Suchergebnisse

Le 23 mai 2013, deux attaques terroristes coordonnées ont touché la mine d'uranium d'Areva à Arlit et une caserne militaire à Agadez, au Niger. Il s'agit d'une première pour ce pays discret de la zone sahélo-saharienne, encore fragile après une rébellion touarègue en 2007-2009 et un coup d'État militaire en 2010. Le retour sur les événements qui ont marqué le Niger ces trois dernières années permet d'appréhender la situation humanitaire et sécuritaire de ce pays. Malgré un engagement résolu en faveur du développement et de la sécurité, cet État demeure vulnérable sur les plans internes et externes et requiert le soutien et la coopération de ses partenaires régionaux et internationaux. ; On May 23rd 2013, two coordinated terrorist attacks hit Areva's uranium mine in Arlit and a military base in Agadez, Niger. It was a premiere for this discrete Sahel-Saharan state, still recovering from a Tuareg rebellion in 2007-2009 and a military coup in 2010. Looking back at the events that marked Niger in the last three years is useful to understand this country's humanitarian and security situation. Despite a resolute commitment toward security and development, Niger remains vulnerable both internally and externally and requires the cooperation of its regional and international partners.

AbstractIn this article we argue that trust is fundamental to post-agreement negotiations in the field of international security. We present our concept of interstate trust and discuss its relation to two core mechanisms of international cooperation: control and policy integration. Our main hypothesis is that growing trust reduces a dyad's reliance on control and leads to intensified policy integration. To specify how the trust-control nexus and the trust-integration nexus structure post-agreement negotiations, we first assume that post-agreement negotiations are likely to follow interstate crises. Second, we theorize crisis reactions and differentiate between low-trust and high-trust situations. In low-trust situations, a crisis indicates a failure to control the actions of others. As a response, demands for institutional reform will stress new and improved control mechanisms. In high-trust situations, the trusting bias defuses most of the doubts about the other's cooperative preferences and points to miscommunication as the principal issue. Therefore, negotiations will be about intensifying policy integration. States do so for three purposes: sustaining valuable integration, overcoming the crisis, and building trust. As a first plausibility probe for our argument, we look at post-agreement negotiations between France and Germany.

The rationalities of advanced liberalism shape the call for people to be more responsible for 'being active and eating well' [Dean, M. (1999). Governmentality: Power and rule in modern society. London: Sage; Petersen, A., & Lupton, D. (1997). The new public health. London: Sage], even those living with social disadvantage. We draw upon qualitative data to examine how sport and recreation policy and program officers within state and local levels of government frame and interpret the 'active living imperative' for healthy lifestyles. Our analysis identified major policy tensions between different levels of government that directly affect the success of government initiatives to increase physical activity. We present our analysis of four main themes: (1) the rise of the health agenda in sport and recreation policy and sport and recreation services enhanced role in health promotion; (2) the obesity epidemic as the instigator for the policy shift in sport and recreation; (3) tensions between government agendas and competing priorities; and (4) governments' proposed solutions to support active leisure in communities. Our analysis of the sport/recreation sector revealed competing priorities with the health promotion focus on reducing lifestyle risk and a need for more strategic cooperation between levels of government and different departments.

One of the current trends in governance and legal development in Russia is aimed at establishing a modern, efficient and internationally harmonised system of safeguards of human rights and civil liberties. A fairly recent addition to this system has been the institution of ombudsman as a public authority specialised in promoting and protecting human rights and civil liberties. The introduction of this institution as well as its formalisation at the constitutional and legislative levels has been increasingly relevant and important, as it raises the dealings between the state and the individual to a new level. As an independent public institution resolving conflicts between citizens and government authorities, the ombudsman makes steps, within the scope of his jurisdiction, to restitute individual rights, and helps to enhance the reputation of government. The present work describes and assesses the birth, development and institutionalization process of the Ombudsman Office in the Russian Federation, at federal and regional levels, with a particular emphasis on the role of international references and cooperation for institution building. Ombudsmen have done a magnificent job in demonstrating value with the resolution of individual and systemic complaints; subsequent improvements to government; and economic savings by mitigating litigation costs.

Государственная кластерная политика, как инновационный подход развития государства, призвана укрепить взаимодействие между предприятиями, которые отличает территориальное соседство и общая деятельность; активно использовать научный потенциал научно-исследовательских организаций для оптимизации производственных издержек; а также усилить сотрудничество компаний с образовательными учреждениями для подготовки и переподготовки кадров с целью повышения профессионального уровня персонала и оптимизации коммуникации с предприятиями-членами хозяйственных агломераций. При этом государство выполняет роль посредника для снижения транзакционных издержек за счет формирования площадок взаимодействия, а также является своеобразным гарантом исполнения обязательств, принимая на себя часть рисков, непосредственно участвуя в проектах. ; The state cluster policy as an innovative approach to the development of the country is to strengthen synergy between companies joined geographically and economically; to actively use the scientific potential of scientific and research institutions to optimize production costs; and to boost cooperation of companies with universities and colleges to organize training and re-orientation training of staff for their professional development and optimization of communication with member-companies of economic agglomerations. The government performs a role of an intermediary to reduce transaction costs with the use of interaction platforms and acts as a guarantor of execution of obligations by sharing risks and directly participating in the projects.

The European Commission has adopted a proposal to develop the trans-European network for freight and passenger transports (TEN-T). A multimodal core transport network for Europe has been proposed, as part of the TEN-T (including all modes of transport; roads, railways, airports and canals). As parts of the core network, ten core network corridors have been appointed. They will be used as instruments for implementing the entire core network. European Coordinators will facilitate the implementation of the core network corridors, in cooperation with corridor platforms to be established by member states concerned. There is no overall solution to how this core network with partly appointed network corridors would be managed, and how the corridor platforms will be synthesized and inter-organized to accomplish seamless transnational transport solutions. This literature review pinpoints three areas of specific importance for future work in creating transport corridor management structures. First, broad stakeholders inclusion, where formalized partnerships in agreements are suggested. Second, several ways of communication between stakeholders to ensure common progress, and third, to complement the dominant causation processes with effectuation processes to capture the stakeholders own driving forces towards common goals.

"This chapter deals with the challenge of policy definition, cooperation and coordination in a complex system of multi-level governance faced by decision-makers in international politics today, using the example of international climate governance. The practical, as well as the analytical challenge, of said system of multi-level governance lies in its dynamic structure, which includes the vertical (i.e. domestic and foreign; subnational, national, and international) and horizontal levels (structure of decision-making processes in international institutions) of international politics, the participation of non-state actors, and the inter-linkages and interdependencies between all policy fields and levels involved. More often than not, intentions and interests on the different levels are disparate and difficult to harmonize, which can result in less than ideal policy strategies, are likely to 'get lost' in the multi-level governance system. International climate governance and the difficulties with institutionalizing an all-encompassing climate protection strategy can be seen as an example of a policy field that is 'lost in multi-level governance.' This will be illustrated in the following chapter by analyzing five dimensions of climate governance and how they hamper successful climate governance-and thus climate protection-at the international level." (author's abstract)

Le 23 mai 2013, deux attaques terroristes coordonnées ont touché la mine d'uranium d'Areva à Arlit et une caserne militaire à Agadez, au Niger. Il s'agit d'une première pour ce pays discret de la zone sahélo-saharienne, encore fragile après une rébellion touarègue en 2007-2009 et un coup d'État militaire en 2010. Le retour sur les événements qui ont marqué le Niger ces trois dernières années permet d'appréhender la situation humanitaire et sécuritaire de ce pays. Malgré un engagement résolu en faveur du développement et de la sécurité, cet État demeure vulnérable sur les plans internes et externes et requiert le soutien et la coopération de ses partenaires régionaux et internationaux. ; On May 23rd 2013, two coordinated terrorist attacks hit Areva's uranium mine in Arlit and a military base in Agadez, Niger. It was a premiere for this discrete Sahel-Saharan state, still recovering from a Tuareg rebellion in 2007-2009 and a military coup in 2010. Looking back at the events that marked Niger in the last three years is useful to understand this country's humanitarian and security situation. Despite a resolute commitment toward security and development, Niger remains vulnerable both internally and externally and requires the cooperation of its regional and international partners.

Many public policies seek to promote, maintain, modify or improve collective actions. The development of a country requires actions that are complex and wide in scope. This and following texts sort out: i) two general classes of problem-situations that lack collective action; and ii) kinds of mechanisms that are useful as possible solutions to such problem-situations; i.e., mechanisms for acting upon institutions (organizations; formal or legal norms; formal practices) or upon cultural elements (social customs; customary morality; customary values and beliefs) of a society. In these texts, a leitmotif is the strategic dimension, one of the dimensions of building or changing institutions and cultural elements. To this end, one takes advantage of basic games of strategy as simple models for assigning those problems into classes. This first text deals with the problem-situation of cooperation vs. defection, modeled as prisoner's dilemma games. It covers situations of disputes for exits during disasters; of party leaders that become candidates for losing elections; of groupthink in committees; of lack of interest in training employees; of bottlenecks in urban traffic; of creating new city or state governments; of bank runs to financial safety; of tragedies of commons, be they environmental or otherwise.

Medium altitude, long endurance drones are becoming a component of regular air forces. However, the extent to which manned aircraft are being replaced by such "MALE UAVs" (MALE = Medium Altitude, Long Endurance, UAV = Unmanned Aerial Vehicle) remains unclear. At present Germany is faced with determining with what means the Luftwaffe should be equipped in the medium term (up to 2020) and long-term (post-2020). Beyond military considerations, there are cooperation and industrial policy issues to be taken into account, since no one individual state in Europe can or wants to provide the financial means to develop a national MALE UAV model. Although European industry has already launched research and development projects, their governments are by no means on board. Likewise it is also unclear whether drones are to be armed in future. Discussion has been continuing for some time as to how far targeted killings are responsible and permissible. In contrast, no fundamental debate has so far taken place about what the ethical consequences are of the trend towards automated combat. Such a debate is now overdue and urgent, as the momentum of technological development conceals the danger that human beings may abdicate moral responsibility in decisions over the use of force

Medium altitude, long endurance drones are becoming a component of regular air forces. However, the extent to which manned aircraft are being replaced by such "MALE UAVs" (MALE = Medium Altitude, Long Endurance, UAV = Unmanned Aerial Vehicle) remains unclear. At present Germany is faced with determining with what means the Luftwaffe should be equipped in the medium term (up to 2020) and long-term (post-2020). Beyond military considerations, there are cooperation and industrial policy issues to be taken into account, since no one individual state in Europe can or wants to provide the financial means to develop a national MALE UAV model. Although European industry has already launched research and development projects, their governments are by no means on board. Likewise it is also unclear whether drones are to be armed in future. Discussion has been continuing for some time as to how far targeted killings are responsible and permissible. In contrast, no fundamental debate has so far taken place about what the ethical consequences are of the trend towards automated combat. Such a debate is now overdue and urgent, as the momentum of technological development conceals the danger that human beings may abdicate moral responsibility in decisions over the use of force. (author's abstract)

This article looks at this new relationship, in the light of two concurrent trends: the pluralization of actors with stakes in foreign policy; and an active presidential diplomacy (CASON AND POWER 2009). We argue that, more than just a battlefield of ideas, Brazil's most prominent media vehicles have played an active role against Lula's foreign policy, although they had but a limited agenda-setting capacity. To this end, the text will be divided in four sections. The first one deals with the recent developments of foreign policymaking in Brazil, and seeks to understand how the introduction of new actors and institutions has affected the political balance behind the country's external relations. The second provides an overview of Lula's foreign policy strategies and their relationship with presidential diplomacy. The third offers some data on the behavior of two selected newspapers, Folha de São Paulo (FSP) and O Estado de São Paulo (OESP), on foreign policy issues. The third and final section compares media reactions to Brazil's relations with the United States, most specifically regarding negotiations on the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), and to some aspects of Brazilian South-South cooperation, and discusses the most relevant results.

The socialist industrial designs displayed in Czechoslovakia's EXPO '58 pavilion spoke a visual language understood on both sides of the Iron Curtain, making the pavilion a site of common ground between East and West. The showcase was also a point of convergence between Czechoslovak visual artists and Communist Party authorities who engaged in complex political negotiations in the years after Stalin's death. Visual artists vied for liberation from socialist realism's constraints, although they kept their demands within limits to avoid risking Party backlash. Communist Party leaders wanted domestic stability and saw improving the living standard as a tactic for insuring popular support. They increasingly perceived industrial design to be a visual-arts activity with special promise. Well-designed furniture, textiles, glass, ceramics and other consumer goods could generate state income useful for raising the living standard at home and earning hard currency abroad. The Party needed the designers' cooperation to achieve efficient, attractive production within the command economy. In the Brussels showcase communist authorities compromised with visual artists helping to insure the latter's support and success, demonstrating that culture in postwar Czechoslovakia was not merely imposed 'from above' by omnipotent authorities but could be the outcome of multidirectional negotiations between various competing interests.

El ALBA es un proyecto de integración supranacional que se propone como un mecanismo para reducir la competencia económica entre sus miembros y fomentar la cooperación y las sinergias desde valores socialistas y de solidaridad. Y todo esto como expresión de una encrucijada ideológica donde se mezclan las corrientes del pensamiento social de izquierda con un pan-nacionalismo latinoamericano. El ALBA se encuentra en medio de una confrontación ideológica de escala continental que sesga enormemente la objetividad de los análisis. Este artículo analiza las líneas maestras de dicha confrontación, y trata de deslindar algunos de dichos sesgos. ; Th e Alba is an original supranational project driven by politics and aimed at reducing the market concurrence and at fostering cooperation and synergies among its members from the standpoint of a political ideology that combines the last currents of leftist social thought with a Latin American pan-nationalism. Th e ALBA and its member states are in the midst of a geopolitical and ideological confrontation at a continental scale that strongly biases any possible analysis. Th is paper aims at lying out the blueprint of that confrontation attempting to establish a non-biased approach to the issue. ; 83-103 ; javier.ullan@ua.es ; semestral