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Habermas´ last book Auch eine Geschichte der Philosophie (2019). engages a reconstruction of the historical genealogy of postmetaphysical thought from a remarkable perspective: The relationship between faith and knowledge. In this paper I will present two key elements of this relationship. First, I will examine the concept of "learning process", its way of operating in the history of thought and of institutions, the progressive "lingüistification" of the contents of faith, the influences of the relationship of faith and knowledge in learning processes, and the role of philosophy in this history. Second, I will research a particular aspect related to practical philosophy: the process of legitimation of norms, institutions and decisions. In this regards, I wil analyze the advance promoted by the relationship of faith and knowlede in political, moral and legal legitimacy issues. I will show the main milestones of all three fields, their relationship, and the paradigms that based those positions. I will show how Habermas finds the origin of his universalist and procedimentalist position in a path where the theological reflection was indispensable. Along this reconstruction I will also show the contribution that Habermas still considers valid for religious discourse in a secular context. Finally I will offer a brief critical reflection. ; El último libro de Habermas, Auch eine Geschichte der Philosophie (2019), se propone reconstruir la genealogía histórica del pensamiento postmetafísico desde una perspectiva notable: la relación de creencia y conocimiento. En este trabajo se exponen dos elementos centrales de esta relación. En primer lugar, se analiza la noción de "proceso de aprendizaje", su modo de operar en la historia del pensamiento y las instituciones, la progresiva "lingüistificación" de los contenidos de fe, las influencias de la interrelación de fe y conocimiento en los procesos de aprendizaje, y el rol de la filosofía en esa historia. Habermas muestra cómo este proceso caracteriza la actividad que dio lugar al pensamiento postmetafísico, excede los límites europeos de su origen, y al mismo tiempo deviene operativo para pensar toda relación en un contexto postsecular. En segundo lugar, se presenta un aspecto particular vinculado con la filosofía práctica: los procesos de legitimación de las normas, instituciones y decisiones. En este sentido, se analiza el paso que la relación de creencia y conocimiento permitió en los problemas de legitimación política, moral y legal. Se mostrarán los principales hitos de los tres campos, su interrelación, y los paradigmas que fundamentaron las posiciones. Se mostrará cómo Habermas encuentra el origen de su posición universalista y procedimental en un recorrido donde la reflexión teológica sobre la experiencia religiosa es imprescindible. A lo largo de este recorrido se muestra el rol que Habermas considera todavía válido para el discurso religioso en el contexto secular. Finalmente se ofrecerá una breve reflexión crítica.

Could the unique and divergent modernization experiences of non-Western societies be the proof of a challenge to Western modernity? Could Israel be evaluated as a non-Western modernity model in contrast to the common assumption that Israel is a Western country? This article hinges on the argument that the State of Israel is not a Western country as its type of modernity has significantly diverged from the globalization thesis claiming to eventually unite all societies around Western modernity. This argument is based on a non-Western modernization perspective inspired by the insights of the Multiple Modernities Paradigm (MMP) and the Uneven and Combined Development Theory (U&CD). Today, Israel can be regarded as an economically modern society as it is a highly industrialized and urbanized society with high average living standards. However, what is the most remarkable fact observed in Israeli economic trajectory is that Israeli economic development has been mostly driven by state-led initiatives rather than by private initiatives such as a capitalist bourgeoisie class in the Western trajectory (France, Britain and the USA) where capitalist bourgeoisie class has become primary initiator and driving force of economic modernization. Moreover, this economic divergence naturally impacted on all other transformation trajectories of Israel such as its democratization and secularization processes. Contemporary Israel is neither a fully secularized society nor a liberal democratic one as the Eurocentric globalization thesis expected it to be after a long and arduous process of modernization. Therefore, the case of Israel shows that modernization processes do not follow a fixed, single and determinate way as they produces unexpected and uneven patterns, particularly in non-Western societies – even if they try to Westernise.

Το άρθρο αυτό εξετάζει ορισμένες πτυχές της σύγχρονης θεωρητικής συζήτησης όσον αφορά τη θέση της θρησκείας στη δημόσια σφαίρα και τις συνεπαγόμενες συνέπειες για τις ατομικές ελευθερίες και τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Η ανάλυση εστιάζεται στην αντιπαράθεση της Κριτικής Θεωρίας με τον Κοινοτισμό. Η πολιτική των ταυτοτήτων στις σύγχρονες παγκοσμιοποιημένες κοινωνίες θέτει νέα διλήμματα τα οποία σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις συνοδεύονται από μία ιδιότυπη παλινόρθωση της θρησκείας. Το στοιχείο αυτό εκφράζεται σε πολιτικές και κοινωνικές πρακτικές και επηρεάζει γενικότερα την πολιτική κουλτούρα όσον αφορά τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Τέλος, υπό το φως αυτών των πολιτικών διλημμάτων εξετάζεται η πρόσφατη εκπαιδευτική πολιτική όσον αφορά το μάθημα των Θρησκευτικών στο ελληνικό σχολείο. ; The aim of this article is to examine some critical aspects of contemporary enquiry regarding the place of religion in the public sphere and its implications for basic individual freedoms and human rights. It particularly focuses on the debate between Critical Theory and Communitarianism. Modern globalized societies are confronted with critical dilemmas stemming from the politics of identity, which in some cases are followed by a peculiar resurgence of religion. These aspects are reflected on political and social practices and impact on political culture and human rights. Finally, in the light of the above dilemmas, the article examines recent education policy on religious teaching in Greek public schools.

Το άρθρο αυτό εξετάζει ορισμένες πτυχές της σύγχρονης θεωρητικής συζήτησης όσον αφορά τη θέση της θρησκείας στη δημόσια σφαίρα και τις συνεπαγόμενες συνέπειες για τις ατομικές ελευθερίες και τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Η ανάλυση εστιάζεται στην αντιπαράθεση της Κριτικής Θεωρίας με τον Κοινοτισμό. Η πολιτική των ταυτοτήτων στις σύγχρονες παγκοσμιοποιημένες κοινωνίες θέτει νέα διλήμματα τα οποία σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις συνοδεύονται από μία ιδιότυπη παλινόρθωση της θρησκείας. Το στοιχείο αυτό εκφράζεται σε πολιτικές και κοινωνικές πρακτικές και επηρεάζει γενικότερα την πολιτική κουλτούρα όσον αφορά τα ανθρώπινα δικαιώματα. Τέλος, υπό το φως αυτών των πολιτικών διλημμάτων εξετάζεται η πρόσφατη εκπαιδευτική πολιτική όσον αφορά το μάθημα των Θρησκευτικών στο ελληνικό σχολείο. ; The aim of this article is to examine some critical aspects of contemporary enquiry regarding the place of religion in the public sphere and its implications for basic individual freedoms and human rights. It particularly focuses on the debate between Critical Theory and Communitarianism. Modern globalized societies are confronted with critical dilemmas stemming from the politics of identity, which in some cases are followed by a peculiar resurgence of religion. These aspects are reflected on political and social practices and impact on political culture and human rights. Finally, in the light of the above dilemmas, the article examines recent education policy on religious teaching in Greek public schools.

En cualquier Estado, con independencia de su aconfesionalidad o la estrecha relación con las diferentes opciones religiosas, resulta complejo legislar en favor de los derechos más íntimos de todos los ciudadanos, y más aún preservando una buena relación entre las confesiones religiosas y el Estado. En nuestro país, desde la entrada en vigor de nuestra Constitución de 1978 supuso para el Derecho eclesiástico español un abandono del tradicional sistema confesional que había inspirado la regulación del factor social religioso a lo largo de nuestra historia constitucional, dando paso así a un modelo profundamente marcado por unos nuevos principios inspiradores de la regulación jurídica de las relaciones entre la Iglesia Católica y el Estado español. ; In any State, regardless of its non-denominational nature or the close relationship with the different religious options, it is complex to legislate in favor of the most intimate rights of all citizens, and even more to preserve a good relationship between religious confessions and the State. In our country, since the entry into force of our 1978 Constitution was for the Spanish ecclesiastical law the abandonment of the traditional confessional system that had inspired the regulation of the religious social factor throughout our constitutional history, giving way to a model deeply marked by new principles inspiring the legal regulation of relations between the Catholic Church and the Spanish State. ; Ciencias Religiosas ; Derecho

Many recent social scientific studies have noted that the percentage of Americans with no religious affiliation is on the rise, but few have examined the nonbeliever organizations that some of these "nones" might join. This study uses an original data set, the first attempt at documenting the population of local nonbeliever organizations in the United States, to explore where these groups are more likely to flourish. Though one might assume that less religious counties, as measured by the percentage of those with no stated religious affiliation, would be more likely to contain nonbeliever organizations, this article provides evidence that they emerge more frequently and in greater numbers in counties with proportionally more evangelical Protestants. The percentage of evangelicals among a county's population is strongly associated with both the existence (dichotomously coded) and the number of nonbeliever organizations, even when controlling for a range of demographic and institutional factors.

In contemporary political discourse, the "clash of civilizations" rhetoric often undergirds philosophical analyses of "democracy" both at home and abroad. This is nowhere better articulated than in Jacques Derrida's Rogues, in which he describes Islam as the only religious or theocratic culture that would "inspire and declare any resistance to democracy" (Derrida 2005, 29). Curiously, Derrida attributes the failings of democracy in Islam to the lack of reference to Aristotle's Politics in the writings of the medieval Muslim philosophers. This paper aims to analyze this gross misconception of Islamic philosophy and illuminate the thoroughgoing influence the Muslim philosophers had on their Christian successors, those who are so often credited as foundations of Western political philosophy. In so doing, I compare the ideal states presented by Averroes and Dante – in which Aristotelian influence is intimately interlaced – and offer an analysis thereof as heralds of what we might call the secularization of the political, inspiring those democratic values that Derrida believes to be absent in the rich philosophy of the Middle Ages.

Against the backdrop of the 'formatting of religions' thesis, this paper presents the outcomes of empirical research on religious assistance in ten prisons in the Italian region of Lazio. We construct a typology of the forms of relationships that exist between prisons and religious organisations in an increasingly pluralist context. These relationships can have their bases in (1) misrecognition, which is strictly speaking a form of non-relation; (2) adaptation, with a distinction drawn between instrumental adaptation, on the one hand, and formatting, on the other; (3) conflict; or (4) cooperation and mutual transformation. Each form of relationship is explained and discussed through the experiences of relevant individuals, with stories drawn from interviews conducted during our research. This typology shows that, in the Italian case at least, a context of religious pluralism and the coexistence of religious and secular worldviews and practices in public institutions do not necessarily have a 'formatting' effect on religious organisations, nor lead to any form of mutual transformation or 'complementary learning' process taking place. This 'complementary learning' process has been taken in our research as a working hypothesis. We take the term from the broader theoretical debate about the postsecular, but we want to make the point that the postsecular also has an empirical dimension which can be described and assessed through the kind of sociological research we conduct in this paper. This paper explores why no such complementary learning process has developed between institutions and religious groups in the Italian context, and briefly highlights how, conversely, this kind of postsecular relationship is promoted in the UK. At the same time, it argues that forms of resistance from religious groups to institutional formatting pressures can be observed in both the British context and in the results of our own research. Adapted from the source document.