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AbstractThe language of democracy has become common in international law, the legal system that regulates relations between nation states. This interest in democracy has however largely ignored democracy at the international level and focused instead on national democratic standards. In this paper, I start by sketching the threadbare debates about democracy beyond political borders in international law and then turn to the way that international institutions have developed this concept, particularly in the peace and state‐building boom associated with the end of the Cold War. The two contexts for democracy have taken different directions. In the case of democracy at the international level, the discussion has become polarised between global North and South, with democracy being promoted by the South as an omnibus agenda to remedy economic and political inequalities. In the case of democracies within states, international lawyers have taken democracy to have a fixed form, associated with specific institutional practices and structures, limiting its capacity for transformation.

Der Autor nennt zu seinem Thema zwei widerstreitende Sichten, die die gegenwärtige Diskussion bestimmen: (1) Internationalisierung stärkt den Nationalstaat. Sie leistet einer internationalen Allianz der nationalen Exekutiven Vorschub. Damit ermöglicht sie ihnen, von ihnen bevorzugte Politiken als internationale Verhandlungsergebnisse zu re-importieren und sie dadurch als nationale Verpflichtungen unangreifbar zu machen. Das geschieht auf Kosten nationaler Demokratie. (2) Andererseits kann der Nationalstaat durch internationale Übereinkommen verpflichtet werden, sein Handeln an internationalem Zivil- und Wettbewerbsrecht messen zu lassen. Damit stärkt wirtschaftliche Internationalisierung die Demokratie, indem sie die Wirtschaft entpolitisiert. Auf Grundlage dieser Problematik werden einige thematische Aspekte abgehandelt, so der Unterschied zwischen institutioneller und wirtschaftlicher Internationalisierung, so die Frage von Pflichten und Rechten der Bürger unter den Bedingungen der Internationalisierung, so die Chance, über die Internationalisierung sozialer Demokratie zur Vergesellschaftung der Weltwirtschaft zu gelangen, so das Verhältnis regionaler Gemeinschaften zu übergeordneten transnationalen Institutionen. Im Weiteren betrachtet der Autor, inwieweit sich internationaler Wettbewerbsdruck auf die Solidarität unter den Bedingungen nationaler Demokratie auswirken kann. Er verweist auf die Gefahr eines faktischen Rückbaus des demokratischen Nationalstaats und erörtert in diesem Zusammenhang die Frage, warum der Druck des Marktes zu einem legitimen sozialpolitischen Instrument zu werden scheint. Im abschließenden Abschnitt werden die Beiträge der anderen Autoren des Bandes in das allgemeine Themenfeld eingeordnet und gewertet. (prh)

EVEN IF "THE END OF HISTORY" IS NOT IN SIGHT, LIBERALISM IN ONE FORM OR ANOTHER IS LIKELY TO BE THE DOMINANT POLITICAL IDEOLOGY FOR THE FORESEEABLE FUTURE, RAISING QUESTIONS ABOUT WHAT KIND OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THIS WILL PRODUCE. KANTIAN ACCOUNTS OF THE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS OF "LIBERAL" STATES FAIL TO TAKE INTO ACCOUNT THE GAP BETWEEN THE MODELS AND "REALLY EXISTING" LIBERALISM. EMPIRICAL STUDIES ARE UNDERMINED BY THE PRESENCE OF IMPORTANT NON-LIBERAL ENEMIES OF LIBERAL STATES IN THE PAST. BUT SIMPLE, COST-BENEFIT ANALYSIS MAY INCLINE LIBERAL REGIMES TOWARDS PEACEFUL INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE FUTURE.

This edited volume addresses the role of non-state actors (NSAs) in international relations. From their emergence in the early 20th century, entities of non-state status have played a role of increasing prominence in international politics. Scholarly work has been slow to catch up, approaching NSAs mainly through the scope of legitimacy and international law or limiting focus to NGOs, international organizations, and economic corporations. This volume remedies that, creating a typology of NSAs based on systematic and coherent analysis. Presenting a series of cases of NSAs across the continuum of international relations, the chapters firmly ground NSAs in the ontology of international relations theory. Filling a gap in the current literature, this book will be of interest to students and researchers of international relations theory, international politics, international security, diplomatic history, and European and Middle East politics, as well as policy-makers and practitioners.

The subject of this doctoral thesis revolves around the analysis of the links between foreign policy and international trade, along with one chapter that is of more methodological nature. In chapter1 I show how geopolitical interests are a key motivation for economic integration agreements. Big countries systematically negotiate and sign these agreements with smaller countries that offer political benefits at the expense of economic ones. Chapter 2 provides an empirical analysis into the effect of sanctions on sanctioning countries—their exports in particular. In this joint work with Matthieu Crozet, we study the macro-impact of the sanctions regime against the Russian Federation on export flows from Western countries and the micro-impact on French exporting firms. Chapter 3 takes a closer look at the mechanism through which political relations between countries impact their trade flows. A collaboration with Elsa Leromain, we show how countries adjust their input sourcing pattern to the political climate with the respective trading partner. Finally, in chapter 4 I explore the methodological issue of how trade costs should be aggregated from lower levels of geographic aggregation to higher ones and I compute theory-consistent country to country distances using nighttime satellite imagery for information on the location of economic activity. ; Le sujet de cette thèse porte sur l'analyse des liens entre la politique étrangère et le commerce international, hormis un chapitre qui est de nature plus méthodologique. Dans le chapitre 1, j'étudie dans quelle mesure les intérêts géopolitiques sont une motivation essentielle pour la formation d'accords d'intégration économique. Les grands pays négocient et signent systématiquement des accords avec des pays plus petits qui offrent plus d'avantages en termes politiques qu'en termes économiques. Le chapitre 2 propose une analyse empirique sur les effets des sanctions sur les pays sanctionnant, et plus particulièrement sur leurs exportations. Dans ce travail en collaboration ...