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Intro -- Contents -- Contributors -- 1 Introduction and Background -- 1.1 Hate Speech in the EU and the C.O.N.T.A.C.T. Project -- 1.2 Regulating Hate Speech in the EU -- 1.3 Hate Speech in the Online Setting -- 1.4 The C.O.N.T.A.C.T. Research Workstream -- References -- 2 The C.O.N.T.A.C.T. Methodological Approach -- 2.1 Harvesting and Analysing Online Comments to News Reports -- 2.2 Approximating Perceptions of Hate -- References -- 3 Analysis of Online Comments to News Reports -- 3.1 Categorisation and Defence Strategies -- 3.2 Stereotyping Vulnerable Groups -- 3.3 From 'Patriotism' to Hate: Axiological Urgency in Online Comments Related to Refugees -- 3.4 Metaphors Related to Othering the Non-natives -- 3.5 The Implicit Dimension of Discriminatory Discourse -- 3.6 Changing Participant Roles in the Expression of Hate Speech -- References -- 4 Young People's Perception of Hate Speech -- 4.1 Youth and Hate Speech in the (Mediatised) Public Sphere -- 4.2 Resistance Against Hate Speech: Generation 'Snowflake' or Generation 'Woke'? -- 4.3 Folk Characterisations of Hate Speech -- 4.4 Thoughts on Regulating Hate Speech -- 4.5 It All Depends on Who Discrimination Targets -- 4.6 The Conceptual Contiguity of Race and Religion -- 4.7 Hate Speech and the Communication Medium -- 4.8 Hate Speech, Cyberbullying and Online Anonymity -- References -- 5 Concluding Remarks -- References.

Latvijas iedzīvotāju patēriņš kā viens no vadošiem sociāli-ekonomiskās sistēmas faktoriem nav pietiekami izpētīts. Maģistra darba mērķis ir izanalizēt Latvijas un pārējo ES valstu iedzīvotāju patēriņa konverģenci. Ar salīdzinošās statistikas palīdzību un AIDS pieprasījuma modeli tiek novērtēta 1995.-2007.gadu Latvijas ekonomiskās situācijas ietekme uz izmaiņām iedzīvotāju patēriņa izdevumos un ienākumu un cenu izmaiņu ietekmi uz patēriņa raksturu. Ar Fingera-Kreinina indeksu analīzi, patēriņa izdevumu struktūru ranžēšanu un klasteru analīzi tiek noteikta Latvijas līdzība un konverģence ES. Variācijas analīze un Diki-Fulera tests ļauj novērtēt ES valstu kopējo konverģenci. Maģistra darbā autore gūst pamatojumu Latvijas iedzīvotāju patēriņa izdevumu konverģencei ES. Darbs sastāv no 129 lpp., 12 tabulām, 25 attēliem un 6 pielikumiem. ; Latvia's inhabitant consumption as one of the leading factors of socioeconomic system is not sufficiently studied. This paper aims to analyse convergence of Latvia's and the EU countries' inhabitant consumption. Comparative statistics and AIDS model allow to evaluate economic situation influence in Latvia during 1995-2007 on changes in inhabitant consumption expenditures and impact of income and price changes on consumption pattern. Similarity and convergence of Latvia in the EU is measured with Finger-Kreinin index, consumption expenditure structure ranking and cluster analysis. Variation analysis and Dickey-Fuller test let to estimate overall convergence of the EU countries. Study results provide evidence on Latvia's inhabitant consumption expenditure convergence in the EU. Paper consists of 129 pages, 12 tables, 25 figures and 6 appendixes.

The EU today is the main biodiesel producer in the entire world. Many countries are promoting biodiesel production for various reasons: for satisfying their own internal growing need for energy, to ensure fuels' availability for the transport sector, thus lowering the dependence on fossil fuels, for more efficient combating of climate changes. The actual strategies of sustainable development have determined a very fast increase in biodiesel consumption within the EU, especially since 2005. In this context, using the available data, we assessed the effects of biodiesel consumption by transport on economic growth in the EU over the period 2010-2016. The results based on the panel data approach indicate a positive, but very low impact of energy obtained from biodiesel consumption by transport on the EU's economic growth. There is only a unidirectional causality relationship between these two variables: the biodiesel consumption Granger caused the EU economic growth from 2010 to 2016. Policy recommendations should focus on the extension of biodiesel consumption for transport within the EU by establishing a higher minim percentage of biodiesel in transport. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ee.30.1.21831

A survey of working time trends in the countries of the European Union over the past twenty years reveals the diminishing role of general collectively agreed working time reductions. The increasing importance of part-time work is interpreted less as a shift in emphasis from "collective" to "individual" working time reductions than as a concomitant of increasing, female labour market participation which may represent a transition to equal status of men and women in working life. On the basis of the European experiences reported in the other articles contained in this issue, the author discusses possible paths to a revival of collective bargaining and statutory policy in the working time field.

This article contributes to debates about trade unions and conflict by studying how individuals' perceptions of conflicts between management and workers relate to trade union membership, country-level trade union density and institutionalization (collective bargaining coverage, centralization and policy concertation). Hierarchical multi-level models are fitted to data from the International Social Survey Programme from 2009. The results show that union members tend to be more likely than non-members to perceive management-worker conflicts and that this appears not to vary substantially between countries. However, regardless of union membership, individuals in countries with higher trade union density and with policy concertation tend to be significantly less likely to perceive conflicts. These findings highlight the risk of atomic fallacies in research limited to the individual-level effects of union membership. Contrary to an argument often raised by pluralists, neither bargaining coverage nor centralization has significant effects. Overall, the results question depictions of trade unions as divisive organizations.

European integration scholars have paid little attention to the visual dimension of Europeanization. We fill this gap by analysing how European Union integration reshapes political parties' most visible symbols: their logos. We examine 579 party logos in Central, Eastern and Southern Europe before and after countries became European Union members, obtained the status of candidates or joined the European neighbourhood policy. Our difference-in-differences models show that European Union integration corresponds to a decrease in extremist and nationalist symbols as well as national flag colours. This 'visual Europeanization' process, prompted by population ecology and rebranding, cannot be solely explained by democratization or economic growth. Our analysis considers potential mechanisms that explain this correlation, including Europarty membership and normative diffusion, and discusses implications for the Europeanization literature.

AbstractThis study focuses on the level of interdependence across the Central and Eastern European (CEE) foreign exchange markets (Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Romania and Croatia) from September 2008 to September 2017, using the return spillover measure proposed by Diebold and Yilmaz (2009; 2012). We mainly find a bidirectional volatility spillover among these assets and the cross-market linkages in the CEE region have become stronger over time. Furthermore, the Czech exchange market has a significant influence on the rest of the foreign exchange markets. The total spillover remained very high over the periods 2010–2012 and 2015–2017, despite the noteworthy fluctuations in other periods. These results would also be useful for portfolio managers, policy makers and speculative traders to develop exploitable strategies, by providing knowledge of the transmission mechanisms of the volatility of foreign exchange markets. The results may support the distribution of assets in a financial portfolio, especially after financial integration.