Suchergebnisse

Conference report: The Islamic State: what victory means --. - Swimming in a turbulent sea? non-state threats to Islamic State --. - The political economy of Islamic State and its financial resources for war --. - Islamic State's threat to the Kurds in Syria and northern Iraq --. - The Islamic State: from al-Qaeda affiliate to caliphate --. - The need for an effective and comprehensive counter-terrorism strategy in combatting regional Jihadism: the view from Cairo --. - Libya's descent into chaos: warring clans and its impact on regional stability --. - Boko Haram, Islamic State and the archipelago strategy

T



he
aşiret (tribe, clan) is usually examined as the main
structure in studies on Kurds on traditional social structures. However, it is
not known how the tribe arised among the Kurds. The aşiret
is examined as a series of structures starting from the family and shaped on
the lineage. The family is the most important social competent authority of
Kurdish society and is the only one which generation and regeneration
constructions such as patriarchy and lineage-ideology. Therefore, the family is
the main dynamic that forms the traditional social structure at the same time.
However, when the names of the layers of tribal starting from family are examined,
it is revealed that the layers of "mal, bavik, tire and hoz" are in
Kurdish, and the following "sülale, qabile, taifa and aşiret" are
not. This suggests that the Kurdish traditional social structure was originally
up to the dynasty, and that subsequent structures (which are usually political
associations) were later added to the Kurdish traditional social structure.
Observations of family's self-regeneration in lineage settlement independently
of basis group, dynasty and tribe are an important factor supporting this
situation in places Kurds migrate. Kurds who migrated to western Turkey, showed
a model of like an Indian family structure when they reposition their families
in new settlements. This structure was called "bir-bavik" and tried
to be explained in this study.This study shows that the Kurdish family can be
organized traditionally as "mal, bavik, tire and hoz" and
transformation into superstructure (qabile, taife, aşiret)
depends on the socio-political situation found in and so the concepts like Stamm
(germ.) or Tribu (eng. and fran.) in foreign languages claims that define "hoz"
rather than the tribe used within the Kurds.


K



ürtler
üzerine geleneksel sosyal yapılar konusunda yapılan çalışmalarda
aşiret hemen her zaman ana yapı olarak incelenir. Bununla birlikte aşiretin
Kürtler arasında nasıl ortaya çıktığı belli değildir. Aşiret, aile ile başlayıp soy yapısı üzerinden şekillenen ve
onu aşan oluşumlara kadar giden bir yapılar silsilesi şeklinde incelenir. Aile
(mal), Kürt toplumunun en önemli sosyal kurumudur ve topluma biçim veren
ataerkillik, sülale-ideolojisi gibi yapıları üreten ve yeniden üreten yegane
mercidir. Bu yüzden aile, aynı zamanda geleneksel sosyal yapıya biçim veren ana
dinamiktir. Fakat Kürt sosyal yapısı içinde, aşiretin aileden başlayan
katmanlarına bakıldığında "mal, bavik, tîre ve hoz" olarak
isimlendirilen katmanların isimlendirilmeleri Kürtçe, aşîret
yapısında bunları takip eden katmanlar olan "sülale, qabile, taifa ve aşîret" aşamalarının isimleri Kürtçe değildir. Bu da orjininde Kürt
geleneksel sosyal yapısının aslında sülaleye kadar olduğu, bundan sonraki yapıların, ki bunlar genelde siyasi birliklerdir,
Kürt geleneksel sosyal yapısına sonradan eklemlendiğini düşündürmektedir. Bu durumu destekleyici bir yapı, Kürtlerin göç
ettikleri yerlerde ailenin, kök grup, sülale ve aşiretten bağımsız olarak, kendini soy yapılanması içinde yeniden üretebilecegine
ilişkin gözlemler yapılmıştır. Batı Türkiye´ye göç eden Kürtlerin yeni yerleşim
yerlerinde ailelerini yeniden konumlandırırken Hint Ailesi Modeline benzeyen
bir yapıyı sergiledikleri gözlemlenmiştir. Bu yapıya bir-bavik adı verilmiş ve
bu çalışmada açıklanmaya çalışılmıştır. Bu çalışma, Kürt ailesinin "mal, bavik,
tîre ve hoz" şeklinde geleneksel olarak örgütlenebileceğini ve bunun üstündeki yapılara (sülale, qabile, taifa, aşiret)
girişip girişmeyeceğini, içinde yaşanılan
sosyo-politik durumun belirleyebileceğini ve bu yüzden yabancı dillerdeki Stamm
veya Tribu gibi kavramların Kürtler için kullanılan aşireti değil, hoz´u tanımlayabileceğini iddia
etmektedir.

As violence and political turmoil plague parts of the Middle East, many scholars in international relations are searching for a new way to build democracy and promote peace in the area. With such a complicated political environment, though, there are endless theories as to how the United States should best move forward diplomatically. According to senior political science and history major Grayson Lewis, there is one group in the Middle East whose potential as an ally is incredibly underrated and underexplored: the Kurds.Many people may not be familiar with the Kurds, although their position in the struggle against ISIS and their role in the US invasion of Iraq have earned them notoriety among political scholars in recent years. Kurdistan, which is not an officially recognized state and which has no autonomous government, is an area of land situated in the Middle East that comprises parts of Iran, Iraq, Syria, and Turkey.Through his research, Lewis advocates for Kurdish liberation, not for the sake of liberating the Kurdish people but as a diplomatic possibility for the United States to attempt to stabilize the region: "The US likes to play this game of democracy building.We want to have an ally that's a democracy, but it's also got to be one that's stable, and it's also got to be one that's a friend of Israel, and the Kurds have all three," said Lewis.For Lewis, the allure of Kurdistan is that unlike many other nations in the Middle East, it has shown a commitment to democracy and even more unlikely, an enduring and stable democracy. The Kurds of Rojava in northern Syria, for example, have an autonomous democratic government. They are progressive in terms of gender equality and representational equality, among other democratic features.Establishing allies and a favorable opinion of the United States in the Middle East has been a struggle for decades, and it only seems to become more and more pressing with each passing year. If the United States plans to have any kind of cooperative relationship with countries in that area, Lewis argues that they should seek out a democratic ally and that Kurdistan is the best possible contender.In regards to the question of the process of Kurdish independence, Lewis says that he is more concerned with deciding whether a nation would be an asset to the free world before considering establishing it as an independent state. "Land is land, and you can't just draw a line on a map. I specifically didn't go into how that was going to work," said Lewis when discussing the ramifications of establishing an independent state irrespective of existing borders. For Lewis, independence should be a question of global benefit rather than strictly a historical or cultural question."I don't think wanting to be independent is the best judge of whether a group of people should be independent.A better questions is: will they be democratic?" Lewis found, surprisingly, that the body of research on Kurdish independence, and even on the strategic relationship that the US and Kurdistan could establish, was limited.In his research, Lewis compiles information about the history of democracy for the Kurds, the vibrancy of the democracy in Rojava, and hypothesizes a United States diplomatic strategy that would take advantage of the stability of the Kurds in the Middle East.

"Die Autorin beschäftigt sich mit der kurdischen Community in Oslo (Norwegen) Mitte der 1990er Jahre. Sie interessiert sich für die Bedeutung, die Kurdinnen und Kurden - vorwiegend solche aus der Türkei - dem 'Kurdischsein' beimessen und für die Auswirkungen, die diese auf die Geschlechterideologie hat. Dabei arbeitet sie idealtypisch drei Gruppen heraus: Die 'Traditionellen', die 'Modernen' und die 'Politischen'. Von besonderem Interesse ist dabei die letzte Kategorie: Sie teilt Wertvorstellungen der beiden anderen und stellt sie gleichzeitig infrage. Während etwa eine 'politische' Frau die Familienehre aufgrund ihrer politischen Arbeit erhöhen kann, hätte die gleiche Aktivität in der 'traditionellen' Sphäre Schande über die Familie gebracht. Der Beitrag zeigt hier Verbindungen auf zu Wolfs Überlegung, dass selbst das Engagement von Frauen innerhalb der Guerilla der PKK/KADEK - also in einem von der Familie nicht kontrollierten sozialen Raum - unter bestimmten Umständen als ehrenhaft beurteilt werden kann. Gleichzeitig, so die Autorin, entsprechen die Arbeitsteilung im Rahmen politischer Arbeit und die mögliche Einbindung von Frauen zu einem gewissen Grad traditionellen Wertvorstellungen." (Textauszug)

Governing areas of dissidence --Policies of "extreme makeover" : state-Kurdish relations in the early Turkish republic --State-building and the politics of national identity in Morocco --The making of an armed conflict : state-Kurdish relations in the post-1950 period --The rise of the Amazigh movement and state cooptation in Morocco.