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In this article, one of America's top labor leaders discusses the reasons organized labor is in politics and the way it operates. The article outlines briefly the history of la bor in politics and the changes in its philosophy over the years. It discusses the need for political action on the part of labor, stating frankly that "organized labor could not possibly stay out of politics," for labor's collective bargaining responsibili ties and its political responsibilities "are indivisible." The au thor cites the record of huge contributions of millions of dollars by a few wealthy families to political parties and candidates and points out that in 1956, "with all of labor's work and effort, twelve wealthy families spent more money than all of organized labor managed to raise during the entire election campaign." The three phases of labor activity in political action—registra tion, education, and exercise of the right of free speech—are discussed thoroughly. In concluding, the author gives a bold and frank answer to the question: "What does labor expect in return for its political support? What does labor want?"

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- WAYS IN TO THE TEXT -- Who Was Henry Hans J. Morgenthau? -- What Does Politics Among Nations Say? -- Why Does Politics Among Nations Matter? -- SECTION 1: INFLUENCES -- Module 1: The Author and the Historical Context -- Module 2: Academic Context -- Module 3: The Problem -- Module 4: The Author's Contribution -- SECTION 2: IDEAS -- Module 5: Main Ideas -- Module 6: Secondary Ideas -- Module 7: Achievement -- Module 8: Place in the Author's Work -- SECTION 3: IMPACT -- Module 9: The First Responses -- Module 10: The Evolving Debate -- Module 11: Impact and Influence Today -- Module 12: Where Next? -- Glossary of Terms -- People Mentioned in the Text -- Works Cited

Frontmatter -- Preface -- Contents -- 1. Conservatism, Liberalism, and Socialism in Canada: An Interpretation -- 2. The First Steps -- 3. The Struggle with the Communists, 1943-48 -- 4. Labour and the CCF, 1947-53 -- 5. The Merger -- 6. The New Party -- 7. Obstacles to Political Action -- 8. The Future of Labour in Politics -- Index

"Developments in British Politics 9 continues its tradition of providing accessible state-of-the-art coverage, but with an all-new set of chapters by leading authorities. A new feature is a concluding chapter on key theories and debates by Colin Hay"--Provided by publisher

The past decade has witnessed a significant increase in women's presence in local politics. According to the newly published United Nations (UN) Women in Local Government data set, women constitute 36% of local deliberative bodies worldwide compared to merely 25% in national parliaments.1 Much of this increase is the result of gender quotas: the Gender Quotas Database (International IDEA 2022) shows that as of 2021, 75 countries had some form of gender quota on the local level, 24 of which were authoritarian regimes. Yet, extant work on gender politics in authoritarian regimes tends to focus on the national level, given the highly centralized decision-making processes in such contexts. We contend that the study of women's engagement and representation in local politics can help scholars better understand not only gender and politics, but also authoritarian politics more generally.

Has feminist politics lost its radicalism and vitality? Or is it undergoing a resurgence? Rethinking Contemporary Feminist Politics tackles these questions through a blend of empirical research and theoretical reflection, shedding new light on a range of debates concerning questions of political space and time, and feminism's relationship to the state and to popular culture. Dean draws on Arendtian and poststructuralist political theories to propose a novel understanding of the concept of 'radicalism' within feminist politics. Three in-depth case studies of contemporary British feminist groups are presented: The Fawcett Society, Women's Aid and The F-word website. Dean's incisive critique of both narratives of loss and narratives of resurgence in British and transnational feminisms offers a fresh, timely and provocative challenge to dominant understandings of feminist politics.

Prostitution has become an extremely topical issue in recent years and attention has focused both on the situation of female prostitutes and the adequacy of existing forms of regulation. Prostitution, Politics & Policy & nbsp;brings together the main debates and issues associated with prostitution to examine the range of policy options that are available.

The political agenda from the late 1960s through the early 1970s was greatly influenced by a public interest-organized labor alliance. With the election of President Ronald Reagan in 1981, business replaced the public interest-organized labor alliance as the dominant force in agenda setting. This influence was achieved via conscious efforts: between 1971 & 1979, the number of corporations that were represented by lobbyists increased from 175 to 650; from 1974 to 1980, the number of business-related political action committees increased from 89 to 1,204 & their contributions rose from $4.4 million to $19.2 million. In the late 1970s, businesses began shifting their loyalties to the Republican Party, which paid off in 1981 with the Gramm-Latta budget cuts & a $750 billion tax cut that favored corporations. R. Logsdon

The study is composed of 2 main parts, in which both behavior & att's are examined. Men & women are described in relation to their pol'al participation & as pol'al representatives. Apart from the obvious effects of Ur'ization, of a rise in the SE level, & of a decrease in religious & conservative traditionalism, other factors also help to explain diff's in the voting turnout of men & women. Eg, in some areas, notably in the Swedish-speaking Ru communes, ED increases sex diff's by bringing with it social disorg & cross-pressu res. The ecological analysis shows that all over the country past class-conflicts & traditions of inequality of SC's are reflected in present inequality or diff in sex roles in voting participation. Socialist traditions are unable to decrease sex diff's when the soc structure is characterized by class conflicts. The soc & pol'al climates in eastern & western Finland differ remarkably from each other. In eastern Finland women's voting activity is low but a high proportion of women is elected. This is due to a lack of uniform norms as to whether & for whom to vote. Pressure towards conformity in western Finland brings women to the polls but to vote for men. This shows that women's voting & voting for women are not one dimension. Ur'ization increases both women's voting & voting for women. The influence of sex role ideologies can be seen primarily in voting for women, not that of women. The Marxian principle of the equality of the sexes is reflected in the larger proportion of women among candidates & those elected in the socialist parties. Voting for women candidates in bourgeois parties has increased, probably due to the growing number of women working in Mc occup's & to the radical sex role discussion which began in 1965 & which may have influenced the voting in the elections of 1968 & 1970. IPSA.

In this paper, we consider anthropology's long and, at times, problematic engagement with the study of Islam and Muslim societies. Specifically, we reflect critically on ongoing anthropological debates about the relationship between Islam and politics and suggest new terms of analysis. Although we pay attention to the state and formal politics, involving various social actors and organizations, we are also interested in everyday politics and micropolitics, arenas where anthropology proves especially adept. It is at the intersection of these multiple levels and where the field of politics is constituted in practice that we situate the analytical focus of the anthropology of Islam and politics in this Special Issue of theJournal of the Royal Anthropological Institute.RésuméLes auteurs s'intéressent ici à la longue, et parfois problématique histoire, de l'étude de l'islam et des sociétés musulmanes par l'anthropologie. L'accent est mis plus précisément sur une réflexion critique relative aux débats anthropologiques actuels sur les liens entre islam et politique, et sur l'exploration de nouveaux termes d'analyse. Tout en prêtant de l'attention à l'État et aux institutions politiques, impliquant différents acteurs sociaux et organisations, nous nous intéressons également à la politique au quotidien et à la micropolitique, domaines dans lesquels l'anthropologie s'avère particulièrement compétente. C'est à l'intersection de ces multiples niveaux, et là où le champ du politique est constitué dans la pratique, que nous situons le point focal de l'analyse anthropologique de l'islam et du politique dans ce numéro spécial duJournal of the Royal Anthropological Institute.