as an eye-witness of the event: "And he who saw it has borne witness, and his witness is true: and he knows that he tells the truth, that you also may believe" (Jn 19:35). And he puts further emphasis on the event by telling us that by it two prophecies were fulfilled: "Not a bone of him shall you break," and "They shall look upon. him whom they have pierced." The first of these prophecies speaks of the paschal lamb. Now in the concluding events of the passion of Christ it is fully revealed that Christ is the true Lamb of God; accordingly none of His bones were broken. This symbol of the Lamb recalls the mag-nificent theology of the Apocalypse concerning the "Lamb who was slain" (Apoc 5:12). In the Lamb we see the Old Testament prophecies of the Messiah who suffers 'and is glorified in His sufferings: "The Lamb . . . is the Lord of Lords and the King of Kings" (Apoc 17:14). The redeemed are the "bride, the spouse of the Lamb" (Apoc 21:9). In the blood of this Lamb the faithful are able to be cleansed--to be filled with the living waters of the Spirit. And from the fact that the rivers flow forth from the 10 January, 1960 LIVING WATERS wounded Heart of the Lamb, we are led to those passages in the Apocalypse which depict the fulfillment of the prophecies of Isaiah and Ezekiel: "For the Lamb who is in the midst of the throne will shepherd them, and will guide them to the fountains of the waters of life, and God will wipe away every tear from their eyes" (Apoc 7:17); ". he showed me a river of the water of life, clear as crystal, coming forth from the throne of God and of the Lamb" (Apoc 22:1). Thus the act of redemption is enshrined, as it were, in a celestial garden and the redeemed are forever made joyous at the Saviour's fountains. The second prophecy, which is concerned with the piercing of our Lord's side, is from Zechariah: "And I will pour out upon the house of David and upon Jerusalem the spirit of grace and of prayers: and they shall look upon me whom they have pierced and they shall mourn for him as one mourneth for an only son" (Zech 12:10). In this passage God speaks about Himself. As man, He will be the first-born, one for whom they mourn and weep and at whom they gaze although they have pierced Him. God Himself in His human nature brings about the redemption and is the one who gives the living water of the Spirit. He pours forth the Spirit at the moment when the lance opens His Heart. At that moment the Spirit begins to flow and the Messianic work will be prolonged to the end of time when Jesus will come again in glory. In the words of the Apocalypse: "Behold, he comes with the clouds, and every eye shall see him, and they also who pierced him" (Apoc 1:7). Our Lord, then, standing above the throng gathered for the Feast of the Tabernacles, revealed Himself as the long awaited Messiah, the rock of salvation, the fountainhead of all the bless-ings of the Messianic times. For the most part, He was not ac-cepted. A few believed in Him, so John tells us, but only a few. For He is the "stone which the builders rejected." But He is also the rock which will be struck anew for the salvation of the newly chosen people. He will give of His sub-stance to give birth to the new people that He will acquire for Himself. From His pierced side will spring the fountain of eternal life, the rivers of living waters, the Spirit of love, the Church, the new Jerusalem, Baptism and the other sacraments, all the graces of the "last days." The Litany of the Sacred Heart sums it all up in the invocation: "Heart of Jesus, fountain of life and holiness." 11 A Catechism on Obedience of Judgment Paul W. O'Brien, S. J. QWhat are the necessary presuppositions for every act of obedience? A. That the superior has authority and that what he commands is not certainly sinful. Q. Could the superior sin while commanding something not sinful? A. Yes, through sinful motives, for example, envy, injustice, or serious imprudence. Q. What is the formal motive of obedience? A. Authority. Q. Is obedience an act of the will or intellect? A. Obedience of the will is an act of the will; obedience of judgment is formally an act of the intellect, but like faith, is commanded by the will. Q. What is obedience of judgment? A. The conforming of my judgment to the judgment of the superior-because he has authority. Q. To what judgment do I conform? A. Not necessarily to his theoretical (speculative)judgment, that is, something to believe, but to his practical judgment, that is, something to do. The Abbot John did not have to believe that the dry stick would grow into a tree; he had only to believe that God wanted him to water it (for His own mysterious reasons). Q. How would you express this practical judgment? A. Given the order of the superior, I must judge that this is what God wants done (that is, God sanctions with His authority the perhaps mistaken decision of my superior) and that it is best according to the ultimate mysterious plan of God (not necessarily best for the immediate purpose intended by the superior). Q. When I cannot agree with the speculative judgment of the superior and must carry out his practical judgment, how should I obey? A. Not just materially, by merely executing the order (and in such a way as to sabotage the project, emphasizing and dis- 12 O[~EDIENCE OF JUDGMENT playing the weakness of the order, proving the superior wrong); but loyally entering into his, views (without blinding myself to his error), covering up its weaknesses before the public, trying my best to make it succeed. Q. Should I judge the order of the superior to be the will of God because of the reasons of the superior? A. No, but only because he has authority. Q. Then obedience of judgment does not imply that I agree with the reasons of the superior? A. No, it does not imply this. Q. Is it possible to have perfect obedience of judgment and the firm assurance that the superior's order is the will of God for me, while still hesitating over the reasons of the superior? A. Yes. Obedience is specified by authority, not by reasons. Q. Will my obedience of judgment be more perfect in propor-tion as I bring myself into agreement with the reasons of the superior? A. No, though the desire to agree will indicate a more perfect disposition. Q. Then why try to make my reasons agree with the reasons of the superior? A. It helps remove the psychological obstacles to obedience of judgment and chiefly of execution. It is easier to act if humanly speaking I agree with the policy. It is the proper disposition in the face of God's representative. Q. Do I suspend my act of perfect obedience of judgment while I am trying to bring myself to agree with the reasons of the superior? A. No, no more than you suspend your act of faith while you study your catechism or theology. Q. When I have brought myself to agree with all the reasons of the superior, do I have more assurance of doing God's will? A. No. The security that comes from authority (in the line of faith) will always be sufficient and greater than that which comes from the weight of human reasons. (Actually both the superior and I may be agreeing in wrong reasons.) Q. What is "blind obedience"? A. Supposing the two presuppositions of all obedience, I blind myself to the qualities and reasons of my superior, that is, I exclude the consideration of these reasons and motivate my obedi-ence by authority alone. Q. What is the difference between obedience of judgment and 13 PAUL W. O'BRIEN blind obedience? A. There is no difference in the act of obedience. But while obedience of judgment merely states the fact, blind obedience connotes the approach: the exclusion of the consideration of the reasons. Q. Is blind obedience a help to obedience of judgment? A. Yes. It makes obedience of judgment easier and safer for though I could have perfect obedience of judgment while consider-ing, and even while rejecting the reasons, still it is much easier to by-pass these reasons and look simply to authority. Q. Is blind obedience always better? A. No. Even though easier and safer, it is often good and sometimes necessary to consider the reasons of the superior (even while excluding them from the motivation of obedience), for they may: (a) help me to profit by the experience of my elders, (b) enlighten me on the spirit of my community, (c) be necessary to relieve psychological blocks to action, (d) be necessary for the understanding of the mind of the superior in view of carrying out his order more intelligently. Q. What should be my attitude toward the reasons of the superior? A. I should be well-disposed towards them. They are given to help me. I should use them as far as they help. If they trouble me, I should prescind from them and practice blind obedience, But even while using them, I should keep them in second place and unite myself to God through authority. 14 The Theology of Religious Women Yves M.-J. Congar, 0. P. This article was a conference given July 10, 1958, to a convention of French priests charged with the care of religious women. It will ~ppear as a chapter in a book to be entitled Le r61e de la religieuse dans l'Eglise (Paris: Cerf, 1960), a volume in the series Probl~mes de la religieuse d'aujourdhui. The article was first printed in Suppldment de la Vie Spirituelle (1959), 316:42. The present translation is by John E. Becker, S.J. Basic Notions: The Church and the World THE WORLD was set on,its way reality by the creative act. Its story is humanity s quest atos, ,ba e fruitful and multiply; fill the earth and subdue it" (Gen 1:28). For all practical pur-poses, the world, the temporal, history, the drive to civilize are equivalent ideas; the reality they have in common is the effort of man to perfect himself by subjecting, for his advantage, the re-sources inherent in himself and in material creation. And this effort has a direction, a direction which is completely dependent on the facts of Adam's existence: he was at one and the same time both image of God and sinner. As Tennyson said very well, it is only at the end of this great adventure that one can say that man is complete. The Church is something other than this inherent movement of the world or of history even if, as is the case, she envelops it and Ultimately guarantees it. For she does not emerge out of the resources deposited within the first creation. She is placed in the realm of reality by a new initiative of God, properly supernatural, that is to say, an initiative in which God commits and gives Himself (this is the meaning of grace). She is an order of sanctity and sanctification positively instituted from above, a creation of the divine positive law issuing from the priestly, prophetic, and redemptive kingship of Christ. Still she has her existence and, as it were, her proper stability within human societies. Divine insti-tution that she is, she herself creates and shapes according to her needs and her spirit institutional forms proper to herself. On the other hand, the Church is not made to be an end in herself. She is made for God and for the world -- even for the world, to save it by the grace which God has given her to dispense: 15 YvEs M -J CONGAR Rewew for Rehgmus "In it [the faith of the Church] is contained union with Christ.''1 The Church is a new creation of God, and a supernatural one; but she has a mission in and for the world. This mission consists in two things: first, to convert men by making them disciples, that is to say by bringing them into herself, giving them in this way the regeneration of a second birth; and then to sanctify them by communicating to them the grace of the Lord, by forgiving their sins, and by teaching them to conform their lives to the holy and sanctifying will of God;2 second, to operate within temporal life itself in order that in accordance with God's plan it may be directed and oriented towards God to the fullest possible extent. The Church here reveals especially the healing power of grace which, by giv-ing back to nature her primitive orientation, conforms her to the will and to the image of God while at the same time restoring her t'o herself. The Church seeks, by all sorts of initiatives and under-takings, to remold the world according to the plan of God, which is neither the pursuit of self nor the pursuit of power nor egoistic hardness of heart, but on the contrary, service, brotherhood, justice, peace, communion, sharing, helping the poorest, combating all the degrading miseries of body and soul. This is why, from one end to the other of her history and growth, the Church has created ministries inspired by charity. Some of them, more involved with the work of the world and its battles, such as the fight for social justice, are more the role of the laymen within her whom she forms and inspires for this work. Others, more strictly pertinent to her spiritual nature and to her primary office of sanctification, can remain more properly eccle-siastical ministries; such is the case in particular with the corporal works of mercy or the spiritual works such as teaching. "As long as you did it for one of these, the least of my brethren, you did it for me" (Mt 25:40). Basic Notions: The Church in Herself One can consider the Church as the great sacrament of salva-tion and distinguish in her two aspects. She is both the reality of grace or sanctity and she is the means of grace or sanctification: reality and sacrament. Images for comparison are not lacking. However, as with every .image, they are very inadequate, and risk losing through excessive schematization what they gain in clarity. 1St. Ir~naeus, Adversus Haereses, III, 24, 1. ~Mt 28:19-20; Mk 16:15 ft.; Jn 3:3 ft.; 20:21 ff.; Col 1:13; etc. 16 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN For example, the Church as a holy reality may be considered to be. a tower or a temple; as a means of. sanctification, to have the instrumental power of a pick, a mining car, a windlass, a scaffold, and all of those things which are necessary ~to bring the rough stone from the mines to the finished building where each has its place and its proper finish (see the hymn for the dedication of a church). Does not St. Augustine distinguish the "society of the sacraments" and the "society of the saints," the former being ordered to the latter? Does he not also write: "The architect builds a permanent edifice with temporary machinery"?'~ To see in the Church the holiness already rooted in souls is not only to consider the depths of her life, it is to see in her that which will always be. "Charity never passes away" (1 Cor 13:8). To live through charity the life of holiness is really to live as a citizen of the eternal and heavenly City of God. In heaven, one might say, there will be nothing else but that. That city knows no hierarchy other than that of holiness or of love. The Virgin Mary is at its pinnacle. In the Church of this world she had neither a function nor a hierarchical dignity. It could readily be said of her that she was a member, the first member, of the laity if there were not the danger of belying by this way of speaking her per-fection as a consecrated member of the faithful. Mgr. Journet says well, following St. Thomas, that the Virgin Mary has per-fectly achieved the highest holiness, not the highest hierarchical dignity.~ She is-the type, or better, the perfect personification of the Church, but of the Church as final end, not as means. Mary is the "eschatological eikon of the Church.''~ That which in the Church is "sacrament" in the wide sense of the word -- instrument or means of grace -- is as such related to her as a wayfarer. This is true in the first place of her sacraments properly speaking, but also of her dogmatic formulas, of her organizations, and of her ecclesiastical hierarchy which has the care of all these matters. If it were necessary to point out a type or a personification of the Church here, it would not be the Virgin Mary but rather the Apostle Peter. But this would be to consider 3Sermo 362, 7 (Patrologia Latina, 39, 1615). 4St. Thomas, In I Sent., d. 16, q. 1, a. 2, ad 4; Summa Theologiae, 3, 27, 5, ad 3; Albert the Great, In IV Sent., d. 19, a. 7; Charles Journet, L'Eglise du Verbe incarnd, 2 (Paris, 1951), 422; 441; 456, note 2. ~This striking expression is from L. Bouyer, Le culte de la M~re de Dieu (Chevetogne, 1950), 33; Le trSne de la sagesse (Paris, 1957), 188. See also O. Semmelroth, Die Kirche als Ursakrament (Frankfort, 1951), 176-85. A beautifu] and rich meditation on the theme of Mary as perfect spiritual type of the Church is to be found in H. Rahner, Marie et ~'Eglise (Paris, 1955). 17 YvEs M.-J. CONGAR Review [or Religious only one part of the reality, to reduce the power of the Church as means of grace or of sanctification to "institutions" alone. But as a matter of fact the whole life of the Church in time is a means of grace tending to produce that interior fruit of holiness which will always remain. Still, if the distinction which we have proposed is valid -- it is a classical one -- it is very necessary to guard against pushing it to the point of separation or disjunction. The Church in the concrete, the existential Church on earth is at the same time both means of sanctification and sanctity. In terms of the image used above, we should say that she is at the same time the building and the construction works by which she is built; or, using another image, she is the ear of wheat, full of the grain of which the host will be made, and at the same time the root and stem necessary to bear and nourish the wheat until the harvest time. This is why in the Church holiness and means of sanctification interpenetrate. The sacraments are holy; but also the reality of the interior holiness of the members is a powerful means of leading other members and the whole body either to conversion or to greater holiness. There is a spiritual mothering of holiness, or, if holiness seems too broad, of the life of faith, of prayer, and of charity; and perhaps this mothering is too little studied, theoretically undervalued in the Church, even though it is extremely real, a factor of everyday life. We shall return to this point later. It would also be inexact to make a complete separation be-tween holiness and visibility. Holiness manifests itself. It is even a "note" of the Church, that is to say a mark which "notifies" and permits the true Church to be recognized. As instigator and end of all the visible works of the Church, terminus and interior direction of all the instrumentality of grace, intimate soul of all the historical life of the Church, holiness gathers all of these func-tions together to constitute that sign of the Kingdom of God which the Church must be for the world. During His earthly life, Jesus made men sensible of the approach of the Kingdom of God and unveiled something of its proper mystery by "signs" just as He opened up the ways of the Good News in parables. After the Ascension of the Lord, it is the Church which by the grace of Pentecost is the sign for the world. But the different manifesta-tions of her historical life are signs of the Kingdom of God, signs of the charity of Christ, only because they incorporate and radiate holiness. Otherwise they might be signs of power, of legal right, even of greatness; they would not be signs of the Kingdom of God 18 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN and of the charity of Christ. They would not draw the world to the faith. Basic Notions: Religious Life The Church is a body which is organic, organized, and.there-fore composed of different elements. She embraces the infinity of individual differences which are the foundation of the gifts, altogether interior ~and spiritual or exterior and public, of each one: what a variety among men, what a variety in the world of the saints! All this is the rainbow of grace. But there are also larger differences in the Church, delimited categories, groups charac-terized by a particular social structure, even constituted as such by law. These are those major differences of condition which affect Christian life in that profound and permanent as well as public and manifest way by reason of which one may speak of them as states. Christian antiquity and the Middle Ages used the expression orders for any group, and the encyc.lical Mystici corporis of June 29, 1943, reintroduced this idea into its broad theology of the Church as the Body of Christ. Once more it speaks, for example, of the "order of the laity.''~ The fathers spoke of the order of preachers or of prelates, the order of clerics, of monks, of virgins, of the continent, of widows, of deaconesses, of married people. If we consider only the most general divisions of states in the Church, we find ourselves faced with a double distinction, that between clerics and the laity, and another between seculars and regulars or religious (see below, note 50). If we recall what was said above about the Church, we will be able to relate the first distinction more to that ~aspect according to which the Church is means of sanctification, since this difference is between the simple members of the people of God and those members who are destined to exercise some sacred function and are endowed with powers appropriate to the prac.tical application of the means of grace. The second distinction pertains more to the aspect of the Church according to which she is a mystery of holiness; for the "state of perfection," even though it is a means of sanctification, is nor-mally an approach towards a more perfect life in Christ. In both cases, the state ~or particular ecclesiastical position of the cleric and of the regular is a deprivation of the greater liberty legiti-mately given those in the world in view of their conditio.n of life and .activity in the world; the purpose of this deprivation is the better service of God, whether this be more on the plane of per- SActa Apostolicae Sedis, 35 [1943), 200-01. 19 YVES M.-J. CONGAR Review for Religious sonal spiritual life (religious life) or more on the plane of admin-istering the Church's means of sanctification (clerical, priestly state). It would be superfluous to spend time here defining religious life. Let us recall merely the simple and vigorous manner in which St. Thomas Aquinas characterized it in relation to the Christian life of the simple faithful.7 Each member of the faithful is com-mitted by his baptism, to renounce sin as well as Satan and his temptations. By religious profession, a Christian man or woman commits himself to renounce the world as the context of his life in order to belong more entirely, more definitively to God and to His work; for the world is an ambiguous milieu to live in; it is full of occasions of evil; it is engrossing, distracting, and filled with demands which hinder one from belonging to God completely and of temptations which turn one away from Him. This is why it is essential to the religious life, not only to detach oneself from the earthly and to consecrate oneself to God by vows, but through the rule to separate oneself from the conditions of life in the world. A point of view less individual and more ecclesiological might present the same realities in the following way.s The difference between religious and the simple faithful need not be viewed as a difference between the consecrated and the non-consecrated. This opposition exists, of course; but it should be located between the Church and the world, between the people of God and those who are not, between Christians and non-Christians (see 1 Pet 2:10). In the people of God as such, in the Body of Christ, all is sacred. The faithful are consecrated; their whole life as Christians, in so far as it is Christian, is sacred, not profane. All that religious can ambition is to be more consistently, more integrally Christian, and to embrace more perfect means toward this end." Laymen, or the ordinary faithful, live in the world. It is their precise charac-teristic to serve God in the way that is determined by their natural mission into the world.~° But the world is something other than 7Contra impugnantes religionem, c. 1. 8We employ here a suggestion of R. Carpentier, S.J. in his Life in the City o[ God: An Introduction to the Religious Life (New York, 1959). Compare the same author's "Les instituts s~culiers," Nouvelle Revue Thdologique, 77 (1955), 408-12, in particular, 409, 411. ~Since Dom G. Morin's L'iddal monastique et la vie chrdtienne des premiers jours (Maredsous, 1912), it is better known that religious life is merely the Christian life more fully expressed. 1°There is more and more agreement on this positive and theological definition of the lay state: Y. M.-J. Congar, "Qu'est-ce qu'un laic?" Suppld-ment de la Vie Spirituelle, 1950, 363-92; this article is the first chapter in the same author's Lay People in the Church Westminster, 1957). See also K. 2O January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN the Church. If the Church has its inner consistency and its proper demands, the world has too, Even prescinding from the ambiguity inherent in the enterprises of men and in the tendency toward sin which adheres to the tissue of the world, it is still necessary to render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's. For this reason even those laymen who seek only to love and serve God, whose personal lives are surrendered to God, and whose hearts are wholly intent upon Him find it difficult to exert themselves and to carve out their way in that world, a world which is not surrendered to God. "And he is divided" (1 Cor 7:33-34). The life of the Christian in the world is, unhappily, a divided one. The religious is the Christian who, in the desire to belong totally and irrevocably to God,~ leaves the world and enters a life built up and organized for the service of God, something which the world is not. The religious life in so far as it is a social frame-work for living is actually a creation of the Church for the pur-poses of the Church -- the service of God, Throughout the len.gth of her history.the Church has striven to achieve through religious life that which she tried to do as soon as she entered the world" by the grace of Pentecost; it was something that had been tried' be-fore her, for example in the monasticism of the Essenes on the shores of the Dead Sea. Her aim has been to constitute a way of life which responds perfectly, even as a social or juridical structure, to the communal and fraternal demands of the Gospel and which allows one to be at the exclusive service of God. In fact, through-out the whole history of the religious life one finds references back to the tentative attempt at communal living in the primitive Church at Jerusalem.~- Moreover, it is by expressl.y referring to Rahner, "L'apostolat des la~cs" in Nouvelle Revue Thdologique, 78 (1956), 3-32; a digest of this article may be found in Theology Digest, 5 (1957-58), 73-79. ~St. Thomas: "So that he may not turn back" (Summa Theologiae, 2-2, 186, 6, ad 1; see also Contra Gentiles, 3, 131). l~See Acts 2:44 and 4:32. Some references on this point are: F~r St. Pach-omius see L.Th. Lefort, Les vies coptes de saint Pach6me et de ses premiers successeurs [Louvain, 1943), 3, 30, and 65, 25; for St. Basil, see his Regulae brevius tractatae, int. 148, 187 (Patrologia Graeca, 31, 1180 and 1208) as well as his Regulae [usius tractatae, int. 7 (Patrologia Graeca, 31, 933); for St. Augustine see his En~arrationes in Psalmos, 132, 2 (Patrologia Latina, 37, 1729 ff.), his Sermo 355 and 356 De vita et moribus clericorurn suorum ( Patrologia Latina, 39, 1568 ff.), his De opere monachorum (C.S.E.L., 41, 529 ft.), his Regula (see below, note 21), and A. Zumkeller's Das M6nchtum des hl. Augus-tinus (Wiirzburg, 1950), 129 ft.; for St. Ambrose Autpert, see his In Cant. (Bibl. Max. Patrum, 13, 442); for St. Odo of Cluny, see his Occupatio 6 (Patrologia Latina, 133, 572) and J. Leclercq's "L'id~al monastique de saint Odon d'apr~s ses oeuvres," in A Cluny. Congrbs scientifique, 1949, 227 ff.; for St. Peter Damian, see his Opusculum 24, Contra clericos regulares proprietarios (Patrologia Latina, 145, 482-90). From the time of the reform 21 YvEs M.-J. CONGAR Review [or Religious this historical archetype that all reforms, all renewals of the religious life have been carried out. The "type" of Jerusalem, the City of Peace, the city "where all together make one body" (Ps 122:3), the place of God's habitation, has always been, for the various institutes of religious life, a kind of ideal, or "myth" in $orel's sense of the word. The religious life is a kind of earthly anticipation of the City of God. The chief forms of the religious life derive, even in those things which differentiate them, from the following principle com-mon to all: The religious life is a total consecration which is carridd out on the social level and publicly approved by the Church and which aims at the pursuit of the perfection of charity on the basis of a renouncement of that which hinders this totality, and this renouncement is made in such a way as to close to oneself the possibility of turning back. Within the bounds of this essential principle common to all, religious institutes differ from one another according to that pre-. eminent work of charity to which each one specifically devotes itself. A first overall distinction arises, for this reason, between institutes vowed to the service of the love of God alone, in Him-self, and immediately -- the contemplative life, monasticism, the eremetical life -- and institutes vowed to the service of the love of God in the exterior exercise of love and of service to the neigh-bor -- institutes specifically vowed to the works of mercy, corporal (hospitals), or spiritual (teaching), or the two together (the greater part of the missionary congregations).13 Contemplatives or monks also contribute to the salvation of the world, but only from above and in the context of the mystery of the Communion of Saints, from which comes in its secret forms that spiritual maternity which we have already mentioned and to which we shall return. From the point of view of effective activity they seem to leave the world to its damnation.Nevertheless, this is a historical fact: it is the monks who have made Christianity; of the llth and 12th centuries the references 'to Acts increase; see the studies of Ch. Dereine and others. See also J. Leclercq, La vie parfaite (Turnhout, 1948), 82-108. M.-D. Chenu, La thdologie au xii'~ si~cle (Paris, 1957), 227 ff. 13As is well known there exists a third category, that of the apostolic life, which is sometimes given the strange and little justified name of the "mixed life." In this life the superexcellent work of charity is identical with that of that agape which implies service, self-giving, apostolate, mission. It implies living in the light of faith and love to the extent of communicating them to others by means of the apostolate. But this apostolic life is almost exclusively reserved to men; and in its fullness it demands the priesthood of the Gospels. 22 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN monasticism has been --it is still, it will continue to be in the future -- preeminently the educator who teaches men not only what it is to be a Christian, but also what it is.to be human. In this way it has been the creator of much that is beautiful. It is impossible to accept grace without its showing its healing power, impossible to seek first the Kingdom of God without all these other things being added on besides (Mt 6:33; Lk 12:31). Religious devoted to the works of mercy enter into the torrent of the world to perform the work of rescue. They participate more strictly than the monks in that which in the Church is not only repose in God but also anxiety for and with men; they participate in the Church not only as a harbor of grace and the inn of the good Samaritan, but as an effective rescue service with the difficult commitment to heal the wounded on a road infested with robbers. In the duality of the Church and of the world, the monks represent essentially the distinction or opposition of the two. The Church is not of the world; and in her monks she says to it: "Do not touch me!" But the duality of the Church and of the world is not only distinction and opposition, it is also a kind of coupling; it implies a dialectical and dramatic point of contact. Not only do the Church and the world coexist in the time between Eden and the Kingdom, they exist in a certain way one with the other and one for the other. The world is, for the Church, not only~ the quarry from which she gets her stones, but also a necessary partner in a dialogue, or better, a sort of separated partner, who opposes and tests her, but with whom she must remain joined in order to try to save it. The Church is different from the world, she is grace and salvation. But in the interim between Easter and the second coming, which is her time of wayfaring and of labor, she is joined to the world as the good Samaritan was to his wounded stranger while he lifted him up and carried him, or as a lifeguard is joined to the drowning person whom he attempts to bring to the shore.~ Basic Notions: The Role of Woman in the Church One can scarcely speak of the laws of God's work, for he would thus risk giving the meaning that rules are imposed upon God extrinsically and as necessities. But one may speak of con-stants which the work itself reveals to us. And one of these constants seems to be procedure by pairs or complementary polarities. The study of tradition throughout Scripture, the fathers, and ancient ~On this point read G. Bernanos, La libertd, pourquoi faire? (Paris, 1953), 267-69; and see H. Urs yon Balthasar, Le chr~tien Bernanos (Paris, 1956), 217. 23 YVES M~-J. CONGAR Review for Religious texts and records, has convinced us more and more that this idea has played a very great role in Christian thought and institutions.~5 Among these unified dualities or complementary polarities, the first is without doubt the division of humanity into man and woman. It reappears in the Church, with the reservation that will be noted later. It is the reason that today's relatively numerous studies of "the second sex" have their counterparts, frequently stimulating ones, in Christian publications which attempt to de-termine the particular role and assets of women and hence of religious women in the Church.~ This role and these assets are connected with these larger values: a) Woman stands for receiving, welcoming, consenting; she is the "spiritual vessel." To speak of passivity would be not quite exact; receptivity is vital and active. Recall the "fiat" of the Virgin Mary, the prototype of acceptance and of the faithfulness of the Church before the God who comes, calls, asks. b) It is also said of the Virgin that "she kept all things in her heart." Man has the initiative in producing life. Woman creates for it a milieu that is intimate and warm, a home. In the home she embodies that humble faithfulness which conserves, waits, wel-comes. Man is devoted to the risks of conflict on the outside; he is the victim of its aggression; he suffers change. But thanks to his wife he has a home where he can recover intact his better self, his inner self: the freshness and poetry of love, the faithfulness to memory and to conscience, the delicacy of attention and of care.'7 Man is specialized by work and by action. Woman is nearer 15The following examples have been chosen at random and hurriedly; nevertheless the meaning and the relationships of this theme of "pairs" were a matter of profound experience in the consciousness and texts of the ancients; they will be understood better if one keeps in mind the duality in unity which is at the basis of all the examples: Man and woman, soul and body, the two sides of the body (two eyes, two hands, etc.), sky and earth, sun and moon (the "two luminaries"), the two powers, pope and emperor, the two witnesses Peter and Paul, Moses and Elias, law and grace, the Church of the Jews and the Church of the Gentiles, head and body, Scripture and tradition, baptism and confirmation [Christ and the Holy ~pirit), com-munion under two species, the two columns of the temple of Jerusalem, the two cherubim of the Ark, etc. ~6For studies by Catholics see Gertrud von Lefort, Die ewige Frau ~Munich, 1935); Maura BSckeler, Das grosse Zeichen. Die Frau als Symbol g6ttlicher Wirklichkeit (Salzburg, 1941); D'Eve tt Marie, ou le destin de la Femme in L'Anneau d'or, 1954; F.J.J. Buytendijk, La femme, ses modes d'etre, de paratt)'e et d'exister (Paris, 1957). A Protestant study is Ch. von Kirschbaum's Die wirkliche Frau (Zurich, 1949). A Greek Orthodox study is: Paul Evdo-kimov, La femme et le salut du monde. Etude d'anthropologie chrdtient~e sur les charismes de la [emme (Paris, 1958). ~TThis role of woman is well illustrated in novels such as the following: Sigrid Undset, Kristin Lavransdatter: Elizabeth Goudge, Green Dolphin Street; A. J. Cronin, Th~ Citadel. See also Alice Oll~-Laprune, Liens immortels. 24 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN to the sources of life and of elementary realities, more humbly given over to daily occupations. She has also an instinctive sensi-bility which allows her to grasp things in a more concrete, simpler, more comprehensive fashion, to see things as wholes. She gives herself more simply, and perhaps more irrevocably, in committing herself more thoroughly and totally to these things. In this total commitment of woman there is a value attested to by experience which is expressed remarkably well in the con-secration of religious women. This consecration, for the faithful and even for the priesthood, stands as a kind of oasis, a reserve storehouse of the simple life, of total, unsophisticated faith; it stands for homesteads of inviolate faithfulness softened by a gentle delicacy. There are here, along with a beehive's thrifty efficiency, treasure houses of devotedness and all the strength of an abnegation that is without ambition or defense. We will not delay on this longer because we are not sure that this precisely feminine element is so very important in the religious life. The religious life would represent in the Church rather that condition in which woman becomes most active,, closest to assum-ing initiatives and activities comparable to those of men. So she proclaims in a special way a superiority over the differences of sex and over the other conditions which divide man in his "life in Christ.''~8 If femininity exists at this level, it is that of the whole Church who is, according to patristic tradition and its develop-ment of the indications of Scripture, the New Eve beside the New Adam, Christ. That which, in the Church, represents Christ as Master, Spouse, and Father, is not the male religious institute; it is the episcopacy and the priesthood. It is easy to relate these facts to that which was said above about the two aspects of the Church: that of goal or of holiness, alongside which religious life has its special place, and that of means, alongside which the dis-tinction between priests and simple faithful has its place. The Role of Religious Woman in the Church The religious life is, in the Church, the highest approximation of the City of God. It is, in the sphere of collective realities, that portion which is nearest to being the fruit of lasting holiness (reality), that which most closely pertains to the Church as "Com-reunion of Saints" and eschatological reality. This is what we shall consider first in itself and then in its inherent value as a sign. ~sSee Gal 3:28; Col 3:11. 25 YVES M.-J. CONGAR Review for Religious Religious life is first of all for God. It exists in the Church first of all as an area reserved for God. It represents the first fruits and their special worth as tokens of homage and as free gifts. Sometimes, in a corner of the countryside withdrawn from the traffic of men one finds a religious house which, humanly speaking, vegetates. But when one has become a regular visitor to such a community, one discovers that it is accomplishing an onerous duty of praise or of intercession, far from the notice or even the knowl-edge of men. "To what purpose is this waste?" ~Mt 26:8; Mk 14:4) It is the song of the bride meant only for her spouse; it is that part of the Church seen and known to God alone, to the Father "who sees in secret" (Mt 6:4; 6:18). Above and beyond all its external usefulness and all i~s ordination to extrinsic things, religious life remains a realization of the mystery of the Church or of the mystical body. It is im-possible to'emphasize this too much: before one can cooperate in the building up of the outside of the Church which is for others, it is necessary that it be built up within. A religious community is a cell of the Church; better, it is a Church in miniature.'9 It gives flesh to the mystery of the Church. The Rule of St. Augustine begins with these words, whose fulness of meaning and even whose technical validity arise out of the great Augustinian synthesis on the sacrifice of the "City redeemed as one":2° "A primary purpose for which you are gathered together in one community is that you live in the monastery with unanimity, having but one mind and one heart in the service of God.''~' Members join together in re-ligious life first of all to live the life of charity, to give reality to fraternal union according to the spirit of the Gospel. We cannot meditate too much on this truth, without which our communities will be nothing but a lie and a scandal.'-'~ The great lawgivers of ~On this theme see the valuable study of Dom Emmanuel yon Severus, "Das MSnchtum als Kirche," in Enkainia, ed. by H. Emonds (Dusseldorf, 1956), 230-48; also A. deVogu~, "Le monast~re, Eglise du Christ," in Studia Anselmiana, 42 (Rome, 1957), 25-46. ~'See De Civitate Dei, X, cc. 5 and 6. ~Patrologia Latina, 32, 1738. ~To stimulate reflection on this matter, I permit myself to cite here the two following texts which are hateful and terrible, but important: "Monks are people who bunch together without knowing each other, live together without loving each other, and die without regretting each other." ~Voltaire, L'homme aux quarante ~cus, VIII, Oeuvres completes, xxxiv, Paris, 1829, 60). "The love of God serves them as an excuse to love no one; they do not even love one another. Has anyone ever observed rea] friendship among the devout? But the more they detach themselves from men, the more they demand of men; and one could say that they do not raise themselves to God except to exercise his authority on the earth." (J.-J. Rousseau, Nouve~le Hdloise 6th Part, Letter 8). 26 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN the cenobitic life, St. Pachomius and St. Basil, expressly defended the primacy of this life over the anchoritic life on the basis of the fraternal charity and mutual edification (one of the great values in the Gospels) for which it gives the opportunity.~'~ One of the essential articles of the religious life is the achievement of a true fraternal relationship, the condition, complement, and fruit of a true relationship with God. If the Christian is an eschatological man because he is a fellow citizen with the saints, a member of the house of God (Eph 2:19), the monk is all the more truly a Christian. "But our citizenship is in heaven.''24 This is :said and it is true of all the people of God, for they are a people in exile journeying towards their fatherland. We have already received the pledge of the Spirit, the first fruits of our inheritance,2'' but only the pledge and the first fruits. We still live here below subject to the slavery of the flesh and the oppression of the devil, whom our Savior ~calls "the .Prince of this world"; all creation, subject to vanity, groans in the labor of its childbirth hoping for the glorious liberty of the children of God (Rm 8:19-23). The citizens of the heavenly city are, in this life, in the situa-tion of a people occupied by an enemy power. There are those who adjust themselves to it, there are even those who compromise and "collaborate." There are many who do not accept the enemy power, and in the midst of external conditions of servitude, they assert as far as they can their loyalty to their homeland. But some go farther and resist. They escape to the outskirts. There at least they advance With great labor the hour of liberation, they live already a life of liberty and they prepare for everyone the coming of the liberator. If the Church is like the outskirts of the world,'-'~ religious life is so in a more decided way. Religious have left their homes, their parents, their fields, the comforts of normal life, to be unburdened, free to serve the King of the Heavens. They are, by a more meaningful title, the first fruits of the new creation.~7 ~:~See H. Leclercq, "C~nobitisme," in Dictionnaire d'archdologie chrdtienne, II, 2, 3047-3248; 3093 is concerned with Saint Pachomius and 3149-50 with Saint Basil. See also Vie de Pach6me, cc. 3 and 4 in R. Draguet's Les P~res du ddsert (Paris, 1949), 90 ff., and Saint Basil, Regulae fusius tractatae, cc. 7 and 25-31 (Patrologia Graeca, 31,928 and 984 ft'.) and his Letter 295 (Patro-logia Graeca, 32, 1037). See also 0. Rousseau, Monachisme et vie religieuse d'apr~s l'ancienne tradition de l'Eglise (Chevetogne, 1957), 80 ff. 24Phil 3:20; Heb 11:13-16. ~SSee 2 Cor 1:12; Rom 8:1-30; Eph 1:14o ~See Yves M. J. Congar, Lay People in the Church (Westminster, 1957), 101. ~TSee Apoc 14:4, "the first fruits for God and for the Lamb." This idea of 27 YVES M.-J. COUGAR Review for Religious Each religious profession is like a guerilla victory by which the power of the occupying forces is checked; and without doubt Christ contemplates it with the sentiments which he expressed when the seventy-two disciples returned from their mission full of joy that the demons had given way before them: "I was watching Satan fall as lightning from heaven" (Lk 10:18). This idea of the religious life as an eschatological life~8 is fre-quently expressed in monastic tradition by the theme of the angelic life.2~ It is a perfectly valid theme. Whether one actually looks at the religious life under the aspect of virginity or under that of the spiritual marriage, which is fundamentally the same thing, or under the aspect of the perpetual praise of God (see in particular E: Peterson), or under that of the anticipation as far as possible of heavenly life, life in the presence of God, and even if one looks at this life in the details of asceticism such as vigils or fasting -- under all these aspects of religious life the theme of the angelic life is authentic, and we wish in no way to exclude it. We are convinced,, nevertheless, that certain expressions can be very dangerous and ought to be criticized in the name of biblical and Christian truth2° Historically these expressions have been somewhat distorted by influences coming from two areas: first, the assumption, without~ a critical attitude sufficiently inspired by the biblical point of view, of certain Platonic and Pythagorean ideas, in particular the idea that man consists of a soul, that the body is a tomb (a~/~a-~l/~a) from which one should free himself as much as possible with the result that perfection is made to consist in the contemplation (Oe¢op;~) of eternal, transcendent truths; second, the development of a wholly speculative theory concerning Adam and the state of paradise. We know how St. Gregory of Nyssa, for example, transposed, the final liberation from the oppo-the first fruits is especially emphasized by Dom Emmanuel von Severus, "Zu den bibiischen Grundlagen des MSnchtums," in Geist und Leben, 26 (1953), 113-22'; see also the same periodical, 27 (1954), 414 ff. -°SThis idea is developed in D. Thalhammer, S.J., Jenseitige Menschen. Eine Deutung des Ordensstandes, 2nd ed. (Freiburg, 1952); in J. Leclercq, La vie parfaite (Turnhout, 1948); in L. Bouyer, The Meaning of the Monastic Life (New York, 1955); and in O. Rousseau, op. cir. (footnote 23). ~Wexts on this are innumerable. The principal ones can be found in the works listed in the preceding note, to which the following may be added: E. Peterson, Le livre des anges (Paris, 1954); A. Lamy, "Bios angelikos," in Dieu vivant, n. 7 (1946), 59-77; J. C. Didier, " 'Angdlisme' ou perspectives eschatologiques?" in M~langes de science retigieuse, 11 (1954), 31-48; U. Ranke-Heinemann, "Zum Ideal der vita angelica im fr~ihen MSnchtum," in Geist und Leben, 29 (1956), 347-57; Emmanuel yon Severus, "Bios aggetikos," in Die Engel in der Welt yon heute, 1957, 56-70. 3°I hope to treat this problem later and on a larger scale with the needed precisions and justifications. 28 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN sition of the sexes (above, note 18) into the creative intention and held that sex had been a ~stranger to the nature of man as God had, or would have conceived of him, if He had not known ia advance that man would sin.'~ The result of this double influence, with which other factors certainly have concurred, has been not so much perhaps to give an orientation toward the recovery of a lost state of perfection, which is an eschatological expectation present in the New Testament; it has been rather to superimpose on (and perhaps to substitute for) the duality between this world and the other which is to come as the fruit of Christ's Passover, a duality between this earthly, bodily world and a celestial, in-corporeal world which is to be imitated as closely as. possible. But is the Christian ideal to be found in the condescension of God who for love entered human history as a suffering servant? Or is it instead an angelic perfection, situated in an ideal world of the spirit toward which the soul must elevate itself by certain degrees of ascension and sublimation thereby withdrawing itself progres-sively from the sensible world? We may well fear lest spirituality seek its place between heaven and earth and turn away from the history of the world and the commitment to be a savior to men's miseries, meanwhile adjusting itself to a theocracy in which the idea of subordination of body to soul ambiguously expresses itself as a basically political program of subjection of the "temporal" to the "spiritual." We find something of this, it seems, in the history of Citeaux at the height of its prosperity. At that very time the "They will be like the angels" (Lk 20:36; Mt 22:30) is transposed from eschatology to the condition of monks on the earth, something which had been completely avoided, for example, by St. Augustine2: But, on the other hand, for St. Bernard, the mysticism of that angelic life which can bear such doubtful fruits as we have just mentioned is balanced by an ardent mysticism of Christ in his humanity and of the imitation of Christ. What is important is to see, as St. Therese of Lisieux very brilliantly saw it and acted on it,'~'~ that the perfection of love con- 3*See De opificio hominis, cc. 16-17 (Patrologia Graeca, 46, 181 and 188-92). On the very subtle thought of Gregory see the Introduction of P. J. Laplace to La crdation de l'homme [Paris, 1943). St. Thomas criticizes this position in Summa Theologiae, 1, 98, 2. 3~See "Eglise et Cit~ de Dieu chez quelques auteurs cisterciens h l'~poque des Croisades," in Mdlanges Etienne Gilson [Paris, 1959) and "Henri de Marcy, abb~ de Clairvaux, cardinal-dv~que d'Albano et l~gat pontifical," in Analecta Monastica, 5 (Rome, 1958). 33See the studies of A. Combes [for example, his Saint Therese and Her Mission INew York, 1955]) and Ft. Heer, "Die Heilige des Atomzeitalters," in Sprechen wir yon der Wirklichkeit (Nuremberg, 1955), 177 ft. From the 29 YVES M.-J. CONGAR Review for Religious sists essentially not in the ascending movements of an increasing spiritualization, but in a descent by the paths and the steps of humble service to the point of emptying oneselfi34 One must come to the cross where the salvation of the world is worked out and where, by losing ourselves, we work out our own salvation also. This is scriptural and it is Christian, more .scriptural and more Christian than the theme of the angelic life, traditional and valid though it may be under the conditions which have just been detailed. This angelic theme is a monastic theme. Many modern con-gregations, as they are called, have little or no contact with the great sources of monastic spirituality. They are not, for all that, safe from missteps analogous to those which the theme of the angelic life risks causing. The spirituality proposed in these con-gregations, in so far as it is legitimate to reduce it to a common denominator, is largely inspired by Jesuit authors (Rodriguez) and by the spirituality of the French school, the great French moralists and preachers of the "Great Century." But these sources, valuable certainly and even powerful as inspirers of the true Christian life, seem to bear the mark of the two following influences: first, a certain stoic influence, of which Guillaume du Vair would be a particularly representative example35 (we do not mention him for any other reason and certainly not as one of the sources). This stoic influence, diffuse as it may be, is not negligible. Many mod-ern spiritual programs depend rather largely on Christian stoicism. Second: even the great spiritual men of the French school betray the orientation of the moralist, an insistence on those themes which aim to make man conscious of his baseness and his malice, an insistence on the theme of original sin and its consequences, on the wickedness of the world and of all its aims2~ It seems that this is far from the theme of the angelic life; but the two rejoin in certain eventual consequences. There are fruitful considerations in literary viewpoint see von Balthasar, Le chr~tien Bernanos, pp. 156, 160-61, 264 ff., 457-77, 484. '~4Phil 2:7. ~See F. Strowski, Histoire du sentiment religieux en France au xvii" si~cle, I (Paris, 1910), 18-125; and P. Mesnard, "Du Vair et le N6o-stoicisme," in Revue d'histoire de la philosophie, April, 1928, 142-66. Du Vair begins from original sin and the feelings of penance to arrive at a "life in God" by passing through the practice of the cardinal virtues. ~"Some remarks concerning the influence of this spirituality on the con-gregations of teaching religious may be found in J. G. Lawler, The Christian Imagination: Studies in Religious Thought (Westminster, 1955), 38 ft. It is also necessary here to refer to the Imitation of Christ with its moralistic and individualistic perspective of the opposition between the movements of grace and the movements of nature. 3O January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN all these areas, but scriptural monotheism implies another set of values, more thoroughly oriented toward life, toward history, toward the cosmic theme of salvation. The religious life, and more especially the religious life of women, realizes with a particular intensity and purity the voca-tion of the Church to be the Virgin Spouse of the Lord and thus to become spiritually a mother. The application to the Church of these three inseparable themes: virgin, spouse, mother, whose biblical sources are not only abundant, but situated at the heart of the economy of salvation, is frequent in Christian tradition27 To wish to compare them with themes more or less verbally analogous which have been gathered from the history of religions would be to close one's mind to this. Pagan religions are nature religions which transfer to so-called transcendent persons the relationships and needs of men. They sexualise the divinity. The God of biblical revelation is in no way sexualised; He is the living God who unites men to Himself by faith. The whole relationship of alliance and of union which He establishes with man consists in the spiritual relation of faith, and faith includes a total gift, and therefore is not fully realized except by love: "I will espouse thee to me for-ever: and I will espouse thee to me in justice and judgment and in mercy and in commiserations. And I will espouse thee to me in faith" (Hos 2:19-20). That which creates between God and our-selves, between the Church and God, a marital relation is nothing other than this completely spiritual communication in faith. But this communication supposes in us the sole response of a total giving, of receptivity to the coming of God: "Behold the handmaid of the Lord, be it done to me according to thy word." So faith is the point of contact for an exchange of fidelity. "I will be your God and you will be my people." And therefore it is a point at which a relation of alliance is achieved, a marital union which is at the same time altogether virginal. It is altogether virginal be-cause the union is spiritual. It consists in nothing else than fidelity itself and is preserved by maintaining this fidelity, that is to say, by its very chastity. It is altogether virginal also because in this relationship of faith nothing which comes from the outside or from ~TThe bibliography is abundant; we will cite only the following: S. Tromp, "Ecclesia Sponsa, Virgo, Mater," in Gregorianum, 18 (1937), 3-29; O. Casel, "Die Kirche als Braut Christi nach Schrift, V~itern, und Liturgie," in The-ologie der Zeit, 1936, 91-111; CI. Chavasse, The Bride o] Christ: An Enquiry into the Nuptial Element in Early Christianity (London, 1940); J. C. Plumpe, Mater Ecclesia: An Inquiry into the Concept of the Church as Mother in Early Christianity (Washington, 1943); AI. Mfiller, Ecclesia-Maria: Die Einheit Marias und der Kirche (Fribourg, 1951); H. Rahner as cited above, n. 5. 31 YVES M.-J. CONGAR Review for Religious that which is lower enters in, nothing which breaks or mars its integrity. There is nothing of earthly eros here. Motherhood or fruitfulness comes to this virginal and marital union as its fulfillment. The fathers say and repeat that the Church (or the soul) becomes a virgin spouse by faith, and that she also becomes a mother by faith: virgin spouse by believing, mother by communicating the faith, by engendering men in faith. Again, the relationship is altogether spiritual. It consists in faith and this is why it is superior to every kind of carnal kinship2s Precisely because of this, the vocation of the Church to be both virginal spouse and virginal mother is achieved in all the members in proportion to their fervor. For, according to a theme equally familiar to the fathers and to spiritual authors, every soul is the Church. Nevertheless in so far as God is not fully "all in all" (1 Cor 15:28), the difference between man and woman exists not only as a reality of the world, but projects itself and intervenes in a certain manner in the body of Christ which is the Church. So there exist certain differences in the manner in which men and women exercise the spiritual motherhood of the Church. The priesthood, since it is a position of external authority, is reserved to the man. But this relates to the Church under her aspect as means of grace, and therefore does not touch the religious life. as such. In its external activity a religious institute can just as well exercise apostolic functions which also relate to the Church as means of grace and represent an explicit cooperation with the action of the hierarchy where the motherhood of the Church is achieved. But the religious life as such, the religious life purely and simply, belongs rather to the Church as eschatological realiza-tion of holiness. This devotes it to being the locus of a very pure and altogether spiritual realization of the twofold relationship of virginal marriage and of motherhood. All this is particularly true in the life of women religious be-cause woman is more a being of receptivity and of self-giving: because when she gives herself, and above all whe~ she gives her-self in the integrity of her heart and of her body, she gives herself in a more intense way, a more complete and irrevocable way than man; because having fewer exterior activities and acting less out of duty and more from her heart, she makes good with her fervor that which would have been lost to her in action. For all these ~Read in this sense Mt 12:48-50 (=Mk 3:33-35; Lk 8:21); Lk 11:28. In .the same way St. Paul calls those his brothers of whom he says that he has engendered them and is their father. See above, n. 18. 32 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN reasons religious women, consecrated virgins, play a choice role in the mystery of the Church as virgin spouse of the Lord. They play also their wonderful part in the Church's spiritual motherhood. It is extremely remarkable that this doctrine was recalled to us in a very striking way precisely in a religious woman, Therese of the Child Jesus, who having entered Carmel at the age of sixteen, having died at twenty-four, and having remained unknown by the world during her life, has become not only officially but really the patroness of all Catholic missions2'~ She became all this and remains all this solely in the order of the Communion of Saints. According to St. Augustine, it is pre-cisely the Church as a union of love and a communion of saints which exercises spiritual motherhood.4° And so without exterior activity we can in our prayer and in our laborious efforts at con-version (our penances) include intentions for other men and for all the world's miserable; and we can bear them in the womb of love which is the Church's heart of prayer and charity. It is a part of tradition also that in the Church the strong support the weak (there is no question at all here of any other strength than that which comes from God in faith). This spiritual motherhood is a very profound characteristic of the Church: we believe in the Com-munion of Saints. But experience comes frequently to the aid of our weakness of faith. Who has not appealed to this strength? Who would not be able to bear witness to its reality? The Role of the Religious Woman in the Church as a Sign St. Paul says, "We have been made a spectacle to the world, and to angels, and to men" (1 Cor 4:9). The Church gives a visible body to spiritual gifts. So, for example, the gift of unity in Christ which has been given her becomes the "note" of unity; and that of sanctification by the Holy Spirit, the "note" of holiness. Of all these notes that of holiness is the most insistent; it is'the most efficacious also as a witness to men that the Kingdom of God draws near and calls them. It is also the most directly meaningful note because from the fact of holiness to the presence of God the inference is direct and within the grasp of all. And in this mani- 3~See above, n. 33. Pius XII said that contemplative institutes are "fully and completely apostolic," Sponsa Christi, November 21, 1950 (Acta Apos-tolicae Sedis, 43 [1951], 14). See also the letter to Cardinal Piazza of June 29, 1955, (Acta Apostoltcae Sedis, 47 [~9551, 543). 4°See for example De sancta virginitate, cc. 3 and 5 (Patrologia Latina, 40, 398-99); Sermo Denis, 25, 7 (edition by G. Morin, 162-63); Sermo 215, 4 (Patrologia Latina, 38, 1074). 33 YVES M.-J. CONGAR Review for Religious festation of holiness which the Church constitutes throughout the course of history, the various expressions of religious life occupy a choice place.4~ Religious communities are living parables for men of the Kingdom of God. If we begin our consideration of this by treating what is more external in religious life, its institutions appear to us first of all as the freest and most genuine expressions of the spirit of the Church on the plane of her social manifestations. We know that the Church is an original institution put into the world by God; she proceeds from spiritual energies which come from above (Mr 16:17-18). But as this divine institution is made up of men and has a historical, terrestrial existence, she projects herself and expresses herself in creations equally historical in which, nevertheless, she injects the inspiration and the mark of her own proper genius. It would not be difficult and it would be extremely interesting to show how this special genius has from the beginning inspired institutions which are essentially communal, and at the same time respectful of the person and of his liberty, and marked with the character of service. There is truly a special Christian genius at the level of social creations.~- The religious life is perhaps the most pure and most represen-tative creation of the spirit of the Church in this area of social realities. It is not in vain that she has always loved to compare herself with the model of the first community of Jerusalem. It is marvelous to see how on the collective and judicial plane religious rules and canon law have known how to translate into institutions and laws thecommands and the inspirations of the Gospel. As a result, the institutions of religious life, just as in a certain degree the canonical life of the Church herself, become a kind of preach-ing of and witnessing to the Gospel. It is no mere coincidence that it is always the same men who fail to recognize the existence of divine positive law in the world, who deny to the Church the quality of being an institution of divine law, and who misjudge, attack, and seek to thwart or sup-press religious life. One thinks of Josephinism, of Jacobinism, of our own French laicism in its virulent form. So the religious life is not only a sign of the heavenly kingdom; it is also, along with the 4XSee Cardinal Dechamps, Entretiens, in Oeuvres, I, 467 ft.; Dora Gr~a, De l'Eglise et de sa divine constitution, II (Paris, 1907), 152. Vernon Johnson was converted by the fact of Therese of Lisieux. 42Chateaubriand and even Montalembert are dated. But there are more recent and more technical studies: E. Chenon, Le rSle social de l'Eglise and the six volumes of the Carlyle brothers, A History of Mediaeval Political Theory in the West. 34 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN sacraments and the hierarchy, a sign of the Church as a separated order, a social and public reality placed ,in the world in virtue of the right God has to affirm and to establish his reign.43 In a world which wishes to be completely autonomous, religious life, situated at the heart of the Church's garden, presents the example of a life totally "theonomous." But it is common, it is normal, that signs should be, according to the dispositions of those to whom they are shown, a call to conversion or a sign of contradiction, a sign of opposition. They can also be, even for well-disposed men, signs which scandalize if they become sign~ that lie, or signs that are simply inadequate for their mission and their aims. There is also, in the religious life, and we think particularly of the religious life of women, a human element -- sometimes too human, sometimes not human enough! Pettiness, legalism, authoritarianism, pharisaism, the spirit of ownership, hardness of heart, lack of fraternal com-munion and failure to share human misery, taste for power, a judaic spirit in the way of considering observances, especially the least important ones, precisely those from which the Gospel has liberated us. Among the causes which brought on the death of Christianity, the betrayal of their true spirit in the last centuries of the Middle Ages by a number of monastic and religious insti-tutions has justly been noted.4~ When it is authentic, the religious life is a sign that the spiritual exists. Heaven exists, and that takes the value out of the the goods and the joys of earth. Not that they are not truly goods, truly joys, but they are so relative! For "this world as we see it is passing away" (1 Cor 7:31). The religious life proposes, without the noise of words, the message of death which the Church addresses to the world, not a sorrowful message -- who is more joyful than the religious man, if not the religious woman? -- but a serious and an important one. Again, the religious life verifies in a singular manner the essence of all Christian life, which is an Easter life, a mystery of life and of death, comprehended within the message of 4'~In this connection I recall the beautiful text of A. Lamy, "Bios angelikos," in Dieu vivant, n. 7, 76: "The function of monachism in the Church seems to be to affirm the citizenship of the Christian in the city of the angels arid to affirm his rights there by the exercise of them." Religious life is one ele-ment of the eschatological right which the Church affirms and translates into the world. On this basis it could be said that religious life is of divine right, not in its various historical forms, but in its essential principle. It flows from the transcendence of the Church with respect to the world and from the right possessed by every Christian to leave the world and to thus affirm his eschatological and spiritual royalty. ~See Fr. Heer, "L'h~ritage Europe," in Dieu vivant, n. 27 (1954), 43. 35 Yvzs M.-J. CO~AR Review for Religious Ash Wednesday, "Remember that you are dust and that you will return to dust" and that of Easter Day, "Remember that you are spirit and that you will return to the Spirit." The religious life, by its mere existence, is a witness to the world that God exists; it calls the world to the obedience of faith. On either side of the chancel which closes in the choir at the abbey of Maria Laach one may read these words of St. Paul:" "I, therefore, the prisoner in the Lord, exhort you to walk in a worthy manner" (Eph 4:1). The religious life, therefore, has its part in the great kerygmatic function of the Church, that is, in its .lifelong exercise of the mis-sion of announcing the Good News of the Kingdom. It is like a lasting sermon against the spirit of the world. Against its freedom-worshipping and anarchical taste for liberty, religious life affirms that one can bind himself to God, that one can, in the Holy Spirit, make a spiritual thing out of that which is corporeal, and make something stable out of that which changes. Against the world's obsessive defeatism before the evil which it inflicts on itself, the religious life affirms that one can conquer the flesh and push back the empire of the devil. Finally if it is true that the very word ecclesia means con-vocation, a gathering of men in response to a call, the cal! of the Kingdom of God, the religious life situates itself at the very source of the mystery of the Church. For the religious life is, both in its substance as well as in the first act which draws one to enter into it, a total listening to God. It is a reality in the image of Mary, Mary herself being, we know, the type, and even better than the type: the perfect personification of the Church as holiness. It is possible to think that in the wide sense everything is a vocation, because everything is a response to the will of God. But there are vocations in the strict sense, and it is correct to speak of "religious vocation." In the Church, as we have seen, the strong support the weakest; docility in the following of that which is strictly a voca-tion is like a compelling example, a sign and a support for the difficult fidelity to vocations in their larger acceptation. The abso-luteness of the response of religious women to their call supports the response of all others. It is necessary that religious women know that they contribute in this way to the continuation of the whole Church, somewhat as each star in the firmament is necessary for the balance of the whole. Spiritually we all have family respon-sibilities. A last remark of some importance ecclesiologically on the subject of the religious life as a response to a special call. In the 36 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN beginnings of Christianity, baptism ratified a personal choice, an eventually dangerous one, of the faith. It was the term of a con-version. It was truly a second birth, not only in the dogmatic sense which is always true, but in the moral sense and on the psycho-logical plane. Psychologists distinguish, since Francis W. New-man, 4~ the "once born" and the "twice born": those who are simply what they were at their entrance into the world plus the results of their being" formed by it; and those who have known a revela-tion, had a decisive ~xperience, heard a call, and are truly, per-sonally, born a second time. A man baptised at the termination of a personal conversion is, psychologically and morally, a "twice born." But, in the general practice, almost universal and one might even say automatic practice of baptism of the newly born, the Church is no longer made up of the twice born except by way of exception. But it is necessary that their moral race always be represented in her midst. She is "twice born" individually by the more or less large number of faithful who are truly born of a second birth. She is "twice born" institutionally especially because of the religious life. Moreover, historically the fact has often been brought out46 that the monastic life developed at the moment when, with the end of persecution and danger and the beginning of the favor of the powerful, large masses of people entered the Church, en-dangering the strength of her leaven. The vocation to asceticism has after a fashion taken the place of the vocation to martyrdom; monks have in a way taken over the status of the martyrs as signs of an absolute response given to an absolute call. The Church's religious life always has this mission of signifying that the Christian life is a second birth whose principle is a call. We will not treat here -- we have already done it briefly elsewhere47 -- an interesting problem, but more theoretical than practical, which was posed by the researches of M. Weber and E. Troeltsch. According to these Protestant authors, religious orders answer within the Church to the needs and the religious tempera-ment which outside the Church produces sects. These would be, sociologically speaking, of the "sect" type, not of the "church" type in so far as they are groupings, first, of volunteers, men who 4~The Soul. Its Sorrows and Its Aspirations. 3rd ed., 1852, 89 ft. 4GFor example, see M. Viller, "Martyre et perfection," in Revue d'ascd-tique et mystique, 6 (1925), 4-25; L. Bouyer, op. cit. n. 28, 89 ft. and his Vie de saint Antoine (Fontenelle, 1950); J. Winandy, Ambroise Autpert, moine et thdologien (Paris, 1953), 56; Ed. E. Malone, The Monk and the Martyr: The Monk as the Successor of the Martyr (Washington, 1950). 47Vraie et [ausse r~/orme dans l'Eglise (Paris, 1950), 288-92 (includes bibli-ography). 37 YVES M.-J. CONGAR Review for Religious come together in a group on the basis of a personal decision and who thus do not presuppose the existence of the group but con-stitute it; second, men who have achieved a break with the world and prefer the Gospel's opposition to terrestrial life to its universal-ism which necessarily involves compromise. Troeltsch sees in religious orders an ecclesiastical naturalization of tendencies which outside the Church result in sects. There is much truth in the analysis of Troeltsch, but only on its own psycho-sociological plane. Both above and below this level it errs. Without prejudice to other of his well made points, we be-lieve we have shown from the inside, that is to say from the view-point of the Church herself, that it is the mystery of the Church which is found to be the essential element in the life of religious orders and of each of their members. By way of conclusion, we would like to answer a question which it is impossible not to put in the context of what we have been considering. Is the religious life or is it not of the essence of the Church, and if it is, by what title? Papal teaching furnishes an answer and it will suffice merely to present it and explain it. Faced with "Americanism," Leo XIII already affirmed that religious orders are of great importance to the mission of the Church.48 But it was necessary to connect their existence with the end of the Church. The Church would not fully fulfill her mission if the institutions of religious life were lacking. If the end of the "missions," in the strict canonical sense of the word, is to "plant the Church" in such a way that she has in a given country or among a given people all her essential institutions, all the means of existence and of action, one understands why Pius XI demanded that on the missions as many religious orders and congregations as possible should be instituted, and that they should be made up of indigenous elements created in new and better forms, where the need for such arose29 His Holiness Pius XII made the matter still clearer in the constitution Provida mater of February 2, 1947, the charter of secular instutes. The two states of cleric and layman, he said, exist by divine right and are necessary to the Church in so far as she is a society constituted and structured hierarchically; they pertain to the essential structure (to the building) of the Kingdom of God 4sSee his letter Testern benevolentiae to Cardinal Gibbons, January 22, 1899, in Actes de Ldon XIII (Paris: Bonne Presse), V, 322-25; also the letter of December 23, 1900 to Cardinal Richard, ibid., VI, 188-89. ~gSee the encylical Rerurn Ecclesiae of February, 1926, in Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 18 (1926), 74. 38 January, 1960 THEOLOGY OF RELIGIOUS WOMEN on earth.5° The Church recognizes a third state, the religious state, which is common to the two preceding states, since it includes members of the faithful who, canonically, belong to the clerical or to the lay state; this religious state is bound by a strict and peculiar relationship to the end of the Church, sanctification.5~ One can say, then, that the religious state is not essential to the Church considered in her formal elements or in her static constitutives. A bishop and faithful suffice for a Church. From this comes the well-known definition of St. Cyprian, "A people one with its priest and a flock adhering to its shepherd, these are the Church.''~ Nevertheless, as soon as the Church lives she exercises the activities for which she was put into the world. These are the activities of the sanctification of men, that is to say, of their sub-mission to the Kingdom of God and, by that fact, of their entry into her communion. Here it is that the religious life steps in as the social form of existence most strictly conformed to the needs and the conditions of the Kingdom of God. And the religious life was first seen historically under the form of the institution of con° secrated virgins. Evidently, looked at in one or other of its par-ticular forms, religious life is a creation of the Church and stands out in her history. But, looked upon in principle, that is to say as the call to live only for God and for His kingdom, it holds a place at the very heart of the Church. In her quality as bride of Christ, it is included in the obligations and the laws of holiness which this Church pursues as her proper end. ~°Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 39 (1947), 116. In his al]ocution Annus sacer, the Holy Father, citing canon 107, said that "on earth the structure of the Kingdom of God consists of a double element" (Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 43 [1951], 27). ~See Provida Mater Ecclesiae and also Annus sacer, Acta Apostolicae Sedis, 43 (1951), 28: "[The religious state] exists and is important, because it is closely connected to the proper end of the Church which is to lead men to the attainment of sanctity." ~2Epistula 66, 8 (Hartel's edition, p. 732; Patrologia Latina, 4, 406 where it is listed, however, as Epistle 69). 39 Survey of Roman Documents R. F. Smith, S. J. THIS ARTICLE will provide a summary of the documents which appeared in Acta Apostolicae Sedis (AAS) during August and Sep-tember, 1959. Throughout the article all page references will be to the 1959 AAS (v. 51). Encyclical on the Priesthood On August 1, 1959 (AAS, pp. 545479), Pope John XXIII issued the second encyclical of his pontificate. The encyclical was entitled Sacerdotii Nostri primordia (The First Days of Our Priesthood); oc-casioned by the Pontiff's desire to honor the hundredth anniversary of the death of St. John Vianney, Cur~ of Ars, the document is devoted to a consideration of the priesthood as exemplified in the life of the saint. The introductory paragraphs recall the temporal links between the official glorification of St. John and the Pontiff's own priesthood: the future saint was beatified shortly after the Pope's own ordination to the priesthood; the first bishop the Pope served, Bishop Radini- Tadeschi, was consecrated on the day of the beatification; and the Pope received the fullness of the priesthood in the year (1925) when the Cur~ of Ars was declared a saint. The Holy Father then lists the great papal documents on the priesthood that have appeared during the present century: Pius X's Haerent animo (Acta Pii X, 4, 237-64); Plus XI's Ad catholici sacerdotii fastigium (AAS, 28 ~19361, 5-53); Pius XII's Menti Nostrae (AAS, 42 [1950], 657-702); and the same Pontiff's three allocutions on the priesthood inspired by the canonization of Plus X (AAS, 46 119541, 313-17; 666-77). To these documents the Pope has now added his own in the hope that it may aid priests to preserve and increase that divine friendship which is at once the joy and strength of the priestly life. In expressing the purpose of the encyclical the Vicar of Christ remarked that he intended to retrace the chief traits of the holiness of the Cur~ of Ars, since these emphasize those aspects of the priestly life which, while always essential, are today so vital that the Pontiff has deemed it his apostolic duty to call attention to them. Priestly Asceticism and Mortification In the first of the three parts of the main body of the encyclical the Pope considered the priestly asceticism and mortification of the Cur~. To speak of the saint, he began, is to evoke the figure of an 4O ROMAN DOCUMENTS exceptionally mortified priest who for the love of God deprived himself of nourishment and sleep, practiced severe, penances, and exercised a heroic self-renouncement. His example, the Holy Father said, should recall to all the important place of the virtue of penance in the perfec-tion proper to the priesthood. While it is true that priests as such are not bound by divine law to the evangelical counsels, still this does not mean that the priest is less bound than religious to strive for evangelical perfection of life. Rather the accomplishment of the priestly functions "requires a greater interior sanctity than even the religious state does" (St. Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae, 2-2, 184, 8, c). And if the evangelical counsels are not imposed on the priest by virtue of his clerical state, nevertheless they are offered to him, as to all Christians, as the safest road to the longed for goal of Christian perfection. The Cur~ of Ars, continued the Pope, is a model of evangelical poverty; he lived totally detached from the things of this world. Freed in this way from the bonds of material things, he could thereby be entirely open to all those who suffered and who flocked to him for solace. His disinterestedness made him especially attentive to the poor whom he treated with tenderness and respect, convinced that to con-temn the poor is to contemn God Himself. Priests, then, if they possess material things, should not cleave to them with cupidity; rather should they recall the directives of canon law (c. 1473) according to which what is left over from ecclesiastical benefices should be used in favor of the poor and of pious causes. The Pontiff, however, made it clear in the closing part of this section that he does not approve the abject poverty to which many priests in small towns and in the country are reduced, and he urged the faithful to cooperate with the bishops to see that the sacred ministers be not lacking in what is necessary for their daily sustenance. Turning to the second of the evangelical counsels, the Vicar of Christ then pointed out that all through his life the Cur~ was mortified in his body and that this was achieved by his constant and careful observance of chastity. His example, the Pope pointed out, is most necessary today; for in many places priests must live in an atmosphere of excessive license and pleasure. And at times they must live in such an atmosphere unsupported by the sympathetic understanding of the faithful they serve. In spite of these difficulties John XXIII called upon priests to show forth in their entire lives the splendor of the virtue of chastity, that noblest ornament of their sacred order, as Pius X called it. The chastity of the priest, he added, will not enclose him in a sterile egoism; for as the Cur~ of Ars himself once said: "The soul that is adorned with the virtue of chastity can not but love others; for such a person has found the source and origin of all love---God." The next component of the Cur~'s asceticism to be considered by the Holy Father was his obedience. The Pontiff emphasized that the 41 l~ F. SMtT~ Rewew for Rehgmus "I promise" of the Cur$'s ordination ceremony was the occasion of a permanent self-renouncement that lasted throughout forty years. From early youth the ardent desire of the Cur~ had been for solitude, and his pastoral responsibilities were a heavy burden preventing him from the fulfillment of this desire; many times he tried to be freed from his pastoral work but always remained obedient to the will of his bishop, convinced as he was of the Gospel phrase: "Whoever hears you, hears me" (Lk 10:16). The Vicar of Christ then expressed the hope that the priests of today would see in the Curg the grandeur of obedience and would recall the words of Pius XII: "Individual holiness as well as the efficacy of all apostolic work finds its solid foundation in constant obedience to the hierarchy." Accordingly priests should endeavor to develop in themselves the sense of the filial relationship by which they are united to Mother Church. Prayer and Devotion to the Eucharist In the second principal division of the document, John XXIII reflected on St. John as a model of prayer and of devotion to the Eu-charist. Prayer, he said, was as important in the saint's life as was penance and mortification. His love for prayer was shown in his long nightly vigils of adoration before the Blessed Sacrament; the tabernacle of his parish church became for him the center from which he drew the strength necessary for his own personal life and for the effectiveness of his apostolic endeavors. This example of the Cur6, the Vicar of Christ pointed out, is sorely needed by the priests of today; for they are keenly sensible of the effectiveness of action and hence easily tempted to a dangerous activism. The Cur~ of Ars should convince priests everywhere that they must be men of prayer and that they can be such, no matter how heavy the press of apostolic labors may at times become. The prayer of the Cur~, he continued, was especially a Eucharistic prayer; for nothing in the life of a priest can replace silent and prolonged prayer before the altar. Nor should it be forgotten that Eucharistic prayer in the fullest sense of the word is to be found in the sacrifice of the Mass. The celebration of the Mass is an essential part of the priestly life, for in what does the apostolate of the priest consist if not in the gathering together of the people of God around the altar? It is through the Mass that in one generation after another the mystical body of Christ that is the Church is built up. Moreover the entire sanctifica-tion of the priest must be modeled on the sacrifice he offers; the priest must make his own life a fitting sacrifice, a participation in the expiatory life of the Redeemer. It was for this reason that the Cur~ used to ob-serve that if priests lose the first fervor of their ordination it is because they do not celebrate piously and attentively. 42 January, 1960 ROMAN DOCUMENTS Pastoral Zeal In the third part of the encyclical the Vicar of Christ delineates the pastoral zeal of St. John Vianney. The Curg's life of asceticism, he observed, together with his life of prayer was the source from which flowed the effectiveness of his ministry; in him is verified once more the statement of Christ: "Without me you can do nothing" (Jn 15:5). As a result, the Curg was a model shepherd of souls who knew his flock, protected it from danger, and led it with authority and wisdom. His example, the Pope continued, included three points of utmost import-ance. The first of these was his keen appreciation of his pastoral re-sponsibilities. From the beginning he conceived of his pastoral work in heroic fashion and expressed his attitude in one of his early prayers: "Grant, O God, that~ the people entrusted to me may be converted. For this I am prepared to suffer all the days of my life whatever You may wish." Following the example of apostles of all ages he saw in the cross the one great effective means of saving souls; so it was that he could advise a fellow priest who was disappointed in the results of his apostolic endeavors that prayer, supplications, sighs, and groans were insufficient unless there was added to them fastings, vigils, and bodily chastisement. Besides his general sense of his pastoral responsibilities the Curg manifested his pastoral zeal by his interest and care for preaching and catechizing. Up to the time of his death St. John never ceased to preach, to instruct, to denounce evil, and to lead souls towards God. This should remind today's priests, the Pope said, that everywhere and at all times they must be faithful to their duty of preaching; for, as Pius X insisted, no task of the priest is more important than this. And in their reflections upon their duty to teach, priests should remember that they preach more by their lives than by their words. The third element in the pastoral zeal of the Cur~ of Ars was, according to the encyclical, his work as confessor. It was this form of his ministry that became the real martyrdom of his life. His fifteen hours a day in the confessional would have been difficult in any case; but these were spent by a man already exhausted by fasting, penances, and infirmities. It can be said, the Pope continued, that the Cur~ lived for sinners; their conversion and sanctification was the aim of all his thoughts and of all his activities. Like the Cur~ priests must devote themselves to the work of the confessional, for it is there that the mercy of God meets and overcomes the malice of men. And they must set their people a good example in this matter by their own regular and fervent use of the sacrament of penance. In the conclusion to the encyclical the Pontiff expressed the desire that the centenary of the Curg may arouse in all priests a desire to accomplish their ministry and especially their own perfection as gen-erously as possible. No problem facing the Church today, he added, 43 R. F. SMITH Review for Religious can be solved without priests. As Plus X said: "To promote the King-dom of Christ throughout the world, nothing is more necessary than a holy clergy." Similarly St. John himself pointed out to his bishop: "If you wish to convert your diocese, you must make saints of all your priests." The Pontiff went on to urge the bishops of the world to make the care of their priests their first solicitude; he exhorted the faithful to pray for priests and to contribute to their sanctification; and he pleaded with Christian youth to reflect that "the harvest is great, but the harvesters are few" (Mt 9:37) and that entire peoples are today enduring a spiritual starvation far greater than any hunger of the body. Allocutions, Addresses, Messages On July 29, 1959 (AAS, pp. 586-89), the Holy Father addressed a congress of the blind and those interested in assisting the blind of the world. Pointing out to his audience that in Jesus' ministry of healing the first place was reserved for the blind, the Pontiff went on to deliver a message of hope to the blind of the world. They must remember, he began, that they have a suffering to offer up to God. In spite of all efforts to ease the lot of the blind, they will always be subject to dis-couragement, loneliness, and the weight of sorrow that blindness carries with it. Yet they must recall that according to the Apostle (Col 1:24) men must fill up what is lacking to Christ's passion and that in the redemptive plan the Lord has need of the daily offering of suffering on the part of the blind. The Vicar of Christ also pointed out that the blind have a definite mission to perform in this world, the mission of silent example that only one thing matters in this world: the love with which the will of God is accomplished. And he added that nothing on tbis earth is loss, as long as conformity with God's will is present. In the concluding part of his address the Pope recalled to his listeners that their goal is that of eternal life and that their journey thither is supported by the words of Christ: "Whoever follows me walks not in darkness, but has the light of life" (Jn 8:12). Blindness, he ended, can prepare those afflicted with it for the shining luminosity which will come in the next life from the glorified Christ. On August 20, 1959 (AAS, 639-41), the Pontiff radioed a message to the Second World Sodality Congress held at Newark, New Jersey. He told the sodalists that they were in the first ranks of the Church's army and stressed in their lives the role of their consecration to the Blessed Virgin, a consecration which of its nature includes the proposal to keep it throughout life. From this consecration, he continued, arises the desire to wish for nothing except what is pleasing to God and the resolution to strive by prayer, action, and example to serve the Church and to work for the eternal salvation of souls. On July 21, 1959 (AAS, pp. 584-85), the Holy Father delivered an allocution to the Prime Minister of Japan on the occasion of that 44 January, 1960 ROMAN DOCUMENTS dignitary's official visit to the Holy See. On August 16, 1959 (AAS, pp. 638o39), he delivered a radio message to the people of.Honduras on the occasion of the official consecration of their nation to the Sacred Heart of Jesus and the Immaculate Heart of Mary, telling them to strive to live in the grace of God, to preserve the sanctity of the family, and to maintain union and concord among themselves. On June 30, 1959 (AAS, p. 589), the Holy Father sent a written message to the Tenth World Boy Scout Jamboree held in the Philippine Islands. In the message he pointed out that the boy scout movement can produce admirable fruits in accordance with the ideals of Christian charity and universal brotherhood. Miscellaneous Documents By the apostolic letter, "Caritatis unitas," of May 4, 1959 (AAS, pp. 630-33), the Vicar of Christ approved the confederation of the various congregations of the Order of Canons Regular of St. Augustine. At the same time he also approved the general principles which are to govern the confederation and directed the members of the confedera-tion to draw up specific statutes for the confederation which should then be submitted to the Holy See for approval. A later apostolic letter, Salutiferos cruciatus Christi, dated July 1, 1959 (AAS, pp. 634-36), was directed to the Passionists. In the letter the Pontiff approved the revised form of the Passionists' constitutions and rules. He noted that the revision was undertaken in an effort to adapt the institute to the needs of the times and observed that in the revision the primary and fundamental characteristics of the institute had been reasserted, strengthened, and made more effective. On July 8, 1959 (AAS, pp. 592-93), the Sacred Congregation of Rites issued a decree approving the Office and Mass of St. Lawrence of Brindisi, confessor and doctor. The text of the Office, of the Oration of the Mass, and of the notices to be inserted into the martyrology is given in AAS, pp. 593-94. Another decree of the same Congregation was dated February 13, 1959 (AAS, pp. 590-92); this decree approved the introduction of the causes of the Servant of God Salvatore Lilli (1853-1895), professed priest of the Order of Friars Minor, and his companions, all of Whom were put to death in hatred of the faith. In the period under survey three documents of the Sacred Apostolic Penitentiary appeared. Under the date of July 18, 1959 (AAS, pp. 595-96), the Penitentiary published the revised text of the act of dedi-cation to Christ the King as well as its attached indulgences. This document is given in full on pages 3 and 4 of the present issue of RE-VIEW FOR RELIGIOUS. On August 13, 1959 (AAS, pp. 655-56), the Penitentiary published the text of a prayer composed by the Sacred Congregation of Seminaries and Universities to be recited by semi-narians for their parents. Seminarians who devoutly and contritely recite the prayer for their parents may gain an indulgence of fifty 45 VIEWS, NEWS, PREVIEWS Review for Religious days; and once a month they may gain a plenary indulgence under the usual conditions provided they have recited the prayer for a whole month. On the same date (AAS, p. 656), the Penitentiary announced that the faithful who in a church, a public oratory, or (in the case of those legitimately using it) a semi-public oratory privately perform the pious exercise commonly called the holy hour in memory of the passion, death, and ardent love of our Lord Jesus Christ may gain a plenary indulgence, if they have gone to confession, received Com-munion, and prayed for the intentions of the Holy Father. This new concession of an indulgence for this practice is not intended to abrogate the partial indulgence of ten years mentioned in the Enchiridion in-dulgentiarum (Manual of Indulgences), 1952 edition, n. 168. On May 18, 1959 (AAS, p. 647), the Sacred Consistorial Congrega-tion appointed Archbishop Concha of Bogot~ military vicar of Columbia. Views, News, Previews IN A PREVIOUS issue (Review for Religious, 18 [1959], 237), the beginning of a new quarterly, Jesus Caritas, was noted. Response to the new magazine, which is devoted to the spirituality of P~re de Foucauld, has been sufficient to warrant the continuation of its publi-cation. The latest issue has been that of September, 1959. The yearly subscription price has been set at $1.00; in Canada and the United States subscription orders should be sent to: Jesus Caritas 700 Irving Street, N.E. Washington 17, D. C. The first congress of the Confederation of Benedictine Congrega-tions to be held since the promulgation of the confederation's laws by Pius XII in 1952 took place during the latter part of September, 1959. At the congress Dom Benno Gut, Abbot of Einsiedeln in Switzerland, was elected Abbot Primate of the Confederation. The new primate was born on April 1, 1897, was professed in 1918, and ordained in 1921. After studies and a teaching career at Sant'Anselmo in Rome, he was elected abbot of Einsiedeln in 1947. The Cassinese Benedictine Congregation, largest of the fifteen included in the Benedictine Confederation, in a general chapter at Subiaco during October, 1959, elected Dom Celestino Gusi, Abbot of Manila, as the eleventh Abbot General of the congregation. The Graduate Department of Religious Education, Immaculate Heart College, 2021 North Western Avenue, Los Angeles 27, Cali- 46 January, 1960 VIEWS, NEWS, PREVIEWS fornia, announces a two-week course in canon law for religious superiors, which will grant two units of graduate credit. The course, conducted by the Reverend Joseph F. Gallen, S.J., professor of canon law at Woodstock College, Maryland, will be open to major and local su-periors of all communities of sisters. It is scheduled for the afternoons of June 28 to July 9, 1960. The tuition is $32. The fourth course in the new program in ascetical theology, which is offered in the Graduate Department of Religious Education, Im-maculate Heart College, will be given by the Reverend Eugene Burke, C.S.P., professor of dogmatic theology at Catholic University of America, from July 11-15, 1960. The course is entitled "The Life of Grace and Growth of Virtue" and grants one unit of graduate credit. Sisters who did not apply for admission to the M.A. program when it began in October, 1959, may apply for admission now. Residence ac-commodations are available for the five-day course at Holy Spirit Retreat House in Los Angeles. All reservations must be made before June 1, 1960, and be accompanied by a ten-dollar deposit. Room and board is $20; tuition is $17.50. Inquiries should be directed to Sister Mary Thecla, I.H.M., Dean of the Graduate School, Immaculate Heart College. A new publication that should prove both interesting and important is the Seminary Newsletter, the first issue of which appeared in October, 1959: The Newsletter is issued by the Seminary Department of the National Catholic Educational Association and "is meant to be a clearinghouse of information about seminaries and seminary training, especially from the academic point of vigw; a clearinghouse of ideas, projects, and results of research." Included in the first issue of the Newsletter is an informative statistical report on Catholic seminaries in the United States. According to the report, during the academic year 1958-1959 there were 381 major and minor seminaries in the United States; of these 99 were diocesan institutions, the other 282 belonging to religious orders and congregations. The report notes "that 131 of the 381 seminaries in the United States have been founded since 1945; 108 since 1950. This means that 34% of the total number have been founded since World War II, 28% of them since 1950. It represents a 53 % increase in the number of seminaries since 1945 and a 40% increase since 1950." The report gives 38,503 as the total num-ber of young men studying for the priesthood in the United States. This number includes besides minor and major seminarians 2082 novices as well as 920 scholastics who have interrupted their seminary studies to teach. In REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS, 18 (1959), 304-05, Father Gallen discussed the quest~ion whether more American congregations are be- 47 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS Rewew for Rehgmus coming pontifical and presented some statistics on the matter covering the years 1943 to 1957. A study of L'attivit~ della Santa Sede nel 1958 (The Activity of the Holy See in 1958), published in 1959 by the Vatican Polyglot Press gives data from the year 1958 on the same matter. According to the report of the Sacred Congregation of Religious that is given in the volume, during 1958, fifteen institutes received the decree of praise; two of these were in the United States: the Missionary Servants of the Most Blessed Trinity (M.S.B.T.) of Philadelphia founded in 1916 and the Missionary Sisters of the Most Holy Trinity (M.S.SS.T.) of Washington founded in 1921. The Congregation also reported that during 1958 there were seventeen institutes which re-ceived the definitive approval of their constitutions; of these none was in the United States. The Congregation's report also contained informa-tion about secular institutes: two secular institutes were granted diocesan establishment, one received the decree of praise, and one, the decree of final approbation; none of these four was in the United States. During the same year the Sacred Congregation of the Propagation of the Faith granted the decree of praise to one institute in Ireland and gave definitive approval to the Daughters of Mary of Uganda, Africa. It is interesting to note that this last institute is the first pontifical African institute for women. ( uestions and Answers IThe following answers are given by Father Joseph F. Gallen, S. J., professor of canon law at Woodstock College, Woodstock, Maryland.] Our constitutions command the mistress to be with the novices always and, if she should be absent from the house, to learn on her return everything that happened during her absence. I do not think that any mistress has followed either injunction literally, but these two prescriptions have caused a highly exaggerated surveillance. Shouldn't the observance of both be tempered by intelligent prudence? Yes. The first injunction, that the mistress should be with the novices always, is in many constitutions, the second only in very few. The first injunction is also and unfortunately observed in many insti-tutes. This is an evidently false spiritual pedagogy. It simply does not work in any field of the development of character and it is unworthy of the religious state, which is a spontaneous, voluntary, and personal dedication of oneself to Christ. The fundamental purpose of the novice-ship is to give the novice a profound consciousness of God, not of the master or mistress. The novice is to be led to a convinced personal dedication of herself to God; her life is to be a personal committment, 48 January, 1960 QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS not forced external observance; she is to be trained to think for herself, to personal decisions, and to a sense of responsibility and reliability. The noviceship should be a school that will equip the novice for the life she will actually have to live. She should be instructed and guided but allowed sufficient freedom of action; otherwise you will know what she appears to be but not what she is. She should be checked and corrected, and even more frequently than is commonly done; but this does not demand unceasing vigilance. The more a superior tries to see, the less he will learn. No superior has to try to see everything in order to learrL what he should know. I hazard the conjecture that reticence about interior matters increases in direct proportion to external observation. That the novice mistress or her assistant should be with the novices frequently is intelligent and prudent; that she should be with them always is simply destructive of the purpose intended. Only God. can see everything, and God as one's judge is not the motive of the religious life. The following quotation from a religious woman contains several thought-provoking observations. The principles for the formation of character in congregations are for the most part taken from a psychology of a distant past. This, in the case of women, only aimed at creating habits of will power, furnishing the mind with knowledge learnt by heart, and very little was done to appeal to the interest. They disregarded the education of the senses, any development of initiative and sense of responsibility and the deep needs of feelings. The new psychology seeks to develop the virtues and activities that they may adapt themselves and form personalities . Deeper problems lie in the change of the feminine way of living. In the depth of her being the woman is rather passive. In past centuries the life of a woman matched this interior disposition, but today matters have changed. Modern life forces woman to greater independent activity. She has had to take over responsible work both in private and public life. Her mode of living gets nearer to the masculine type, though at the expense of her individuality. (Sister Agnes, S.I-I.C., Religious Life Today, 162-63.) 2 Our constitutions do not mention at all the canonical requisites for a higher superior. You have already explained these partially. Will you please explain them fully? Canon 504 demands the three personal qualities listed below for the valid election or "appointment of any higher superior of men or women. Age is the only variable element among the three canonical requirements. All of these three impediments established in canon 504 are dispensable but only by the Holy See. The higher superiors in the sense of this canon are the abbot primate; abbot superior of a mon-astic congregation; the abbot .of an independent monastery, even if the monastery appertains to a monastic congregation; the mothers general and regional of federations and superioresses of monast