В данной статье рассматриваются условия реализации митигативной стратегии в испанской и итальянской деловой письменной коммуникации. Делается попытка определить, является ли митигация стратегией или тактикой в деловом общении. В этой связи рассматриваются эти два понятия, заимствованные многими науками, в том числе и лингвистической, из военной терминологии. В данной работе митигация рассматривается как коммуникативная стратегия, предполагающая использование ряда тактических приемов, для реализации которых задействуются языковые средства. Коммуникативная категория митигации рассматривается как элемент коммуникативного сознания, регулирующий коммуникативное поведение участников коммуникации. Исследуется прагматическая категория категоричности высказывания и языковые средства ее смягчения, реализующие коммуникативную митигацию. Коммуникативная категория митигации (от латинского глагола 'mitigare' - смягчать) связана с уменьшением иллокутивной силы воздействия на адресата в особых коммуникативных ситуациях, а именно, в потенциально конфликтных ситуациях, достаточно часто возникающих в деловом общении. Стратегии митигации, как и тактические приемы ее реализации, являются предметом исследования также и в науках, связанных с менеджментом. Они представляют значительный интерес для политиков, журналистов и т.д. С одной стороны, митигативные стратегии рассматриваются в связи с категориями сотрудничества, вежливости, доверия, толерантности, не доминирования и равенства, с другой, конфликтности и соперничества, доминирования и неравенства. В статье отмечается, что, будучи связанной с вежливостью и смягчением категоричности, митигация тем не менее не является их синонимом. Митигация – это стратегия, средства выражения вежливости и смягчения категоричности – лишь некоторые из ряда средств, приемов и ходов, которые тактически используются при этой коммуникативной стратегии. Исследуются лингвистические характеристики и прагматические инструменты речевого взаимодействия коммуникантов в процессе актуализации их коммуникативных намерений. Речевое поведение участников деловой переписки выстраивается посредством реализации коммуникативной стратегии, которая определяется как комплекс прагмаориентированных речевых действий, направленных на достижение коммуникативной цели с использованием речевых тактик, способствующих реализации этой стратегии. В ходе исследования делаются выводы относительно роли прагмалингвистических инструментов реализации коммуникативной стратегии митигации в достижении успешности деловой коммуникации и перлокутивного эффекта. ; У даній статті розглядаються умови реалізації мітігативної стратегії в іспанській і італійській діловій письмовій комунікації. Робиться спроба визначити, чи є мітігація стратегією чи тактикою у діловому спілкуванні. У зв'язку з цим розглядаються ці два поняття, запозичені багатьма науками, в тому числі і лінгвістичною, з військової термінології. У даній роботі мітігація розуміється як комунікативна стратегія, що передбачає використання низки тактичних прийомів, для реалізації яких залучаються мовні засоби. Комунікативна категорія мітігаціі розглядається як елемент комунікативної свідомості, що регулює комунікативну поведінку учасників комунікації. Досліджується прагматична категорія категоричності висловлювання і мовні засоби її пом'якшення, що реалізують комунікативну мітігацію. Комунікативна категорія мітігаціі (від латинського дієслова 'mitigare' - пом'якшувати) пов'язана зі зменшенням іллокутивної сили впливу на адресата в особливих комунікативних ситуаціях, а саме, в потенційно конфліктних ситуаціях, що досить часто виникають в діловому спілкуванні. Стратегії мітігаціі, як і тактичні прийоми її реалізації, є предметом дослідження також і в науках, пов'язаних з менеджментом. Вони становлять значний інтерес для політиків, журналістів і т.д. З одного боку, мітігативні стратегії розглядаються у зв'язку з категоріями співпраці, ввічливості, довіри, толерантності, не домінування і рівності, з іншого, конфліктності і суперництва, домінування і нерівності. У статті наголошується, що, будучи пов'язаною з ввічливістю і пом'якшенням категоричності, мітігація проте не є їхнім синонімом. Мітігація - це стратегія, а засоби вираження ввічливості і пом'якшення категоричності – це лише деякі з ряду засобів, прийомів і ходів, які тактично використовуються при цій стратегії. Досліджуються лінгвістичні характеристики і прагматичні інструменти мовної взаємодії комунікантів у процесі актуалізації їх комунікативних намірів. Мовна поведінка учасників ділового листування вибудовується за допомогою реалізації комунікативної стратегії, яка визначається як комплекс прагмаоріентованих мовних дій, спрямованих на досягнення комунікативної мети з використанням мовних тактик, що сприяють реалізації цієї стратегії. В ході дослідження робляться висновки щодо ролі прагмалінгвістичних інструментів реалізації комунікативної стратегії мітігаціі в досягненні успішності ділової комунікації та перлокутивного ефекту. ; This article examines the conditions for the implementation of the mixing strategy in Spanish and Italian business writing communications. An attempt is being made to determine whether mitigation is a strategy or tactic in business communication. In this regard, these two concepts borrowed from many sciences, including linguistic, from military terminology are considered. In this paper, the mitigation is considered as a communicative strategy involving the use of a number of tactical techniques for the implementation of which language means are involved. Communicative category of mitigation considered as an element of communicative consciousness, which regulates the communicative behavior of communication participants. The linguistic pragmatics category of categorical utterance and linguistic means of its softening that realize communicative mitigation are investigated. The communicative category of mitigation (from the Latin verb 'mitigare' - to mitigate) is associated with a decrease in the illocutionary force of influence on the addressee in special communicative situations, namely, in potentially conflicting situations that often arise in business communication. Strategy mitigation, as well as tactical techniques of its implementation, is also the subject of research in the sciences related to management. They are of considerable interest to politicians, journalists, etc. On the one hand, the mixing strategies are considered in connection with the categories of cooperation, courtesy, trust, tolerance, non-domination and equality, on the other, conflict and rivalry, domination and inequality. The article states that, being associated with courtesy and mitigation of categoricality, tying however not their synonym is. Mitigation is a strategy, a means of expressing courtesy and softening categorical manner of statement - just some of the number of tools, techniques and moves tactically used in this communicative strategy. The linguistic characteristics and pragmatic tools of communicative language interaction in the process of updating their communicative intentions are studied. The linguistic behavior of participants in business correspondence is structured through the implementation of a communicative strategy, which is defined as a complex of pragmatically oriented speech actions aimed at achieving a communicative goal with the use of language tactics that contribute to the implementation of this strategy. In the course of the study, we draw conclusions about the role of pragmalinguistic tools for realizing the communicative strategy of mitigation in achieving success in business communication and the perlocutive effect.
The text is an attempt to analyze the international political situation in the security sector in the context of the crisis which has arisen as a result of the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation in relation to Ukraine: in particular the forcible annexation of the sovereign territory of Ukraine in violation of all the principles and norms of international law and the inspiration of the armed conflict in the eastern regions of Ukraine. For the first time after the end of the World War II aggression has become a fact of reality in European politics. Pan-European and transatlantic security institution – the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe – was not sufficiently effective mechanism for crisis management. In two years, the conflict in eastern Ukraine killed about 10 thousand men. The conflict in Eastern Ukraine has radically changed the perception of security in Europe. The problem is that Ukraine, like most of the "new democracies" of Eastern Europe as a result of the transformation processes of the early 90th appeared in a "gray zone" of security. Most of the Eastern European countries overcame the security gap by joining NATO/EU. At the same time, Ukraine remained in the buffer zone and became an object of intense economic, political, informational and military pressure from the Russian Federation. As a result, Ukraine is forced to rely primarily on their own capabilities and the military-industrial potential (not being part of the European collective defense/security), on the other – the international political, economic, informational support from the international community plays a key role in the possibility of Ukraine resist aggression. However, the crisis has led to a certain re-evaluation of existing regional security system: 1) The failure of attempts to build a pan-European security system became obvious; 2) The OSCE in Ukrainian crisis has created a platform for the negotiations and the peace process, but did not provide, at least until now, the mechanism of a real resolution to the crisis; 3) The question of inefficiency, lack of prospects and obsolescence of NATO as a collective security organization may be withdrawn from the agenda; 4) There is an activization of existing and search for new formats of cooperation between European countries in the development and improvement of the international security system in Europe. ; W artykule podjęto próbę analizy bezpieczeństwa w wymiarze polityczno-międzynarodowym w kontekście kryzysu wywołanego agresywnymi działaniami Federacji Rosyjskiej wobec Ukrainy – w szczególności aneksji części terytorium Ukrainy przy użyciu siły z pogwałceniem wszelkich norm prawa międzynarodowego oraz "instalacji" konfliktu zbrojnego we wschodnich obwodach państwa ukraińskiego. Po raz pierwszy od zakończenia II wojny światowej agresja stała się rzeczywistością polityki europejskiej. Ponadto ogólnoeuropejskie i transatlantyckie struktury bezpieczeństwa – Organizacja Bezpieczeństwa i Współpracy w Europie – nie jest zbyt efektywnym mechanizmem zarządzania kryzysowego. W ciągu dwóch lat konfliktu zginęło ok. 10 tys. osób. Konflikt na wschodzie Ukrainy radykalnie zmienił postrzeganie bezpieczeństwa na kontynencie europejskim. Problemem jest to, że Ukraina jak większość "nowych demokracji" Europy Wschodniej w wyniku procesów transformacyjnych znalazła się w szarej strefie bezpieczeństwa. Większość wschodnioeuropejskich państw rozwiązało problem security gap, wstępując do NATO i UE, podczas gdy Ukraina pozostała w szarej strefie, stając się celem ekonomicznych, politycznych, informacyjnych i wojskowych nacisków ze strony Federacji Rosyjskiej. Po pierwsze, w wyniku rozwoju kryzysu Ukraina jest zmuszona w pierwszej kolejności liczyć na własne możliwości i potencjał wojskowo-przemysłowy (nie będąc częścią europejskiego systemu bezpieczeństwa kolektywnego/obronnego). Po drugie, wsparcie polityczne, ekonomiczne i informacyjne ze strony społeczności międzynarodowej odgrywa kluczowe znaczenie w kontekście przeciwstawienia się Ukrainy rosyjskiej agresji. Razem z tym kryzys doprowadził do przewartościowań w zakresie istniejących w regionie systemów bezpieczeństwa: 1) możemy konstatować nieudane próby wybudowania ogólnoeuropejskich mechanizmów zagwarantowania bezpieczeństwa; 2) OBWE stworzyło platformę rozmów w ramach pokojowego rozwiązania konfliktu, ale nie wybudowała do tej pory realnego mechanizmu rozwiązania konfliktu; 3) NATO jako system bezpieczeństwa kolektywnego nie powinno być traktowane w kategoriach nieefektywności, archaiczności i braku perspektyw; 4) pojawiły się formy aktywizacji istniejących i poszukiwanie nowych form współpracy pomiędzy państwami europejskimi w celu rozwoju i doskonalenia systemów bezpieczeństwa międzynarodowego w Europie. ; Текст является попыткой анализа международно-политической ситуации в секторе безопасности в контексте кризиса, возникшего в результате агрессивных действий Российской Федерации по отношению к Украине: в частности насильственная аннексия части суверенной территории Украины в нарушение всех принципов и норм международного права и инспирирования вооруженного конфликта в восточных областях украинского государства. Впервые после завершения Второй мировой войны агрессия стала фактом действительности европейской политики. При этом общеевропейская и трансатлантическая структура безопасности – Организация по безопасности и сотрудничеству в Европе – оказалась не достаточно эффективным механизмом кризисного урегулирования. За два года конфликта погибло около 10 тыс. человек. Конфликт на востоке Украины радикально изменил восприятие безопасности на европейском континенте. Проблемой стало то, что Украина, как и большинство «новых демократий» Восточной Европы в результате трансформационных процессов начала 90-х гг. оказались в «серой зоне» безопасности». Большинство восточно-европейских государств решило проблему security gap путем присоединения к НАТО/ЕС. В то же время Украина остались в этой «зоне» и стала объектом интенсивного экономического, политического, информационного и военного давления со стороны Российской Федерации. В результате развития кризиса с одной стороны Украина вынуждена полагаться в первую очередь на свои собственные возможности и военно-промышленный потенциал (не будучи частью европейской системы коллективной обороны/безопасности), с другой – международно-политическая, экономическая, информационная поддержка со стороны международного сообщества играет ключевую роль в возможности Украины противостоять агрессии. Вместе с тем, кризис привел к определенной переоценке существующих в регионе систем безопасности: 1) Можно засвидетельствовать провал попыток выстроить общеевропейские механиз- мы обеспечения безопасности; 2) ОБСЕ создала платформу для переговоров и мирного процесса, но не обеспечила, по крайней мере, до сих пор, механизма реального урегулирования кризиса; 3) Вопрос о неэффективности, бесперспективности и устарелости НАТО как организации коллективной безопасности может быть снят с повестки дня; 4) Происходить активизация существующих и поиск новых форматов сотрудничества между европейскими государствами в целях развития и усовершенствования системы международной безопасности в Европе.
Part I - Theoretical aspects: addiction as a chronic disease Introduction: addiction is a frequent, serious and chronic disease. However, companies focus, mostly in a repressive mode, on acute damage following a consumption of psychoactive substances (SPA), not distinguishing addiction as a chronic disease from simple use without addiction. Addiction: addiction depending on individual, environmental and addictive risk factors is a pathological modality of use of a gratification object whose main symptom is craving. Relapse signs the diagnosis of the disease. Interaction between addiction and employment: the interaction between employment and addiction is complex, with work sometimes encouraging consumption. Legislation regulates consumption and national action plans work towards a better management of addiction. All the actors of the company, in a collective prevention approach, are concerned with maintaining the employment of these employees. The occupational physician, through a diagnostic diagnosis and an orientation towards the medicine of care plays a central role. Conclusion: the occupational physician, following several episodes of consumption in the workplace of an employee must question the existence of an addiction, a chronic pathology to integrate into the world of work. Reflection is needed on the allocation of RQTH (official recognition of a person's status as a worker with a disability) for addiction as well as the creation of charters between health centers and occupational health services. Finally, the role of the company is essential. Part II - Analyses from the ADDICTAQUI cohort. Objectives : to examine the possible associations between severity and type of addiction on the one hand, employment and resources on the other hand, in subjects taken in charge for their addiction. Method : patients were recruited from the prospective ADDICTAQUI cohort. A descriptive and cross-sectional analysis of the basic Addiction Severity Index data from a sample of this cohort followed by a prospective analysis at 18 months (± 6 months) of a subsample were performed. Results: 2143 patients were included, of which 67% were men (mean age 37.7 years). There was no significant difference in the SV mean of the main addiction object according to employment status (p = 0.11). A significant correlation (p <0.001) was found between the SV of the main addiction object and the employment / resources SV (Pearson, r = 0.14). The SV employment / resources differed depending on the object of addiction (3.3 for opiates and 1.5 for tobacco). In a sub-sample (n = 147), more than 80% (n = 127) of patients improved. Changes in the severity of addiction were not associated with employment status or changes in employment / resource severity. Discussion: the severity of addiction and its development are not related solely to the employment factor. The medical management of addiction is effective since the majority of patients improve at 18 months. Faced with the existence of a duality between retention at the workplace and orientation towards care medicine, the occupational physician must give preference to access to care for the employee with an addiction. ; Partie I - Aspects théoriques : l'addiction en tant que maladie chronique. Introduction : l'addiction est une maladie fréquente, grave et chronique. Pourtant les entreprises s'intéressent, le plus souvent sur un mode répressif, aux dommages aigus faisant suite une consommation de substances psychoactives (SPA), ne distinguant pas l'addiction comme maladie chronique d'un usage simple sans addiction. Addiction : l'addiction dépendant de facteurs de risque individuels, environnementaux et liés l'objet d'addiction, est une modalité pathologique d'utilisation d'un objet de gratification dont le symptôme essentiel est le craving. La rechute signe le diagnostic de la maladie. Interaction entre addiction et emploi : l'interaction entre l'emploi et l'addiction est complexe, le travail favorisant parfois les consommations. La législation encadre les consommations et les plans d'action nationaux œuvrent pour une meilleure prise en charge de l'addiction. Tous les acteurs de l'entreprise, dans une démarche de prévention collective, sont concernés par le maintien dans l'emploi de ces salariés. Le médecin du travail, par un repérage diagnostic et une orientation vers la médecine de soins joue un rôle central. Conclusion : le médecin du travail, suite plusieurs épisodes de consommation sur le lieu de travail chez un salarié doit s'interroger sur l'existence d'une addiction, pathologie chronique intégrer dans le monde du travail. Une réflexion est à mener sur l'attribution de RQTH pour l'addiction ainsi que sur la création de chartes entre les centres de soins et les services de santé au travail. Enfin, le rôle de l'entreprise est essentiel. Partie II – Analyses issues de la cohorte ADDICTAQUI Objectif: examiner les associations possibles entre la sévérité et le type d'addiction d'une part, l'emploi et les ressources d'autre part chez des sujets pris en charge pour leur addiction. Méthode: les patients ont été recrutés à partir de la cohorte prospective ADDICTAQUI. Une analyse descriptive et transversale des données des ASI (Addiction Severity Index) de base d'un échantillon de cette cohorte puis une analyse prospective 18 mois (± 6mois) d'un sous- échantillon ont été réalisés. Résultats: 2143 patients étaient inclus, dont 67% hommes (âge moyen 37,7 ans). Il n'a pas été retrouvé de différence significative de moyenne du SV de l'objet principal d'addiction selon le statut d'emploi (p=0,11). Il a été retrouvé une corrélation significative (p<0,001) entre le SV de l'objet principal d'addiction et le SV emploi/ressources (Pearson, r = 0,14). Le SV emploi/ressources différait selon l'objet d'addiction (3,3 pour les opiacés et 1,5 pour le tabac). Dans un sous- échantillon (n=147), plus de 80 % (n=127) des patients s'amélioraient. L'évolution de la sévérité de l'addiction n'était pas associée au statut d'emploi ni l'évolution de la sévérité emploi / ressources. Discussion: la sévérité de l'addiction et son évolution ne sont pas liées au seul facteur emploi. La prise en charge médicale de l'addiction est efficace puisque la majorité des patients s'améliorent 18 mois. Face l'existence d'une dualité entre le maintien au poste de travail et l'orientation vers la médecine de soin, le médecin du travail doit privilégier l'accès au soin pour le salarié présentant une addiction.
BACKGROUND AND MOTIVATION The particular exploration of new ways of interactions between society and Information Communication Technologies (ICT) with a focus on the Humanities has the potential to become a key success factor for the values and competitiveness of the Nordic region, having in mind recent EU and regional political discussions in the field of Digital Humanities (European Commission, 2016; Vetenskapsrådet's Rådet för forskningens infrastrukturer, 2014). Digital Humanities (DH) is a diverse and still emerging field that lies at the intersection of ICT and Humanities, which is being continually formulated by scholars and practitioners in a range of disciplines (see, for example, Svensson & Goldberg, 2015; Gardiner & Musto, 2015; Schreibman, Siemens, & Unsworth, 2016). The following are examples of current areas of fields and topics: text-analytic techniques, categorization, data mining; Social Network Analysis (SNA) and bibliometrics; metadata and tagging; Geographic Information Systems (GIS); multimedia and interactive games; visualisation; media. DARIAH-EU (http://dariah.eu), is Europe's largest initiative on DH, comprising over 300 researchers in 18 countries, thereby opening up opportunities for international collaboration and projects. Of Nordic countries, Denmark is the full partner with four universities, Copenhagen, Aarhus, Aalborg and University of Southern Denmark. Danish DARIAH activities are facilitated by the national DH Infrastructure DIGHUMLAB, hosted at the DARIAH-DK coordinating institution, Aarhus University. Sweden's first university, Linnaeus University, joined in May 2016 as a collaborative partner. Finland (University of Helsinki) and Norway (Norwegian University of Science and Technology) have taken action to join by the end of 2016 also, as collaborative partners. The idea of forming the Nordic Hub of DARIAH-EU has been recently brought forward by Mike Mertens, the Head of DARIAH-EU. It was met by enthusiasm among the representatives of the listed universities, who would at this panel like to present and discuss possible joint opportunities and challenges in Nordic DH. With its tradition in supporting the Humanities research and development, Nordic countries may serve as a bastion for (Digital) Humanities. The Nordic Hub of DARIAH-EU may pay the way forward towards reaching that aim. CURRENT EFFORTS (PROJECTS, R&D AND EDUCATION) Koraljka Golub and Marcelo Milrad will present and analyse the cross-sector and cross-disciplinary Digital Humanities Initiative at Linnaeus University along the axes of its strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats. Their long-term vision is to create a leading education in this field and to establish a leading research regional centre that combines in novel ways already existing expertise from different departments and faculties working in close collaboration and co-creation with people and different organizations (both public and private sector) from the surrounding society. Marianne Ping Huang will present the Danish DIGHUMLAB, with specific focus on the DARIAH-related activities with the national DH research infrastructure, which is now bidding for its second period on the DK road map for research infrastructures. The presentation will include a presentation of the Danish participation for DH and open cross sectorial innovation with DARIAH Humanities at Scale (2015-2017) and how this intersects with Aarhus being European Capital of Culture 2017. Mikko Tolonen and Inés Matres will present the ongoing development at the University of Helsinki (and in Finland) regarding digital humanities. This includes the recently launched Heldig (digital humanities centre https://www.helsinki.fi/en/researchgroups/helsinki-digital-humanities) and how it can relate to collaboration in Dariah. Matres will also discuss a survey about Finnish needs about networking within Dariah that she has been mapping before Växjö conference. Andreas Bergsland will discuss the role of digital humanities (DH) at NTNU, a technology and science university with an explicit mission of public humanities. He will present several ongoing initiatives: the ARTEC interdisciplinary task force, DH projects in linguistics, print and sound cultures, digital storytelling and performance, archives, and pedagogy. Bergsland will conclude by reflecting on the opportunities and challenges of promoting critical, sustainable, ethical, and interdisciplinary DH at NTNU in partnership with academic and nonacademic actors and local and global networks such as DARIAH. PROSPECTS AND CHALLENGES Major opportunities in DH in Nordic countries lie in the collaborative democratic tradition that supports re- combining already existing expertise and resources encompassing 1) different universities, 2) various disciplines, and 3) the wider community through input from related public and private sectors. These points serve to unite and consolidate already existing expertise in order to create new constellations for collaboration leading to new knowledge and products (expertise, education, research, public and relevant commercial services). Possibilities to collaborate across Nordic countries can take place at a number of levels, including joint research and innovation, education efforts, expertise and experience exchange, bringing in international views to address more regional challenges. Ensuing important value for the general public could be a (re)-affirmation of the value of humanities in particular, and academic practices in general. Challenges would be discussed in terms of the emerging job market, the low number of students pursuing carriers in humanities at the Master level (e.g., in Sweden), and the fact that DH as a field is still in its infancy, leading to it being quite difficult to get funding and grants to carry out long-term research that sustain our efforts over time. Not the least, epistemological, conceptual and terminological differences in approaches by the different disciplines and sectors may present further challenges and therefore may require additional resources to reach an understanding. Further, while there is a strong collaborative spirit across Nordic countries, there will certainly be administrative issues with cross-university collaboration as the current working structures are based on individual units. REFERENCES European Commission. (2016). Horizon 2020: Social Sciences & Humanities. Available at https://ec.europa.eu/programmes/horizon2020/en/area/social-sciences-humanities Gardiner, E. and Musto, R. G. (2015). The Digital Humanities: A Primer for Students and Scholars. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Vetenskapsrådet's Rådet för forskningens infrastrukturer. (2014). Områdesöverikt för forskningens infrastrukturer. Available at http://www.vr.se/download/18.2302fa711489c4798d4a35fa/1411461229423/Samtliga+områden+infrastruktur.pdf Schreibman, S., Siemens, R., and Unsworth, J. (2016). A New Companion to Digital Humanities. (2nd ed.). Malden, MA; Chichester, West Sussex, UK: Wiley-Blackwell. Svensson, P., and Goldberg, D. T. (Eds.). (2015). Between Humanities and the Digital. Cambridge, Ma.: MIT Press.
We thank CERN for the very successful operation of the LHC, as well as the support staff from our institutions without whom ATLAS could not be operated efficiently. We acknowledge the support of ANPCyT, Argentina; YerPhI, Armenia; ARC, Australia; BMWFW and FWF, Austria; ANAS, Azerbaijan; SSTC, Belarus; CNPq and FAPESP, Brazil; NSERC, NRC and CFI, Canada; CERN; CONICYT, Chile; CAS, MOST and NSFC, China; COLCIENCIAS, Colombia; MSMT CR, MPO CR and VSC CR, Czech Republic; DNRF, DNSRC and Lundbeck Foundation, Denmark; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DSM/IRFU, France; GNSF, Georgia; BMBF, HGF, and MPG, Germany; GSRT, Greece; RGC, Hong Kong SAR, China; ISF, I-CORE and Benoziyo Center, Israel; INFN, Italy; MEXT and JSPS, Japan; CNRST, Morocco; FOM and NWO, Netherlands; RCN, Norway; MNiSW and NCN, Poland; FCT, Portugal; MNE/IFA, Romania; MES of Russia and NRC KI, Russian Federation; JINR; MESTD, Serbia; MSSR, Slovakia; ARRS and MIZS, Slovenia; DST/NRF, South Africa; MINECO, Spain; SRC and Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden; SERI, SNSF and Cantons of Bern and Geneva, Switzerland; MOST, Taiwan; TAEK, Turkey; STFC, United Kingdom; DOE and NSF, United States of America. In addition, individual groups and members have received support from BCKDF, the Canada Council, CANARIE, CRC, Compute Canada, FQRNT, and the Ontario Innovation Trust, Canada; EPLANET, ERC, FP7, Horizon 2020 and Marie Sklodowska-Curie Actions, European Union; Investissements d'Avenir Labex and Idex, ANR, Region Auvergne and Fondation Partager le Savoir, France; DFG and AvH Foundation, Germany; Herakleitos, Thales and Aristeia programmes co-financed by EU-ESF and the Greek NSRF; BSF, GIF and Minerva, Israel; BRF, Norway; the Royal Society and Leverhulme Trust, United Kingdom. The crucial computing support from all WLCG partners is acknowledged gratefully, in particular from CERN and the ATLAS Tier-1 facilities at TRIUMF (Canada), NDGF (Denmark, Norway, Sweden), CC-IN2P3 (France), KIT/GridKA (Germany), INFN-CNAF (Italy), NL-T1 (Netherlands), PIC (Spain), ASGC (Taiwan), RAL (UK) and BNL (USA) and in the Tier-2 facilities worldwide. ; ATLAS has measured two-particle correlations as a function of the relative azimuthal angle, Δϕ, and pseudorapidity, Δη, in √s=13 and 2.76 TeV pp collisions at the LHC using charged particles measured in the pseudorapidity interval |η|<2.5. The correlation functions evaluated in different intervals of measured charged-particle multiplicity show a multiplicity-dependent enhancement at Δϕ∼0 that extends over a wide range of Δη, which has been referred to as the "ridge." Per-trigger-particle yields, Y(Δϕ), are measured over 2<|Δη|<5. For both collision energies, the Y(Δϕ) distribution in all multiplicity intervals is found to be consistent with a linear combination of the per-trigger-particle yields measured in collisions with less than 20 reconstructed tracks, and a constant combinatoric contribution modulated by cos(2Δϕ). The fitted Fourier coefficient, v2,2, exhibits factorization, suggesting that the ridge results from per-event cos(2ϕ) modulation of the single-particle distribution with Fourier coefficients v2. The v2 values are presented as a function of multiplicity and transverse momentum. They are found to be approximately constant as a function of multiplicity and to have a pT dependence similar to that measured in p+Pb and Pb+Pb collisions. The v2 values in the 13 and 2.76 TeV data are consistent within uncertainties. These results suggest that the ridge in pp collisions arises from the same or similar underlying physics as observed in p+Pb collisions, and that the dynamics responsible for the ridge has no strong √s dependence. ; ANPCyT ; YerPhI, Armenia ; Australian Research Council ; BMWFW, Austria ; Austrian Science Fund (FWF) ; Azerbaijan National Academy of Sciences (ANAS) ; SSTC, Belarus ; National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq) ; Fundacao de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de Sao Paulo (FAPESP) ; Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council of Canada ; NRC, Canada ; Canada Foundation for Innovation ; CERN ; Comision Nacional de Investigacion Cientifica y Tecnologica (CONICYT) ; Chinese Academy of Sciences ; Ministry of Science and Technology, China ; National Natural Science Foundation of China ; Departamento Administrativo de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Innovacion Colciencias ; Ministry of Education, Youth & Sports - Czech Republic Czech Republic Government ; DNRF, Denmark ; Danish Natural Science Research Council ; Lundbeckfonden ; IN2P3-CNRS, CEA-DSM/IRFU, France ; GNSF, Georgia ; Federal Ministry of Education & Research (BMBF) ; HGF, Germany ; Max Planck Society ; Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT ; Hong Kong Research Grants Council ; Israel Science Foundation ; I-CORE, Israel ; Benoziyo Center, Israel ; Istituto Nazionale di Fisica Nucleare (INFN) ; Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology, Japan (MEXT) Japan Society for the Promotion of Science ; CNRST, Morocco ; FOM (The Netherlands) Netherlands Government ; Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research (NWO) Netherlands Government ; RCN, Norway ; Ministry of Science and Higher Education, Poland ; NCN, Poland ; Portuguese Foundation for Science and Technology ; MNE/IFA, Romania ; Russian Federation ; NRC KI, Russian Federation ; JINR ; MESTD, Serbia ; MSSR, Slovakia ; Slovenian Research Agency - Slovenia ; MIZS, Slovenia ; DST/NRF, South Africa ; MINECO, Spain ; SRC, Sweden ; Wallenberg Foundation, Sweden ; SERI, Switzerland ; Swiss National Science Foundation (SNSF) ; Canton of Bern, Switzerland ; Canton of Geneva, Switzerland ; Ministry of Science and Technology, Taiwan ; Ministry of Energy & Natural Resources - Turkey ; United States Department of Energy (DOE) ; National Science Foundation (NSF) ; BCKDF, Canada ; Canada Council, Canada ; CANARIE, Canada ; CRC, Canada ; Compute Canada, Canada ; FQRNT ; Ontario Innovation Trust, Canada ; European Union (EU) ; European Union (EU) European Research Council (ERC) ; Horizon, European Union ; French National Research Agency (ANR) ; Region Auvergne-Rhone-Alpes ; Fondation Partager le Savoir, France ; German Research Foundation (DFG) ; Alexander von Humboldt Foundation ; Herakleitos programme - EU-ESF ; Thales programme - EU-ESF ; Aristeia programme - EU-ESF ; Greek Ministry of Development-GSRT ; US-Israel Binational Science Foundation ; German-Israeli Foundation for Scientific Research and Development ; Minerva, Israel ; BRF, Norway ; Leverhulme Trust ; Royal Society of London ; Science & Technology Facilities Council (STFC) GRIDPP 1366825 ST/N000463/1 PP/E000444/1 ; ICREA
The National University was created in 1973 under a humanist, democratic and inclusive perspective. This house of studies emerged as a higher education option to serve as an alternative offered to the rural and urban social sectors whose access to university education was limited at that time; in addition, its creation responded to the concerns of the new generations of counting with an accessible center of higher studies and academic excellence in the country. Since its creation, the National University adopted the integration of three fundamental pillars for the fulfillment of its raison d'être: teaching, research and extension. This presentation makes emphasis on the university extension as an axis that integrates processes of creation and development of capabilities of its social, institutional and local actors, and social transformation to a higher quality of life for the communities (A, 2009). Over the years, the role of university extension has been weakened, despite the fact that it is one of the components of the university work that permanently interacts with communities and social groups. However, the integration of that function with teaching and an effective feedback of the curriculum profiles through its implementation is not the common characteristic in the academic work. Consequently, this situation has led to the weakening of the extension over the years and, little by little, this function has been relegated and, as popularly said, it is the academic Cinderella maintained thanks to the motivation of some teachers, who make greater efforts despite the inappropriate conditions they face. The School of Planning and Social Promotion represents a particular case of the curricularization of extension in its curriculum. This specifically happens in the third year of career, when doing an annual internship of 12 credits (6 credits per semester). According to the Internship Program (2014), its goal is "to allow a first approach to the communal, institutional and organizational reality, taking into account the institutional framework in which the different social actors (students, teachers, organizations, enterprises, institutions) live a learning process through the participative construction of actions and potential projects for economic, social and environmental development". This student practice aims to facilitate the intrinsical union of the theory-practice in the Economic and Social Planning career. The project, funded by the National Council of Rectors, is called "Equity, and Citizen Participation: Health Promotion and local entrepreneurship in Puriscal (EPASOP)". Its experience serves as a point of departure to support the relevance of the university extension work and student participation. From this approach, it is shown the implications of a curriculum that integrates the extension to the academic training and that generates a student active participation, where the pedagogical process is strengthened with a vision or pedagogical and humanist richness. As added value, this exercise presents the academic, social and individual impact of the curricularization of extension in a university career. ; Recibido: 09/22/2014 Aceptado: 06/27/2016La Universidad Nacional se crea en 1973 bajo una perspectiva humanista, democrática e inclusiva. Esta casa de estudios surge como una alternativa de educación superior, para fungir como alternativa para los sectores sociales rurales y urbanos cuyo acceso a la educación universitaria era limitado en esa época; además, a través de su creación se da respuesta a las inquietudes de las nuevas generaciones de contar en el país con un centro de estudios superiores accesible y de excelencia académica. Desde sus inicios, la UNA se plantea la integración de tres pilares fundamentales para el cumplimiento de su razón de ser: la docencia, la investigación y la extensión. Esta presentación hace énfasis en la extensión universitaria como eje que integra procesos de creación y desarrollo de las capacidades de sus actores sociales, institucionales y locales, y de transformación social para una mayor calidad de vida de las comunidades (UNA, 2009). Con los años, el papel de extensión universitaria se ha debilitado, a pesar de que es uno de los componentes del quehacer universitario que interactúa permanentemente con las comunidades y grupos sociales. Sin embargo, la integración de dicha función con la docencia y la retroalimentación efectiva de los perfiles curriculares a través de su desarrollo no es el común en el quehacer académico. Consecuentemente, dicha situación ha favorecido el debilitamiento de la extensión a través de los años y esta función, poco a poco, se ha visto relegada y, como popularmente se dice, es la cenicienta académica que se mantiene gracias a la motivación de alguna parte de docentes, que realizan mayores esfuerzos a pesar de las condiciones inapropiadas que enfrentan. La Escuela de Planificación y Promoción Social presenta un caso particular con la curricularización de la extensión en su plan de estudios. Esto se da, concretamente, en tercer año de carrera, cuando se realiza una práctica anual, de 12 créditos (6 créditos por semestre). Según el Programa de Práctica (2014), esta tiene como objetivo "permitir un primer acercamiento con la realidad comunal, institucional y organizacional tomando en cuenta el marco institucional, en donde los diferentes actores sociales (estudiantes, profesores, organizaciones, empresas, instituciones) viven un proceso de aprendizaje, mediante la construcción participativa de acciones y potenciales proyectos de desarrollo económico, social y ambiental". Esta práctica estudiantil pretende facilitar la unión intrínseca de la teoría-práctica de la carrera de Planificación Económica y Social. La experiencia del proyecto financiado por el Consejo Nacional de Rectores, denominado: Equidad, y participación ciudadana: Promoción de la salud y emprendedurismo local en el cantón de Puriscal (EPASOP) sirve de partida para fundamentar la relevancia del quehacer de la extensión universitaria y de la participación estudiantil. Se muestra, desde este abordaje, las implicaciones de un plan de estudios que integra la extensión a la formación académica y que genera una participación activa estudiantil, donde se fortalece el proceso pedagógico con una visión o riqueza pedagógica y humanista. Este ejercicio presenta como valor agregado el impacto académico, social e individual de la curricularización de la extensión en una carrera universitaria.
Although terrorism is by no means a new phenomenon, contemporary trans-national terrorist groups are an increasingly prominent source of threat to Australians and Australian interests around the world. Terrorism is not primarily a military problem, yet the severity of the contemporary threat calls for the Australian Defence Force (ADF) to assume a greater share of the counter-terrorism burden. The fight against trans-national terrorism will not be easy; it promises to be long and will involve all elements of national power, including air power. Air Power has the capacity to make a significant contribution to Australia's counter-terrorism efforts and effectively exploiting such a vital 'force enhancer' will benefit Australian national security. Predicting the future strategic environment is an inherently demanding task that seldom produces accurate forecasts. Whilst it is tempting to suggest that low-intensity conflicts and counter-terrorism operations will be the warfighting way of the future, one cannot discount the ever-present, albeit unlikely, threat of a high-impact, conventional military contingency. Australia's involvement in the so-called 'War on Terror' should not become the Royal Australian Air Force's (RAAF) primary strategic focus. However, it must be acknowledged that counter-terrorism has become one of the RAAF's contemporary operational responsibilities and will likely remain so for some time to come. Air power offers preventative counter-terrorism capabilities, as well as providing a capable and responsive force with which to respond to attacks, although the two objectives are not mutually exclusive. Air power is an important part of what must be a 'whole-of-nation' approach to counter-terrorism. It is suited to playing a number of counter-terrorism roles, of which Airlift; Strike; Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (ISR); and Psychological Operations are the four most important. Air power, particularly when used in conjunction with Special Forces, can effectively strike terrorist operatives and infrastructure thereby damaging the groups' short-:-term capacity to conduct further attacks. Air power may be employed extremely effectively against states that harbour insurgents and terrorist groups and can also contribute proficiently to 'soft power' operations such as humanitarian relief efforts. This 'soft power' plays a vital role in reducing the terrorist threat over the longer-term by 'winning the hearts and minds' of local populations, thus creating an environment in which terrorists are unable to operate. Air power capabilities are most effective when integrated with other elements of national power, both military and civil. Likewise, other national security capabilities benefit from the exploitation of air and space platforms. There are a number of factors that inherently limit the effectiveness of air power in the counter-terrorism context however; including characteristics of air power such as impermanence and the fact that military superiority does not necessarily dissuade a nonstate terrorist adversary. The RAAF must also contend with both domestic and international legal norms. Domestically, state and federal law enforcement as well as civil intelligence agencies have primary counter-terrorism jurisdiction, with the military simply playing a supportive role. Also, a terrorist attack on Australian interests will most likely materialise within the territorial confines of another sovereign state . Thus, vii ( ( ( ( I ( ' ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( ( I contributions to the US-led 'War on Terror' aside , the ADF cannot expect to play a consistently active role in counter-terrorism abroad unless granted permission to do so by the relevant foreign government. . Air power should be employed with considerable restraint during counter-terrorism operations, so as to avoid undermining rather than bolstering Australia's long-term security interests. Pre-emptive air strikes against terrorist targets may in certain circumstances be appropriate and necessary; however they can also provoke further terrorist attacks, anger local populations and alienate essential allies. Air strikes also inherently risk causing collateral damage, particularly in complex warfighting environments where terrorists often dwell, although developments in Precision Guided Munitions and non-lethal, low yield weapons promise to minimise this problem. With these considerations in mind , the RAAF should employ air power against terrorist adversaries only when in compliance with the strict criteria of Effects Based Operations. This strategic approach to the application of military force maintains a defined national end state (in this case, Australians and Australian interests free from the threat of transnational terrorism) as its pre-eminent objective. Tactical victories such as the accurate killing of a terrorist leader are only assessed in terms of the overall effects such operations have on the process of achieving such defined national objectives, taking into account the primary and subsequent effects any action will have. Despite the increased threat posed by trans-national terrorism and the RAAF's ensuing heightened operational tempo, no major changes to RAAF force structures are necessary, nor is the RAAF lacking any significant capabilities that are not being addressed by the Defence Capability Plan. The likelihood of a conventional attack on Australia, although currently very low, is not non-existent and may increase in future. Moreover, forces structured primarily for counter-terrorism will be unable to effectively protect Australia from a high-impact military challenge. Therefore, the RAAF, and the ADF in general, must continue to structure its forces to deal with high-impact, conventional military contingencies. In doing so, the RAAF will also be able to contribute effectively to counter-terrorism efforts (and it has done so already) particularly if air power capabilities are tailored to better suit the demands of counter-terrorism. The AIR6000 project remains the most significant future capability development, and although optimised for more conventional conflict scenarios, the multi-role Joint Strike Fighter will be flexible enough to be an effective counter-terrorism tool. Moreover, the Unmanned Aerial Vehicle component of AIR7000 will enhance the RAAF's crucial counter-terrorism ISR capability; particularly in terms of persistence. In short, in order to contribute more effectively to counter-terrorism efforts, the RAAF should simply tailor its existing and proposed platforms, weapons and training, without a major shift in either its strategic priorities or RAAF force structures. No element of national power can effectively tackle trans-national terrorism single-handedly, nor can any state. However, air power is a valuable and capable instrument that can and should be utilised by Government in a 'whole-of-nation' counter-terrorism effort.
Woodlard (1998: 16) states: "The equation of language and nation is not a natural fact but rather a historical, ideological construct". Based on that, this study serves to point out how the change of political, social and cultural ideologies of the January generation led to a similar change in their language ideology and consequently a remarkable change in their use of written Arabic. The attempt is to answer the following questions: How do new language ideologies reflect on the practices of written Arabic, and how to map these to certain genres or social contexts? How can the power of changing language ideologies help in revitalizing Arabic and connecting it to the international community? To achieve this, the study depends on a qualitative approach of analyzing and discussing written practices introduced in the years following January 2011. The study falls in four sections: the first is an introduction to the concept of language ideology and its role in shaping the linguistic practices and features that get selected for cultural attention and social marking (Schieffelin & Doucet 1998). Section two presents the literature on the history of standardizing Arabic and a description of the crucial issue of diglossia (Ferguson 1959, 1996; Eisele 2002) in Egypt and the Arab world. Section three discusses the relationship between language and politics as well as language ideologies behind the different conflicting language varieties. Section four investigates the changes that took place in the language ideologies held by the Egyptian youth after the January 2011 by the means of analyzing and discussing data extracted from written practices of variable genres of media. Finally, the study suggests some approaches to revitalize the Arabic language by deploying different ideologies in the sense of using this diversity for the benefit of the language. ; Assiut University, Egypt ; Walaa Hassan is an Associate Professor of Linguistics at the English Department, Faculty of Arts, Assiut University, Egypt. She received her PhD in Linguistics from Assiut University, Egypt, and Michigan State University, USA (a collaborative program administered jointly by both Assiut University and Michigan State University). She has also been a researcher and a language consultant for 6 months at MSU, USA. Her research is in the area of comparative Arabic-English analysis, particularly the syntax-semantics interface, comparative syntax, and the lexicalization of loanwords into Arabic. 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We focus here on one year: 1936. François Colbert recognizes four models of State (State in the sense of nation). The models concern the cultural politics of each type of State. One State model is the Sponsor State. The typical example is England. But in 36, this Sponsor State was not very active yet. The BBC just decided not to promote any continental modernism, and particularly not the Germanic one. Edward Clarck, who was a Schönberg's pupil, left then the Corporation. Finally, we couldn't find any remarkable work composed in England (or in Canada, another sponsor State), during 36. But it is true that Elgar just died two years before and Britten would start to compose only one year after.France would present another model. It might be an Architect State, notably from 36 on, because of the new social government, le Front Populaire of Leon Blum. In june, it generated the first "congés payés", the first payed holidays: two weeks of vacation given to the workers. A song of 36 (Quand on se promène au bord de l'eau performed by Jean Gabin) speaks about this new society of hobbies, now possible for every worker.Christopher L. Moore underlines the cultural interventionism of this French Architect State, a research of a real « modernisme populaire ». The result has not passed clearly the exam of posterity. There is, for example, the Suite provençale by Darius Milhaud. This Mediterranean work perhaps resounds with the idea of holiday, so with the new "congés payés". That occupies the popular aspect. For the modernist one: it is polytonal.But another Mediterranean music, recorded in august 36, is far more famous in France today, perhaps more than any orchestral work of 36, even Litanies à la Vierge noire by Poulenc or Poèmes pour mi by the young Messiaen. This Marinella, song by Tino Rossi, doesn't work for a "modernisme populaire", but for an industrial aesthetics, that of the recording company. Adorno's great fear about cultural industry is already pertinent in this time. Because Marinella has become the "music of the front populaire", according to Yves Borowice, and perhaps the most famous French musical work of 36, still now.Another model is the Aesthetical State, that of the totalitarian regimes. The dictators personally rule many affairs, including aesthetical ones. Stalin wrote a musical critic of Chostakovitch in January (36). According to Laurent Feneyrou, the Wagnerian Gesamtkunstwerk was the model of the Nazi State. And Hitler began with studying painting. Goebbels wrote a novel, during his youth, in which he pretended : "politics is the plastic art of the State". One could have imagined that the works, written in these regimes and approved by these regimes, now would have been totally forgotten by history.This doesn't seem to be the case of Karl Orff's Carmina burana. At this time, the political pressure on musicians is strong in Germany, between the nazi critics represented by Gerigk, the cultural politics of Rosenberg (for the party) and Goebbels for the ministry of propaganda. In this impossible context, Albrecht Riethmüller wonders "how composition was actually possible in the Reich in 36". A little cantata by Georg Blumensaat seemed possible, also an Anthem by Werner Egk, written for the Olympic games in Berlin this year, and The Carmina burana by Carl Orff, because "Car Orff and Egk were both disposed to fully negociate their aesthetics with the nazi State", according to Eva Hanau. Carmina Burana was first rejected by Gerigk but rehabilitated by Rosenberg in 40. Rosenberg heard in it "the clear, burning and disciplined music that is demanded by its time"Another composer, the same year, but somewhere else, in another dictatorship, another aesthetical state, chose to return in his country after a long exile 18 years. He composed the ballet Romeo and Juliet, in 36, for his new totalitarian government. Was it Opportunism? Or a paradoxal and late sovietic conviction ? One could think that Prokofiev was victim of a Stockholm syndrome, Stalin (and his new hardened regime of 36, where death penalty was then possible for children) becoming a kind of hostage taker, finally "cherished" by Prokofiev. For Deborah Rifkin, the composer wanted a new simplicity for a long time, already present in Lieutenant Kijé (1933) or the Second violin concerto (1935). But Romeo and Juliet goes far more than on a new "simple" way. It is a machine built for Stalin and Prokofiev together. The brass in the low register, familiar to Prokofiev already, but here with the simple arpeggios of the strings, become, in a way, the march of the Red Army. Neoclassicism, is the fastest parts, is put to its climax of seducing energy. And the work is not only martial and neoclassic. For the first time at this level, a work by Prokofiev contains neo-romantic textures. It is because of this love story by excellence: Romeo and Juliet. But it is also because Staline was fond of Tchaïkovski.At the opposite side appears the Facilitator State. The State, in this case, is almost inexistent. But the pressure (perhaps the violence), is also strong in this case : the composer knows he's totally alone. The "public law" becomes his. That gave this work for example, also in 36: Adagio for strings by Samuel Barber. In a way, Barber had to become his own cultural industry, his own pressure. The State "came", but after, electing the work for the national funerals, that of Roosevelt in 1945 and Kennedy in 1963. But the cultural industry was not so far from this aesthetics, and the proof is that industry ravished the work, took it, particularly during the Reagan decade, the postmodernist one. This "saddest music ever written" (according to Thomas Larson) was "customised" in many American films like Elephant man by David Lynch, Platoon by Oliver Stone, Lorenzo's oil by George Miller, also in TV serials (Seinfeld or The Simpsons), or in recent popular music (Puff Daddy, William Orbit, DJ Tiësto). Like in Carmina burana, the notes are often conjunct, the ambitus is narrow. It is a music also technically under pressure. Diether de la Motte was wondering about Carmina burana : Darf Musik 1936 so einfach sein? » : « Can Music in 36 be so simple ? » For Diether de la Motte, it is a real aesthetical provocation. In Orff's case also, the bound with cultural industry will be natural: the work will be used in the film Excalibur by John Boorman. It will strongly serve its ambiguous aesthesis of violence, of Barbarian fascination, perhaps building a neo-Nazi aesthetics in a way, which seems to show that a problematic aesthetics would be deeply related to the work from the beginning, not only historically but viscerally.Cultural industry and totalitarian regimes finally show a common position of pressuring music. And they finally had a relative success in this exercise, at least in 1936. Another example would be this other work by Prokofiev, also composed for Stalin in 1936, in the joy of the return home. Let's consider here a modified version of the work (Peter and the wolf): captured by cultural industry, to show, once again, the paradoxal bound, finally the common authority, (the common politics), between Staline and Walt Disney pictures.The final question is: Who has written musical history ? Seeing the particular year of 1936, we build a parataxis which emphasizes that the winners may have been more Industry and dictatorships than European democratic states and their modernist views. The posterity would not be moral, in this way. Amaury du Closel has already shown that the Nazi had decided for us what we had to listen and specially not to listen: not to listen the Entachtete Musiken which are still not really rehabilitated today, Schreker the first.Or the paratax shows a critic of historicism. It may show that we shoudn't trust in posterity, that posterity is not working.Let's consider a last example, also composed in 36. It is one of the most famous works, nowadays, of the modernist tradition, so of the real Hegelian "historicist history". The Work is posterity like it is attempted. Every reader here, then, will choose if this work, Music for strings, drum instruments and celesta, by Bartók, is more the centre, the reason, the justification of 1936 than the others we mentioned before and then, what is real history in general.
Introduction People say, "don't you ever want to come off?" I don't know. The thought of me getting up without taking something is totally. to me that's normal . If I haven't taken anything then I'm not normal . And for me to even, I can't contemplate not taking something, you know. I'm not a lost cause. I know what my problem is. It's other people that want me to stop. I don't want to stop. I don't want to. Does that make sense to you? (Mya) This extract is taken from an interview that formed part of my doctoral research looking at people's experiences of injecting drug use and treatment services in London, UK. Here I consider one of the ways participants described their use of drugs through a concept of becoming "normal." I pay particular attention to Mya's account and explore the very sense-making that her question (above) demands. Mya uses the concept of normality not only to reflect how drugs have become part of her everyday routines, or part of feeling normal, but actually in materially becoming herself—in embodying a "normal body." As she puts it, "if I haven't taken anything then I am not normal." In this sense, Mya's problem is not the drugs, but the people who want her to stop taking them. This understanding is important for challenging recent policy shifts towards reducing opiate replacement/substitution services in the UK (HM Government; Home Office). Methods The study took place from January to September 2014, and included participant observation at a drug treatment service, interviews with service providers, and "creative" interviews with people who inject drugs. The project was granted ethical approval by the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine Ethics Committee and the NHS Regional Ethics Committee. All participants were given pseudonyms. The creative interview is a term coined by Jennifer Mason to describe an in-depth semi-structured interview which produces additional types of data beyond the spoken word. The method was employed to explore participants' feelings of embodiment as enacted in the drug-using "event." I used a body mapping (drawing) task in these interviews to aid the communication of hard-to-articulate visceral experiences and depict the many actors, human and nonhuman, involved. (For a fuller explanation of the "events" perspective and methods taken in this study, please see Dennis 2016.) Below, I draw both from Mya's narrative and her pictorial account. Becoming "Normal" with Diamorphine Mya is a 52-year-old woman who was recruited to the study through word of mouth. She attended a supervised injecting clinic where another participant informed her about the study. The purpose of this clinic is to prescribe injectable diamorphine (pharmaceutical heroin) for clients to administer under supervised conditions. This unique service is specifically targeted at people who have previously struggled with the more orthodox opiate substitution treatments, such as methadone and buprenorphine. Mya explained that she had a long history of using street heroin, but in the last ten years has been injecting legally and has also illegally sought diamorphine. Mya's drug use had become very hard to sustain financially, both in paying for private prescriptions and in the illegal drugs market, and therefore she wanted a prescription through the National Health Service. She was told that this was only possible through this clinic. However, the clinic's intention was always to reduce this consumption, which Mya did not want to accept. This is because, as she explained, without drugs she is "not normal." A rhetoric of "normality," as deployed in the drug field, has taken two dominant paths. The first is in Parker et al. 's "normalisation thesis," which documents a move during the 1990s when drug use, albeit "recreational drug use," became increasingly common. A concept of "normalisation" is used to explain this social shift in acceptability towards drug taking. The second lies in a oucauldian-influenced embodied idea of performing normality in line with dominant neoliberal discourses. For example, Nettleton et al .'s study with recovering heroin users employs a concept of "normalisation" to explore the ways in which people talk about regaining certain bodily practices to fit in with "the norm." Using the work of Michel Foucault, and his concept of governmentality more specifically, Nettleton et al . argue that "normalisation" is "a crucial aspect of neo-liberal societies, where individuals are encouraged through [decentralised] political projects to become normal: 'the judges of normality are everywhere' (Foucault, 1977)" (175). Although there are vast differences, both these accounts seem to share an understanding of normality as a socially or discursively produced set of practices. However, Mya's narrative of becoming normal seems to be doing something different. She highlights how she becomes normal with drugs in a way that suggests that without drugs she is not normal. This highlights the material work involved in achieving this "normal" state. It is clear that being normal is something we do (both theories above consider normal behaviour as performative) rather than it being pre-defined. But for Mya this is enacted in an ontological rather than learnt way as she connects with drugs. To know normality—"to me that's normal"—and to be normal—"if I haven't taken anything then I'm not normal"—are conflated. Karen Barad, in her theory of agential realism, would call this an intra-action rather than an inter-action, where what we know (epistemology) and what is (ontology) collide, or rather elide. It is in these entanglements of matter and meaning that Mya becomes normal. Mya's narrative highlights the human body as an assemblage (Deleuze and Guattari) in which drugs have become a part. In this sense, drugs can be seen as part of this embodied self rather than separate. Consequently, Mya's account is about more than how her body interacts with drugs, but rather how they become together. Drawing from Deleuze's ontology of becoming, this is the idea that life does not start with any given entities or organisms, but that these forms are brought into being through the forces of life, and as such they are in a constant state of flux, becoming something else. This can challenge ideas of "recovery" (e.g. Home Office) where people are expected to remove themselves from drugs in order to regain their "normal" self. If one's "normal" includes drugs this calls into question the very attempt to de-couple an entangled relationship that, as another participant put it, "has been a long time in the making " (my emphasis). Therefore, it is perhaps not surprising that Mya explains with a heavy heart that she is feeling substantial pressure to reduce her prescription. She feels the clinic staff fail to understand how drugs are part of her and what constitutes her "normal." Thus, as she sees it, her "problem" is not the drugs themselves, but the people who want her to stop taking them. Mya's frustrations start to make more sense—to return to the question in the epigraph—when we think about the body as something we do , involved in a constant task of keeping oneself together . Keeping Oneself Together One does not hang together as a matter of course: keeping oneself together is something the embodied person needs to do . The person who fails to do so dies. (Mol and Law 43) Mol and Law argue that bodies are not something we have but something we do , and that bodies are actively held together through a series of practices. For instance, in their example of hypoglycaemia, a pin prick of blood needs to be taken for the condition to be known, and then counteracted by eating a sugary substance (49). Thinking about Mya's account of becoming normal in these terms, drugs, instead of being seen as "evil" objects of misuse, can, for Mya at least, be part of this vital (life) project of keeping one elf together. This thoroughly blurs the distinctions between "good" medicine (life sustaining/enhancing) and "bad" drugs of abuse (life destroying). Following a Deleuzian understanding of the human body as an assemblage, making the body "actualise" as one is a process of life: "'A' or 'a' (one) is always the index of a multiplicity: an event, a singularity, a life." (Deleuze 388). As such, making bodily boundaries becomes essential. For Mya, drugs are part of this individualisation process in quite overt ways. For example, in her body map (Figure 1) she drew a picture of herself inside a cloud, with voices shouting inwards, penetrating the barrier from outside. About these she said, they are "shouting at me," "telling me what to do," and "what's best for me." But she was at pains to point out that the depicted cloud is not about representing a pleasurable or disassociated feeling, but more to do with blocking out these intruding voices telling her how to live her life so that they "can't get to me": Mya: That makes it sound like the drug makes me feel like I'm in a cloud, it doesn't, cos I just feel normal , it just helps me to, to deal with things better, it helps me to get less stressful, does that make sense? Author: Normal? Mya: Yeah Author: So if you haven't had it, you feel more on edge? Mya: I'm a complete nervous wreck. I'll be jumping everywhere, you know, if someone opens the window of a bus and I'm jumping. Figure 1: Mya's Body Map For Mya, then, her drug use is not about pleasure, or pain for that matter, but about something altogether more vital: it is about keeping together in a stressful, invasive world, to "deal with things better." It seems that Mya's drawing—through which she was asked to depict her feelings when using drugs—is about trying to hold the permeable, leaky body together. For the injecting body, which regularly incorporates and excorporates drugs, is an active/metabolic body: The active body has semi-permeable boundaries [.] inside and outside are not so stable. Metabolism, after all, is about eating, drinking and breathing; about defecating, urinating and sweating. For a metabolic body incorporation and excorporation are essential. (Mol and Law 54) A similar argument is made by Vitellone, citing Keane: Heroin is not separate from but becomes central to the body, selfhood, and processes of individualization. Thus according to Keane "a drug is something external that becomes internalized, blurring the distinction between not only inside/outside but also self/other". (166; see also Keane) In Mya's drawing and account, drugs are intimately involved in the task of individuating—in making clear boundaries between her and the world. In this sense, her drawing of a cloud can be seen almost like an extra layer of skin. This also occurs in the accounts of two other participants. One female participant commented on how, without drugs, she does not feel herself, to the point that she said, "I don't want to be in my own skin." And a male participant also used similar language to note that without heroin (even though he is prescribed methadone, an opiate substitute) he can feel "disembodied": Everything is all "oh oh" [he makes sounds and body movements to show a fear of things getting too close] like that, everything is like right, like if you're trying to walk around the streets and it's just like you can't handle busy high streets and you know busy like tubes and . In these accounts, drugs are playing a key role in this boundary work, that is, in enacting the body as One. This resonates strongly with Donna Haraway's idea of individualisation as "a strategic defense problem" (212). This is the idea that the individual body is not something we are born with, but something we strive towards. Haraway argues that "bodies have become cyborgs," where "the cyborg is text, machine, body, and metaphor" (212). Mya takes great care in making sure that I have understoo this process of boundary-making, which is essential to the cyborg, and on several occasions checks back with me to confirm that she is making sense. She gives the impression that she has been explaining these feelings for years, but still does not feel fully understood. This is perhaps why she seems so thrilled when she feels I have finally got a handle on the dynamic: Mya: But the methadone makes me feel heavy, lethargic, with the diamorphine I can get on with being normal, more better, and not so sleepy, does that make sense? [.] It just helps me cope with everything. You know what I mean, everything . Even . Author: Like taking the edge off things? Mya: That's it, the edge off things, you've got it! I've never thought of that before, that's a good way of putting it. Author: No cos I was thinking about what you were saying about how you can feel anxious and stuff, and I can imagine it just . Mya: You're right, you've done it in a nut shell there. Cos people have asked me that before and I haven't been able to answer. That is a good answer. It takes the edge of things. Yeah. At the end of the interview, and long past this initial reference, Mya shows appreciation of this phrase once more, as an expression which she feels could help in her bid to be better understood: Author: Anyway, I'll end the interview there. Mya: Was that alright? Author: Yeah, perfect. Is there anything else that you think is important that I've missed out? Mya: No not at all. I think you've just helped me there by saying it takes the edge off things, I've been trying to put that into words for a long time, I didn't know how to say it . Although these experiences are of course linked to withdrawal symptoms as a particular arrangement of bodily connections, when I ask about this, it is evident that it is also about something more. For example, in trying to get at why Mya feels she needs diamorphine rather than methadone, she talks about it being "cleaner," "purer," "less groggy." And even though I prompt her on the potential enjoyment, she links "the buzz" to being able to get on with "normal things," saying "I can act more normal with the heroin": Mya: Definitely it's less groggy. Author: And does it give you a slight buzz also? Mya: Sometimes it does yeah. Like I can get on with my housework better and things like that, day to day things, I can act more normal with the heroin. With just the methadone, things just slip . With an interesting use of the term, Mya says that with methadone (which would be the more usual opiate prescribed in heroin treatment) "things just slip." Again, there is a sense of diamorphine holding her together, in a way that without it she would "slip." This perhaps highlights the slipperiness of connections that are only ever "partial" (Haraway 181). Rather than becoming too porous, with methadone she becomes too shut off or "groggy," and again her body becomes unable to do things. This is perhaps why she is so insistent that diamorphine stays put in her life: "I'm not going to lie, even if I don't get it, I'm still going to use the diamorphine." Or, in Haraway's words, she "would rather be a cyborg than a goddess"(181) —she would rather endure the political and potentially criminal consequences of requiring this "outside" substance than pretend to live apart from/above the material world. Conclusion When we consider bodies as something we do, rather than have, we see that rather than Mya's account of normality reflecting a social change (Parker et al .) or solely discursive embodiment (Nettleton et al .), it actually refers to how she becomes her "normal self" in more material ways. Mya's account thoroughly disrupts a separation of object/subject, as well as several other binaries that underpin contemporary ideas of psychoactive drug use and the body, including drug/medicine, inner/outer, self/other, and of course, normal/pathological. Instead, and in trying to do justice to Mya's q estion which opened the essay, her body is seen connecting with drugs in a way that holds her together (as One) in becoming "normal." Consequently, her fears over having these drugs stopped are very real concerns over a disruption to her corporeality, which demand to be taken seriously. This calls for urgent questions to be asked over current UK policy trends toward eliminating diamorphine prescribing services (see O'Mara) and reducing opiate substitution more generally. References Barad, Karen. Meeting the Universe Halfway: Quantum Physics and the Entanglement of Matter and Meaning. Durham: Duke UP, 2007. Deleuze, Gilles. "Immanence: A Life." Two Regimes of Madness: Texts and Interviews 1975–1995. Ed. David Lapoujade. New York: Semiotext(e), 2006. 384–91. Deleuze, Gilles, and Felix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia . London: Continuum, 2004. Dennis, Fay. "Encountering 'Triggers:' Drug-Body-World Entanglements of Injecting Drug Use." Contemporary Drug Problems (2016). . Haraway, Donna. Simians, Cyborgs, and Women: The Reinvention of Nature . London: Free Association Books, 1991. HM Government. "Drug Strategy 2010: Reducing Demand, Restricting Supply, Building Recovery: Supporting People to Live a Drug Free Life." Home Office , 2010. 1 Jan. 2011 . Home Office. "Putting Full Recovery First." Home Office , 2012. 5 Feb. 2013 . Keane, Helen. What's Wrong with Addiction ? Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 2002. Mason, Jennifer. "What Is Creative Interviewing?" 2010. 10 May 2013 . Mol, Annemarie, and John Law. "Embodied Action, Enacted Bodies. The Example of Hypoglycaemia." Body & Society 10.2 (2004): 43-62. Nettleton, Sarah, Joanne Neale, and Lucy Pickering. "'I Just Want to Be Normal': An Analysis of Discourses of Normality among Recovering Heroin Users." Health 17.2 (2013): 174–190. O'Mara, Erin. "The State We're In: Heroin Prescribing in the UK." Drink and Drug News (Dec. 2015). 20 Jan. 2016 . Parker, Howard, Judith Aldridge, and Fiona Measham. Illegal Leisure: The Normalization of Adolescent Recreational Drug Use . Hove: Routledge, 1998. Vitellone, Nicole. "The Rush: Needle Fixation or Technical Materialization?" Journal for Cultural Research 7.2 (2003): 165–177.
The integration and inclusion of persons under international protection (i.e. persons granted asylum and refugees) into society proceeds through their contacts and interactions with institutions and residents in local communities where their reception and accommodation have been organised. In this process, the achievement of social, economic, cultural and all other dimensions of integration in local communities is facilitated by the activities of different national and local stakeholders in the integration system. Creating the conditions for Croatian citizens to familiarize themselves with refugees requires joint efforts by all system stakeholders and engagement to inform citizens and raise their awareness about the presence, rights and obligations of persons under protection, with a view to preventing and mitigating any negative manifestations of discrimination, exclusion and marginalisation, and to ensuring that persons under international protection become accepted and integrated members of local communities and society as a whole. With this in mind, this research has analysed capacities and challenges, and assessed the resources and needs of local and regional self-government units given their past or future experience with the reception and integration of persons under protection. Furthermore, this research has also identified the attitudes of Croatian citizens towards persons under protection and their readiness for the reception and integration of persons granted asylum in their local communities.The general purpose of the project is to support units of local (cities, towns and municipalities) and regional (counties) self-government in identifying the needs and challenges of integrating third-country nationals in need of international protection. To achieve the purpose of this research, both quantitative and qualitative research methodologies have been used. As a result, it was conducted as mixed-method research, that is, as two correlated studies. The quantitative segment of the research pertains to its first goal, which was to identify the attitudes of Croatian citizens and their readiness for the acceptance and integration of third-country nationals granted international protection in the Republic of Croatia, while its qualitative segment refers to the second research goal, to identify the needs of local and regional self-government units in the process of integrating third-country nationals granted international protection in the Republic of Croatia as well as the challenges they encounter or will encounter when it comes to the integration of persons granted asylum into Croatian society. The third research goal, to prepare checklists for assessment of needs and challenges of integration for local and regional self-government units and for persons granted international protection, has been achieved by synthesising the findings reached under the previous two goals and by preparing two checklists. One is intended for heads and staff of LSGUs and RGSUs so that they can assess the existing needs, resources and capacities of their communities in terms of planning and implementation of integration activities. The other is designed for persons granted asylum and serves for the self-assessment of their needs and the extent to which they are met. Accordingly, the starting point for tool selection and elaboration is the multidimensional concept of integration of aliens into the host society, which is focused on the processes and dimensions of integration of persons under international protection (either with full asylum or subsidiary protection status) into Croatian society as a whole, but also into individual local communities in Croatian regions covered by this research.Due to the specific character of the quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches, the report describes methodological aspects and results separately, first for the quantitative study conducted by a survey of citizen's attitudes towards the integration of persons under national protection, and then for the qualitative study of needs and challenges faced by local communities in the integration process. The target group of survey participants covered by the research was defined so as to include citizens living in selected counties (regional self-government units) and towns and municipalities (local self-government units). In order to form a sample of participants for the purposes of this research, Croatia was broken down into four regions: Eastern, Central and North-Western, Littoral and Istrian, and Dalmatian regions. In each region, the sample came to include between two and five counties (a total of 12) and between three and five towns (a total of 15). The Eastern Region encompassed the counties of Osijek-Baranja, Vukovar-Srijem and Požega-Slavonski Brod. The Central and North-Western Region included the City of Zagreb as well as the countries of Zagreb, Sisak-Moslavina, Bjelovar-Bilogora and Varaždin. The Littoral and Istrian Region covered Primorje-Gorski Kotar and Istria counties. The Region of Dalmatia consisted of Zadar and Split-Dalmatia counties.In the selected towns, the size of the sample was proportionate to the size of the town within its region, with the participants in each town selected by probability sampling. The sample of citizens aged 18 to 65 included 318 persons in each region, and probability sampling – together with the use of two levels of purposively selected clusters (region and town) – ensured that the sample structure, in terms of its socio-demographic profile, reflects the characteristics of the region's population, according to publicly available statistics. The sample formed in this manner and its size (N = 1,272) allowed inter-regional comparisons with regard to the relevant characteristics of the participants and measured constructs. Data were gathered using the CAPI (Computer Aided Personal Interviewing) method, in the period from 14 May to 10 June 2018. The response rate was 57%, which is quite high given the type of research in question.The survey questionnaire contained 67 items forming the following constructs and scales: (1) Attitude towards persons granted asylum; (2) Perception of realistic threat; (3) Perception of symbolic threat; (4) Support for the rights of persons granted asylum; (5) Perception of negative changes in the community; (6) Readiness to assist persons granted asylum; (7) Frequency of contacts with persons granted asylum; (8) Quality of contacts with persons granted asylum; (9) Sources of information about persons granted asylum; (10) Media portrayal of persons granted asylum; (11) Social proximity to persons granted asylum; (12) Attitude towards forms of acculturation; (13) Estimated number of persons granted asylum; (14) Change in the number of persons granted asylum; (15) Socio-demographic profile of participants. The scales used in this questionnaire show very good metric characteristics: a Cronbach's alpha internal reliability coefficient ranging from 0.77 to 0.93 and a clear construct validity and single-factor structure.The collected data were subject to a series of statistical analyses, including descriptive calculation of statistics (range, frequency, median measures, variability measures) at the levels of the aggregate sample and each region as well as inter-regional comparisons of the results derived from the measured constructs (variance analyses, t-tests, chi-squared tests). Also, by using regression analysis, a model was set to predict two forms of behavioural intentions among host populations: (1) readiness for social relations with asylum beneficiaries at different levels of proximity; and (2) readiness to help persons granted asylum in their integration. These two forms of behavioural intentions served as criterion variables, which were predicted on the basis of a set of predictors that included the participants' individual attributes (socio-demographic variables and regional affiliation), their religious and political orientation, their opinion about the number of asylum beneficiaries to be received by the country in future and about their social adjustment strategies (i.e. about acculturation strategies), their frequency of contacts with persons granted asylum and their perception of threats and expected changes in the community caused by the arrival of persons granted asylum (i.e. perceptions of realistic and symbolic threats, and expectations of negative changes in the community).The average results obtained on the aggregate sample show that, when it comes to attitudes towards persons granted asylum, the respondents express attitudes that are, on average, neutral. However, when assessing their perception of threat, they seem to feel a slight realistic threat, and a somewhat stronger symbolic threat. The participants also express what is, on average, a neutral attitude regarding the expected negative changes in the community. As for their readiness to help asylum beneficiaries personally, the participants are also neutral, stating they are not sure of their readiness in this regard, but showing a slight support for the rights of asylum beneficiaries. Concerning the frequency of contacts with persons granted asylum, slightly more than half of the participants (52.1%) reported that they had such contacts, describing them, on average, neutrally – as neither positive nor negative. Among those who reported such contacts, the majority stated that they were rare.The data collected clearly show that the mass media (print and online news outlets, television and radio) are the most common source of information for Croatian citizens – more than 90% of citizens receive information about persons granted asylum in this way. These are followed by social media, which are used as a source of information about asylum beneficiaries by nearly half of the participants (45.8%). It has been established that citizens deem the media portrayal of asylum beneficiaries slightly negative.As for social proximity, the participants are, on average, ready to accept persons granted asylum as their fellow workers or neighbours, where it is obvious that the citizens are, for the time being, not ready for the closest relations with asylum beneficiaries, although nearly 61% would be ready for friendly relations.The participants were also asked about acceptable acculturation strategies, that is, about how persons granted asylum should approach the Croatian culture and maintenance of their own culture. The majority of participants (70.7%) chose integration as the preferred acculturation strategy (both maintaining their own culture and accepting the culture of the host country). About one fifth of the participants champion assimilation as the preferred acculturation strategy; i.e. they expect persons granted asylum to relinquish their specific culture and accept only that of their host country. Separation, that it, the opinion that persons granted asylum should maintain only their own culture without accepting Croatian culture, is upheld by 3.7% of the participants. Looking at acculturation strategies as a continuum (from assimilation, through integration, to separation, or vice versa), the participants on average tend to support cultural integration of persons granted asylum.When it comes to estimating the number of persons granted asylum at the time of survey, only one fifth of the participants made a more or less accurate estimate. Somewhat more than a fourth of participants underestimated the actual number of asylum beneficiaries, whereas almost half of them overestimated the number of cases of granted asylum. These results are consistent with the replies regarding preferred projections of the number of asylum beneficiaries in the future. Specifically, the majority of participants (45.8%) feel that their number should remain the same, only slightly fewer are those who would reduce it (45.6%), while less than a tenth holds that the future number of asylum beneficiaries in Croatia should go up.The analysis of regional differences demonstrates that the least positive attitudes towards persons granted asylum, the highest perception of both realistic and symbolic threats, the lowest support for the rights of asylum beneficiaries, the highest expectations of negative changes, and the lowest readiness to assist are present among participants in the Dalmatian Region. It is followed by the Eastern Region, and then the Littoral and Central Regions, where these attitudes are more positive. The frequency of contacts with persons granted asylum is low in all the regions, with the lowest levels reported in the Eastern and Dalmatian regions. However, there are no regional differences in the quality of contacts, as it is everywhere seen as neutral. Readiness for close contacts is the lowest in Dalmatia, followed by the Eastern Region, with its highest levels reported in the Littoral and Central regions. The citizens of all regions choose integration as their preferred acculturation strategy, while participants in Dalmatia divided their preferences between assimilation and integration. The number of asylum beneficiaries is mistakenly estimated in all regions. Indeed, it is overestimated everywhere except the Eastern Region, where the figure is underestimated. Furthermore, while the citizens of the Central and Littoral regions would prefer to keep the future number of asylum beneficiaries at the same level, those in the Eastern and Dalmatian regions are keener to reduce it. When predicting the readiness for social proximity with asylum beneficiaries, the key predictors include the attitude towards the number of asylum beneficiaries in the future and acculturation strategies. The readiness for a higher level of proximity is demonstrated by those citizens who feel that the future number of asylum beneficiaries should be increased, as well as those who champion integration. The predictors of marginal importance include practising religion, where the participants who do not declare themselves as practicing believers tend to be ready for a higher level of proximity with persons granted asylum, as well as the perception of symbolic threat and the fear of negative changes in the community, where those who perceive a higher symbolic threat from asylum beneficiaries and expect more negative changes in the community due to the arrival of persons granted asylum tend to be ready for a lower level of proximity with them. These results generally apply to all of the four regions.When it comes to predicting the readiness to assist asylum beneficiaries personally, it can also be said that – allowing for minor regional particularities – the key factors include the participants' opinion that the number of asylum beneficiaries should increase in the future and, again, the perception of a higher symbolic and realistic threat. Those participants who feel that the future number of asylum beneficiaries should increase are readier to help, whereas those whose perception of threat from asylum beneficiaries is higher are also less prepared to assist them personally. Another highly significant predictor is the frequency of contacts with persons granted asylum. Those participants who reported more frequent contacts with asylum beneficiaries are also more prepared to assist them. Finally, the variables of marginal significance include gender and political orientation, where women and those on the left side of the political spectrum would be readier to help asylum beneficiaries.The conducted regression analyses show that the most frequent predictors for both criteria (social proximity and readiness for personal assistance) include the perception of symbolic and realistic threat, expectation of negative changes in the community due to the arrival of asylum beneficiaries, opinion that the future number of asylum beneficiaries in Croatia should be increased and the choice of integration as the preferred acculturation strategy. It follows that a more favourable attitude of Croatian citizens can be expected if they feel less threatened by persons granted asylum, that is, if they understand that their arrival does not pose a threat to the existing identity and culture nor jeopardise the resources of local communities, if they expect less negative changes in their communities due to the arrival of asylum beneficiaries, if they think that the number of asylum beneficiaries in Croatia needs to be increased in the future, and if they believe that integration is the acculturation strategy appropriate for Croatia.The second part of this research deals with the assessment of needs and challenges which are or will be encountered by LSGUs and RSGUs, and also of the capacities and resources required for integration with regard to the current or anticipated accommodation and stay of asylum beneficiaries in their local communities.This part of the research was conducted through a series of interviews and focus groups with different stakeholders in the integration system, which are in one way or another involved in or will in future be responsible for the processes of reception and integration of persons granted asylum. Stakeholders from LSGU and RSGU include representatives from county-level and town-level public authorities and various professional institutions, while the CSO stakeholders include representatives from the non-governmental sector, religious organisations and civic initiatives. The perspectives of integration processes were, whenever possible, complemented with those of asylum beneficiaries in the local communities in which they live. For sampling purposes, a list of 30 units (9 counties and 21 towns) was drawn up, taking into account the criteria of regional representation, town size, experience with the integration of asylum beneficiaries and available state-owned housing units. Along with the four regions, the City of Zagreb was taken separately as it considerably differs from other regions in terms of the number of integration stakeholders and capacities, as well as the number of asylum beneficiaries it hosts. The persons included in the sample had the attributes of schoolants based on their role and office they held, their experience and knowledge of the needs and challenges relating to the integration of asylum beneficiaries in local communities. In keeping with the principle of maximising the variability of key informants, a total of 168 interviews and four focus groups were conducted with 227 participants, including 26 interviews with persons granted asylum. Once all of the methodological requirements were met in the process of qualitative-data gathering, 158 transcripts obtained from 216 interviewees were subjected to analysis. The other transcripts did not contain any useful information because some interviewees were totally uninformed about the topic of the research. Of the total number of analysed transcripts, 143 contain data obtained from 191 representatives of municipalities, towns and counties, state-administration offices at the county-level, professional institutions and the civil sector, while 15 transcripts of interviews and focus groups contained information obtained from 26 asylum beneficiaries. The analysis made it possible to identify some specific features of statements made by representatives of the selected local communities about their needs, challenges, opportunities and expectations. A comparison has been made among the four regions and the City of Zagreb, and similarities and differences have been analysed among statements made by stakeholders from different sectors.The results for all regions (except the City of Zagreb) equally suggest that most of the integration-system stakeholders from LSGUs and RSGUs (towns, municipalities and counties) generally had no direct experience of contacts and work with persons granted asylum or, if they had, then they encountered asylum beneficiaries in rare, individual cases. On the other hand, interlocutors from Zagreb recounted and described experiences of direct and immediate encounters with persons granted asylum, mostly through participation in projects with SCOs and the OHRRNM, while CSOs in all the regions have very little direct experience with asylum beneficiaries. A large portion of LSGUs and RSGUs in each region state that they are not aware of the Action Plan for Integration, or are aware of it only partly, or since a short time ago. Stakeholders in various sectors and regions have not developed their own action plans and protocols for integration, independent of the Action Plan. Professional institutions do not have their own plans either, but many of them perform tasks relating to the integration of persons granted asylum as part of their daily work and remit, and some have their own internal prodecural protocols, most often based on their previous experience with marginalised groups or guidelines from relevant ministries. All stakeholders in all regions agree that the lack of funding poses a serious structural constraint and that allocations for integration activities should be increased. They stress that the entire budget is centralised and that they lack special resources earmarked for integration, noting, however, that budget allocations could be repurposed or activated if and when the need arises.When it comes to understanding the importance and indicators of successful integration, there are no major differences between either sectors or regions. As far as the key dimension of integration is concerned, all stakeholders across all regions highlight communication, that is, learning the Croatian language, as a crucial prerequisite for all other aspects of integration, especially for the inclusion of children in the education system, participation of adults in the labour market, addressing housing issues and, generally, enabling asylum beneficiaries to get along in local communities. In the Central Region, professional institutions claim that integration could also be facilitated by the community's experience with refugees during the Croatian War, and the history of coexistence with national minorities. In the Central Region, they feel that integration would be more successful if asylum beneficiaries were accommodated within the community rather than isolated, and if they were provided with appropriate care and inclusion in community life. All stakeholders across all regions voice some sort of concern because, when it comes to the accommodation of persons granted asylum, they expect negative reactions from the host population due to cultural and religious differences, especially in smaller communities, with the general opinion being that larger towns would be readier to accept asylum beneficiaries. Interlocutors in Zagreb are the most critical of the local community as a favourable environment for integration, with professional institutions stating that negative sentiments are the greatest problem, stemming primarily from fear of the unknown among the local population. Nonetheless, almost all of the interviewed asylum beneficiaries highlight the positive experiences they had with their acceptance in local communities, noting, however, that it took a while for them to feel accepted by their neighbours. Only three out of 26 interlocutors report having negative experiences upon their arrival in the community, consisting mainly of unpleasant verbal comments. Persons granted asylum generally do not see any major cultural barriers to their life in Croatia, but in their view the integration system is not well-organised and includes some contradictions.At the intraregional level alone, and particularly at the interregional level, the integration stakeholders from different local communities show considerable differences when estimating the integration capacity of their communities. The majority of LSGUs believe that organising language courses falls under the responsibility of the Ministry of Science and Education, expressing concerns about the duration of courses (too few lessons) and uncertainties about their funding, while RSGUs also stress their lack of human and logistic capacities to organise courses. Professional institutions shift the responsibility for organizing courses to administrative bodies – from the local, through the regional, to the national levels. Only representatives of Zagreb-based SCOs report more direct involvement in the organisation of courses – some of them offer them in a formalised manner, and others through voluntary engagement. As to the inclusion in the education system, most stakeholders stress the problem of slow-moving administration and emphasize the heavy teaching workload, suggesting that there is a need for additional teachers as well as the necessity to work additionally with asylee children. Further difficulties mentioned are related to the lack of personal documents and the issue of recognising diplomas and previously acquired qualifications. In the Littoral and Central regions, they also highlight a lack of interpreters and teaching assistants, over which they have no control, but depend on the relevant ministry.Most of stakeholders from LSGUs and RSGUs are actually unaware of the existing accommodation capacity because they do not own any housing units or have already allocated all they had to beneficiaries from certain social categories. They see a possible solution in the conversion of the existing vacant buildings or renting of private flats, where they report problems with landlords, i.e. the unwillingness of landlords to let out their flats to accommodate persons granted asylum and the high rents they impose. Persons granted asylum are mostly concerned about their initial accommodation in reception centres, with which they were partially (dis)satisfied and, in addition to prejudice by landlords, the interlocutors also stressed high prices. In their local communities, asylum beneficiaries have been recognised as a desirable workforce in sectors with labour shortfalls. The LSGU representatives stress the need for a skilled workforce in the construction and public works sectors and, in the Eastern Region, agriculture. In addition to feeling that employers should be informed of opportunities to hire asylum beneficiaries, LSGUs are somewhat keener to consider potential retraining and additional training schemes as well as efforts to overcome the language barrier, referring to professional services which should take over that task. Many see the opportunities to employ asylum beneficiaries primarily in low-skill and ancillary jobs, such as kitchen or warehouse assistants and so forth. While the asylum beneficiaries themselves are highly motivated to take part in the labour market, since they see employment as a key prerequisite to gaining independence, they are aware of the economic situation in Croatia and do not want to become a public charge, but rather an active and productive segment of the society.Almost all interlocutors attach great importance to public information and awareness-raising campaigns, and most of them also recognise the role of the media in this process and believe that it is extremely important to get the local population acquainted with good practices and examples of successful efforts to integrate asylum beneficiaries, and to inform them about their culture and customs. This would prevent the development of prejudice and discrimination, where the LSGU representatives often see their role in such efforts unlike RSGUs, among which only a few recognise it. Professional institutions also leave the role of awareness raising to the media and, for the time being, carry out awareness-raising activities in the form of workshops and cultural events mainly with support from CSOs in Zagreb. The training of staff members and professionals has also been stressed as extremely important, yet largely non-existent in most institutions, offices and organisations.Nearly all interviewees from all regions agree that asylum beneficiaries have been provided with adequate social welfare, just like all of its other beneficiaries. Some of the representatives of LSGUs and professional institutions from the Dalmatian and Eastern Regions noted that asylum beneficiaries were not supposed to be singled out, that is, afforded greater rights and priorities than domestic social-welfare beneficiaries. All local communities feel that asylum beneficiaries have been provided with adequate health-care, but the interviewees highlight a lack of physicians and the overload of the health system, as well as communications. When it comes to providing adequate social welfare and health care, a common problem stressed in all regions is the insufficient capacity of institutions, while other aggravating circumstances include slow systems, uninformed staff members, shortcomings in the monitoring of asylum beneficiaries, uncertainties about the financing of health-care services and lack of coordination between different stakeholders. The same issues are also reported by the asylum beneficiaries themselves.Professional institutions have, for the most part, already established cooperation with almost all stakeholders involved in the integration process. In this context, they most often point out line ministries, as well as significant cooperation with CSOs. Only the Central Region (including Zagreb) highlights the existing cooperation with LSGUs and the OHRRNM, or with international organisations. The LSGU and RSGU representatives are somewhat more likely to expect more significant engagement by and cooperation with CSOs, which they consider more capable of writing projects and mobilising funds for work with asylum beneficiaries or count on their human resources. Some professional institutions are also focused on inter-city and inter-county cooperation, for example, with other social-welfare centres, in order to compare their experiences and share good practices. The SCO stakeholders state national and local authorities make insufficient use of the capacity and experience of local SCOs.All stakeholders criticize administration primarily because of the lack of timely and transparent exchanges of information, given that they are perceived as responsible for the entire system. Stakeholders in local communities feel that they operate without specific guidelines and decisions, everything being left to improvisation. Professional institutions hold that the measures defined in the Action Plan are not applicable to the realities in the field, stressing that the system is not prepared to respond to current challenges and needs such as, for instance, securing accommodation and interpreters. There is also concern about the duplication of work by different institutions and organisations, and shifting responsibilities to CSOs. It has been stressed that a protocol in needed which would contain descriptions and guidelines for the implementation of steps in the integration of persons granted asylum, which should define the sequence of implementing integration measures, those in charge of their implementation, including their responsibilities, as well as the forms of their cooperation. Such a protocol and guidelines would enable LSGUs and RSGUs to rely on these documents in their work and to act in compliance therewith. All stakeholders emphasize the need to receive timely and reliable information about the number, structure and time of arrival of persons granted asylum in their areas because this information is crucial for them to be able to prepare themselves for different aspects of their integration. A distribution plan is a document cited by all self-government units as essential to launch preparations for the asylum beneficiaries, in accordance with the aforementioned protocol.All stakeholders highlight interpreters and cultural mediators as a very pressing need in all regions. It has been stressed that interpreters should be professionally trained, rather than semi-skilled individuals or family members, let alone children. All stakeholders realize that securing housing is a key prerequisite for the reception and integration of persons granted asylum, and that it falls within the remit of the central government, rather than the local community. The Eastern and Dalmatian Regions place special emphasis on the need to provide adequate accommodation for unaccompanied children under international protection. Also, all integration stakeholders feel that efforts are needed to speed up administrative procedures because there is a gap between what has been set forth in legislation and what can really be implemented due to technical barriers, including children's registration in school e-registers, medical records, access to Croatian language learning, and verification of previously acquired qualifications and job competencies which is a requirement for education or employment. To achieve all this, sound intersectorial cooperation is required.The integration stakeholders in all regions show a clear need to prepare, raise the awareness of and train the staff directly involved in the integration process for contacts with and providing services to persons granted asylum. Since professional institutions are places of direct and on-going contacts with asylum beneficiaries, there is a need for continuous training of their professional staff. The training of all integration stakeholders should include learning about the culture and customs of asylum beneficiaries and it should be based on the principles of intercultural communication. In some professional institutions whose staff are engaged in direct and intense work with families of asylum beneficiaries, such as counselling and psychosocial support, there is an increased need for continuous mental-health care and stress prevention among staff members through supervision and professional support.Given that they believe that the responsibility for integrating persons granted asylum rests primarily with the state, a number of LGSUs, professional institutions and some CSOs expect the state to bear the related costs. The LSGUs in the Central Region see the opportunity to secure funding by applying for EU projects and drawing money from EU funds. In the Dalmatian Region, the LSGUs expect the state to issue fewer instructions, and to focus more on direct care for asylum beneficiaries. At the LSGU level, help in meeting community needs in the integration process and their own efforts is expected from the Government of the RoC, primarily the OHRRNM as the central coordinating body. Some RSGUs believe that they will successfully carry out all tasks imposed by law and those received from the competent state authorities, and that they will tackle problems only once asylum beneficiaries arrive in their territory. LSGUs and RSGUs see their role in coordinating different integration process stakeholders, such as professional institutions and CSOs, at the town and county levels. Some LSGUs also see their role in supporting other stakeholders when they lack capacity in the integration process, and in networking with other institutions within the community. In this context, they stress their role in providing information to asylum beneficiaries and improving intersectorial cooperation because they "have a good overview of the activities of different services." Some LSGUs feel that a person should be assigned to each integration stakeholder as its key informant about how asylum beneficiaries can exercise their rights.The LSGUs see their key contribution to integration in their efforts to raise the awareness of and inform the public about the arrival of persons granted asylum and the process of their integration, being aware there resistance to their arrival in some communities. In the Eastern Region, they warn that greater resistance to the arrival of asylum beneficiaries may be expected in communities that are traditionally more closed and host a larger number of immigrants from Bosnia and Herzegovina, who were forced to leave their homes due to armed conflicts with the Muslims. In the Central and Littoral regions and the City of Zagreb, they believe that the experience they have with proven integration mechanisms for socially vulnerable groups, referring to members of the Roma national minority, will help them in the process of integrating asylum beneficiaries. The LSGUs feel they can also directly support integration efforts by providing initial financial assistance to asylum beneficiaries, helping in the process of their reception and accommodation, offering aid such as food and toiletries, facilitating children's inclusion in educational institutions, covering their kindergarten costs (Eastern and Littoral regions, Zagreb), as well as helping asylum beneficiaries to find employment. Professional institutions will address integration as part of their daily activities, by providing services for persons granted asylum as well as any other beneficiaries. The LSGUs, RSGUs and professional institutions see the important role of CSOs in complementing services provided to asylum beneficiaries by professional institutions. Most of the CSOs plan to expand their present activities to meet the specific needs of asylums beneficiaries, and represent a major integration potential for local communities, highlighting their networks of volunteers as a key asset in work with persons granted asylum. The CSOs feel that a coordination mechanism should be put in place at the LSGU level so as to bring together all the stakeholders, including the civil sector, and ensure transparent financing of services for asylum beneficiaries.Croatia has few communities with any reception and integration experience and most of the local communities covered by this research have not considered or prepared themselves for this challenge. Yet, the integration stakeholders in all units included in this research stress that they crucially need timely and reliable information about the plans for the arrival and distribution of persons granted asylum, and that information from the relevant ministries, particularly from the OHRRNM, will enable them to launch preparations for integration activities and possible reception of asylum beneficiaries. Finally, the recommendations derived from this research will facilitate improvements in policies and practices for the integration of persons under international protection, making it easier and less painful to achieve the objectives stemming from Croatia's commitments as an EU member state, as well as its legislation and action plans of the Government of the RoC.
In Chapter 1 of the dissertation, the role of social networks is analyzed as an important determinant in the search behavior of the unemployed. Based on the hypothesis that the unemployed generate information on vacancies through their social network, search theory predicts that individuals with large social networks should experience an increased productivity of informal search, and reduce their search in formal channels. Due to the higher productivity of search, unemployed with a larger network are also expected to have a higher reservation wage than unemployed with a small network. The model-theoretic predictions are tested and confirmed empirically. It is found that the search behavior of unemployed is significantly affected by the presence of social contacts, with larger networks implying a stronger substitution away from formal search channels towards informal channels. The substitution is particularly pronounced for passive formal search methods, i.e., search methods that generate rather non-specific types of job offer information at low relative cost. We also find small but significant positive effects of an increase of the network size on the reservation wage. These results have important implications on the analysis of the job search monitoring or counseling measures that are usually targeted at formal search only. Chapter 2 of the dissertation addresses the labor market effects of vacancy information during the early stages of unemployment. The outcomes considered are the speed of exit from unemployment, the effects on the quality of employment and the short-and medium-term effects on active labor market program (ALMP) participation. It is found that vacancy information significantly increases the speed of entry into employment; at the same time the probability to participate in ALMP is significantly reduced. Whereas the long-term reduction in the ALMP arises in consequence of the earlier exit from unemployment, we also observe a short-run decrease for some labor market groups which suggest that caseworker use high and low intensity activation measures interchangeably which is clearly questionable from an efficiency point of view. For unemployed who find a job through vacancy information we observe a small negative effect on the weekly number of hours worked. In Chapter 3, the long-term effects of participation in ALMP are assessed for unemployed youth under 25 years of age. Complementary to the analysis in Chapter 2, the effects of participation in time- and cost-intensive measures of active labor market policies are examined. In particular we study the effects of job creation schemes, wage subsidies, short-and long-term training measures and measures to promote the participation in vocational training. The outcome variables of interest are the probability to be in regular employment, and participation in further education during the 60 months following program entry. The analysis shows that all programs, except job creation schemes have positive and long-term effects on the employment probability of youth. In the short-run only short-term training measures generate positive effects, as long-term training programs and wage subsidies exhibit significant locking-in'' effects. Measures to promote vocational training are found to increase the probability of attending education and training significantly, whereas all other programs have either no or a negative effect on training participation. Effect heterogeneity with respect to the pre-treatment level education shows that young people with higher pre-treatment educational levels benefit more from participation most programs. However, for longer-term wage subsidies we also find strong positive effects for young people with low initial education levels. The relative benefit of training measures is higher in West than in East Germany. In the evaluation studies of Chapters 2 and 3 semi-parametric balancing methods of Propensity Score Matching (PSM) and Inverse Probability Weighting (IPW) are used to eliminate the effects of counfounding factors that influence both the treatment participation as well as the outcome variable of interest, and to establish a causal relation between program participation and outcome differences. While PSM and IPW are intuitive and methodologically attractive as they do not require parametric assumptions, the practical implementation may become quite challenging due to their sensitivity to various data features. Given the importance of these methods in the evaluation literature, and the vast number of recent methodological contributions in this field, Chapter 4 aims to reduce the knowledge gap between the methodological and applied literature by summarizing new findings of the empirical and statistical literature and practical guidelines for future applied research. In contrast to previous publications this study does not only focus on the estimation of causal effects, but stresses that the balancing challenge can and should be discussed independent of question of causal identification of treatment effects on most empirical applications. Following a brief outline of the practical implementation steps required for PSM and IPW, these steps are presented in detail chronologically, outlining practical advice for each step. Subsequently, the topics of effect estimation, inference, sensitivity analysis and the combination with parametric estimation methods are discussed. Finally, new extensions of the methodology and avenues for future research are presented. ; In Kapitel 1 der Dissertation wird die Rolle von sozialen Netzwerken als Determinante im Suchverhalten von Arbeitslosen analysiert. Basierend auf der Hypothese, dass Arbeitslose durch ihr soziales Netzwerk Informationen über Stellenangebote generieren, sollten Personen mit großen sozialen Netzwerken eine erhöhte Produktivität ihrer informellen Suche erfahren, und ihre Suche in formellen Kanälen reduzieren. Durch die höhere Produktivität der Suche sollte für diese Personen zudem der Reservationslohn steigen. Die modelltheoretischen Vorhersagen werden empirisch getestet, wobei die Netzwerkinformationen durch die Anzahl guter Freunde, sowie Kontakthäufigkeit zu früheren Kollegen approximiert wird. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass das Suchverhalten der Arbeitslosen durch das Vorhandensein sozialer Kontakte signifikant beeinflusst wird. Insbesondere sinkt mit der Netzwerkgröße formelle Arbeitssuche - die Substitution ist besonders ausgeprägt für passive formelle Suchmethoden, d.h. Informationsquellen die eher unspezifische Arten von Jobangeboten bei niedrigen relativen Kosten erzeugen. Im Einklang mit den Vorhersagen des theoretischen Modells finden sich auch deutlich positive Auswirkungen einer Erhöhung der Netzwerkgröße auf den Reservationslohn. Kapitel 2 befasst sich mit den Arbeitsmarkteffekten von Vermittlungsangeboten (VI) in der frühzeitigen Aktivierungsphase von Arbeitslosen. Die Nutzung von VI könnte dabei eine "doppelte Dividende" versprechen. Zum einen reduziert die frühe Aktivierung die Dauer der Arbeitslosigkeit, und somit auch die Notwendigkeit späterer Teilnahme in Arbeitsmarktprogrammen (ALMP). Zum anderen ist die Aktivierung durch Information mit geringeren locking-in'' Effekten verbunden als die Teilnahme in ALMP. Ziel der Analyse ist es, die Effekte von frühen VI auf die Eingliederungsgeschwindigkeit, sowie die Teilnahmewahrscheinlichkeit in ALMP zu messen. Zudem werden mögliche Effekte auf die Qualität der Beschäftigung untersucht. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass VI die Beschäftigungswahrscheinlichkeit signifikant erhöhen, und dass gleichzeitig die Wahrscheinlichkeit in ALMP teilzunehmen signifikant reduziert wird. Für die meisten betrachteten Subgruppen ergibt sich die langfristige Reduktion der ALMP Teilnahme als Konsequenz der schnelleren Eingliederung. Für einzelne Arbeitsmarktgruppen ergibt sich zudem eine frühe und temporare Reduktion, was darauf hinweist, dass Maßnahmen mit hohen und geringen "locking-in" Effekten aus Sicht der Sachbearbeiter austauschbar sind, was aus Effizienzgesichtspunkten fragwürdig ist. Es wird ein geringer negativer Effekt auf die wöchentliche Stundenanzahl in der ersten abhängigen Beschäftigung nach Arbeitslosigkeit beobachtet. In Kapitel 3 werden die Langzeiteffekte von ALMP für arbeitslose Jugendliche unter 25 Jahren ermittelt. Die untersuchten ALMP sind ABM-Maßnahmen, Lohnsubventionen, kurz-und langfristige Maßnahmen der beruflichen Bildung sowie Maßnahmen zur Förderung der Teilnahme an Berufsausbildung. Ab Eintritt in die Maßnahme werden Teilnehmer und Nicht-Teilnehmer für einen Zeitraum von sechs Jahren beobachtet. Als Zielvariable wird die Wahrscheinlichkeit regulärer Beschäftigung, sowie die Teilnahme in Ausbildung untersucht. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass alle Programme, bis auf ABM, positive und langfristige Effekte auf die Beschäftigungswahrscheinlichkeit von Jugendlichen haben. Kurzfristig finden wir jedoch nur für kurze Trainingsmaßnahmen positive Effekte, da lange Trainingsmaßnahmen und Lohnzuschüsse mit signifikanten locking-in'' Effekten verbunden sind. Maßnahmen zur Förderung der Berufsausbildung erhöhen die Wahrscheinlichkeit der Teilnahme an einer Ausbildung, während alle anderen Programme keinen oder einen negativen Effekt auf die Ausbildungsteilnahme haben. Jugendliche mit höherem Ausbildungsniveau profitieren stärker von der Programmteilnahme. Jedoch zeigen sich für längerfristige Lohnsubventionen ebenfalls starke positive Effekte für Jugendliche mit geringer Vorbildung. Der relative Nutzen von Trainingsmaßnahmen ist höher in West- als in Ostdeutschland. In den Evaluationsstudien der Kapitel 2 und 3 werden die semi-parametrischen Gewichtungsverfahren Propensity Score Matching (PSM) und Inverse Probability Weighting (IPW) verwendet, um den Einfluss verzerrender Faktoren, die sowohl die Maßnahmenteilnahme als auch die Zielvariablen beeinflussen zu beseitigen, und kausale Effekte der Programmteilahme zu ermitteln. Während PSM and IPW intuitiv und methodisch sehr attraktiv sind, stellt die Implementierung der Methoden in der Praxis jedoch oft eine große Herausforderung dar. Das Ziel von Kapitel 4 ist es daher, praktische Hinweise zur Implementierung dieser Methoden zu geben. Zu diesem Zweck werden neue Erkenntnisse der empirischen und statistischen Literatur zusammengefasst und praxisbezogene Richtlinien für die angewandte Forschung abgeleitet. Basierend auf einer theoretischen Motivation und einer Skizzierung der praktischen Implementierungsschritte von PSM und IPW werden diese Schritte chronologisch dargestellt, wobei auch auf praxisrelevante Erkenntnisse aus der methodischen Forschung eingegangen wird. Im Anschluss werden die Themen Effektschätzung, Inferenz, Sensitivitätsanalyse und die Kombination von IPW und PSM mit anderen statistischen Methoden diskutiert. Abschließend werden neue Erweiterungen der Methodik aufgeführt.
Der sogenannte affective turn, der in Medien- und Kulturwissenschaften bereits seit längerem zu verzeichnen ist und mittlerweile auch die Sozialwissenschaften erreicht hat, besitzt ganz offensichtlich politische Implikationen – insbesondere, aber nicht nur, für eine Kritik des Neoliberalismus. Diese sind auch von zahlreichen Forschern aufgegriffen und ausformuliert worden, etwa durch Michael Hardt und Antonio Negri, Lauren Berlant, Sara Ahmed oder Nigel Thrift. Der vorliegende Band, eine Sammlung von Interviews mit dem Philosophen und Affekttheoretiker Brian Massumi, verspricht zumindest in seinem Titel, diese Verbindung von Politik und Affekt auf eine systematische Grundlage zu stellen. Massumi gilt als Vorreiter eines vor allem von Deleuze und Spinoza inspirierten Strangs jüngerer Affekttheorie, der vornehmlich ontologisch argumentiert. In dieser Position ist er breit rezipiert und auch vielfach kritisiert worden. Die Interview-Sammlung dient dazu, seinen Ansatz ausführlich und gleichzeitig verhältnismäßig leicht zugänglich darzustellen. Die Form des Interviews begünstigt gewisse Vereinfachungen und tendiert zu einer Plakativität von Beispielen und Argumenten; gleichzeitig bürgt sie aber für eine Lebhaftigkeit und Nachvollziehbarkeit jenseits der Mühen der Ebene. Insofern kommt diese Form dem persuasiven, seinerseits deutlich auf Affizierung angelegten Stil Massumis entgegen. Wie konzeptualisiert Massumi nun das Verhältnis zwischen Affektivität und Politik? Diese Frage erweist sich schon zu Beginn als falsch gestellt, insofern Massumi zufolge dem Affekt die politische Dimension von vornherein inhärent ist: In beiden Fällen gehe es um Wandel und Veränderung – es gelte lediglich, diese Dimension zum Vorschein zu bringen (vgl. S. ix). Grundsätzlich ist das Programm sehr ambitioniert: Affekt wird einerseits als ontologisches Begründungskonzept eingeführt, das in letzter Konsequenz an die Stelle sowohl einer Medientheorie als auch einer Theorie des Politischen zu treten vermag – und zielt andererseits klar auf menschliche Erfahrung, die sich in Gefühlen wie Furcht und Stolz manifestiert. Was dabei als politisch verstanden wird, bleibt zunächst vage: es gehe um "the arena of social order and reorderings, of settlement and resistance, of clampdowns and uprisings" (S. viii–ix). Bestimmungen der jüngeren politischen Philosophie, etwa die Unterscheidung zwischen Politik und dem Politischen, spielen demzufolge kaum eine Rolle. Vielmehr leitet sich aus dieser Aufzählung eine Tendenz ab, Politik als Feld von Intensitäten und Energien und politisches Handeln als Aktivismus zu begreifen – eine Tendenz, die schon in der Verwendung des Affektbegriffs angelegt ist: "[…] I use the concept of 'affect' as a way of talking about that margin of manoeuvrability, the 'where we might be able to go and what we might be able to do' in every present situation." (S. 3) Die relationale Verschränkung von Körpern in Situationen, nicht das fühlende und denkende Individuum wird daher als primär gesetzt – Emotion sei dabei jener begrenzte Anteil affektiver Erfahrung, der aus persönlicher Perspektive Sinn ergibt. Damit legt Massumi eine einerseits elegante und andererseits etwas glatt erscheinende Begründung des Politischen vor: Die verkörperte Weise menschlichen Existierens "is never entirely personal […] it's not just about us, in isolation. In affect, we are never alone." (S. 6) Mit Körpern sind dabei im wesentlichen menschliche Körper gemeint – eine Fokussierung, die so weder bei Spinoza noch bei Deleuze zu finden ist, und die aus medientheoretischer Sicht nicht unmittelbar eingängig erscheint. Tatsächlich bringt Massumi seinen Ansatz explizit gegen Theorien medialer Vermittlung in Stellung (denen er vorwirft, den cartesianischen Dualismus zwischen Geist und Körper nur zu überbrücken, nicht aber aufzuheben; vgl. auch den Begriff der Immediation, S. 146–176). Daraus ergibt sich zwangsläufig die Frage nach der 'Natürlichkeit' des Affekts und nach dem Verhältnis zu Sprache und Diskurs. Hier weicht Massumi aus: "[Affect] includes very elaborated functions like language. There's an affect associated with every functioning of the body, from moving your foot to take a step to moving your lips to make words. Affect is simply a body movement looked at from the point of view of its potential […]." (S. 7) Man mag diese These als Versuch lesen, Medien- durch Affekttheorie zu ersetzen oder neu zu schreiben – und natürlich könnte man den Spieß umdrehen und kurzerhand Affekt als Medium konzipieren. Es erscheint jedoch nicht ausreichend, Sprache auf die Produktion von Wörtern, bzw. die Wortproduktion auf die Bewegung der Lippen zu reduzieren. Man ignoriert dabei zumindest eine historische Dimension der Bedeutungskonstitution, die nicht einfach aus der Akkumulation von Körperbewegungen besteht, sondern eine Dynamik eigenen Rechts entfaltet. Diese Blindheit auf dem Auge der Geschichte wird in der Auseinandersetzung mit medialen Phänomenen besonders deutlich. So eröffnet sich an einigen Stellen die überaus interessante Perspektive, das Konzept einer Politik des Affekts mit Jacques Rancières Konzept einer Politik des Ästhetischen zu verknüpfen (z.B. S. 36). Allerdings scheinen sowohl der Politikbegriff als auch jener des Ästhetischen zu eng – und diese enge Konzeption verbaut den Blick auf die historische Tiefendimension, etwa, wenn Massumi das Auftauchen der affektiven Kraft der Medien, bzw. ihres politischen Einflusses, an die Reifephase des Fernsehens bindet (vgl. S. 33) – als hätten Zeitungen, Kino und Theater stets nur sachliche Aufklärung betrieben, bzw. sich nicht in die Politik eingemischt. Der Sprung von der Ontologie in konkrete Beispiele wird an solchen Stellen nicht genügend durch Analyse vermittelt – so kann der grundlegende Zusammenhang zwischen Ästhetik und Politik nicht erkannt werden, sondern wird als Anomalie, bzw. als besondere aktivistische Haltung behandelt. Zudem wird die betonte Kontrastierung von Affekttheorie und kritischer Theorie (vgl. S. 14f.) durch die Kritik an der Rolle der Medien im gegenwärtigen Kapitalismus konterkariert. Andererseits finden sich erhellende Stellen und produktive Denkanstöße; so eröffnet z.B. Massumis Vorschlag, Sprache weniger als Korrespondenzverhältnis zwischen Signifikant und Signifikat zu verstehen, sondern eher als Weg, den Bedeutungsexzess affektiver Erfahrung ins Bewusstsein zu heben (vgl. S. 13), zahlreiche Anschlussmöglichkeiten an ästhetische Theorien, die diese historische Dimension betonen. Sprache hätte demnach die Doppelfunktion, Erfahrung sowohl zu erfassen als auch freizusetzen. Die Fokussierung des menschlichen Körpers gegenüber Körpern anderer Art wirft noch weitere Fragen auf: so erweckt die Rede vom Affekt als "Potential" an vielen Stellen den Anschein, als stehe es den Menschen frei, wie sehr sie dieses Potential zu nutzen gedenken: "Our degree of freedom at any one time corresponds to how much of our experiential depth we can access towards a next step – how intensely we are living and moving." (S. 6) Im Umkehrschluss heißt das: einige leben freier als andere. Und mehr noch: der politische Begriff der Freiheit läuft in dieser Bestimmung Gefahr, zum Merkmal eines privilegierten, weil irgendwie "intensiveren" Lebensgefühls zu verkümmern. Das auf das politische Gemeinwesen gerichtete Vermögen des Affekts zur Veränderung bliebe so zugunsten einer affirmativen Selbstfeier auf der Strecke – egal, wie sehr dieses Selbst sich mit anderen überschneidet ("Freedom always comes out of active embeddedness in a complex relational field […]", S. 161). Sobald Massumi die ontologische Ebene verlässt um konkret zu werden, gerät die Verbindung zwischen Affektivität und dem Politischen ins Wanken. So vermag z.B. seine Analyse des zeitgenössischen Kapitalismus (Anfang der 2000er formuliert) heute nicht mehr recht überzeugen – zu sehr bleibt sie den "buzzwords" (S. 22) der damaligen Zeit verpflichtet. Die von ihm diagnostizierte Tendenz des Warenverkehrs zum Immateriellen, einhergehend mit einem Verlust direkten zwischenmenschlichen Kontakts (vgl. S. 113) passt zwar sehr gut zu seiner theoretischen Agenda, ist jedoch mittlerweile ihrerseits als teleologisches Modell kritisiert worden. Immerhin ist diese diskursive Bewegung symptomatisch dafür, wie sehr ein Denken des Politischen unter dem Vorzeichen des Affekts zur ökonomischen Analyse wird (und vielleicht werden muss). In diesem Zusammenhang opfert Massumi gelegentlich theoretische Präzision zugunsten einer zu reibungslos anmutenden Beschreibung affektiver Ökonomien, etwa bezüglich des Ineinandergreifens von Patriotismus und Kapitalismus rund um 9/11 – hier wird nicht klar, wie die "affektive Umformung" ("affective conversion", S. 32) von Furcht vor Terror in Stolz auf das eigene Land vor sich gehen soll. Möglicherweise wird Massumis Projekt eher produktiv, wenn man es als Utopie begreift – Affekt als überschüssiges Potential selbst rigide kontrollierter Situationen (S. 58). Entsprechend müsste man Begriffe wie Mikropolitik (S. 47–82) als Grenzbegriffe verstehen, die sich zwar zeitphilosophisch herleiten, sich aber eben nicht ohne weiteres auf jene Phänomene übertragen lassen, die im Alltagsverständnis 'politisch' sind – etwa auf den Alarmismus der Bush-Regierung nach 9/11. Die Logik der Übertragung operiert hier kumulativ, im Sinne der Formung von Gewohnheiten und Tendenzen. Ein Ereignis ist jedoch mehr als die Summe einzelner Affizierungsakte; es unterbricht den linearen Verlauf der Zeit und öffnet die Sicht auf historische Zusammenhänge. Damit setzt es kritisches Potential frei, wobei 'kritisch' nicht zufällig auf den Konnex zwischen Krise und Kritik hinweist. Die pauschale Abgrenzung gegen die kritische Theorie, der Massumi vorwirft, sie objektiviere und fixiere ihren Gegenstand auf unzulässige Weise, erscheint so als fatale Beschneidung des affekttheoretischen Ansatzes. Massumi verkennt, dass wahre Kritik, wie etwa Jean-Luc Nancy betont, stets aus der Notlage, aus der Krise heraus operiert und sich daher den Standpunkt immer erst erarbeiten muss, von dem aus geurteilt werden kann. Ein solcher fester Standpunkt trägt für Massumi den Namen der Moral und vor allem den der Emotion, die als Gegenbegriff zum Affekt aufgebaut wird. Sie lenke die Energie des Affekts in konventionelle Bahnen, lasse das mit ihm verbundene Potential verkümmern. Hierin liegt schließlich die affekttheoretische Crux von Massumis Politikbegriff: ohne eine Instanz, die aus dem Affektgeschehen Sinn extrahiert, sich positioniert und zustimmt oder ablehnt, ist nicht ersichtlich, wie eine Intervention in die reibungslosen Kreisläufe der Affektökonomien – und damit politisches Handeln – möglich sein soll. Eine solche Instanz muss dazu mit dem Diskurs in Beziehung treten, ohne dass sie zwangsläufig rationalisierend wirken müsste (vgl. S. 115). Das transformative Potential des Affekts braucht Akte der Aneignung, braucht den Widerstand eines Urteils, soll es politisch wirksam werden. Keineswegs wäre es dazu erforderlich, das psychologische Individuum primär zu setzen. Erforderlich wäre aber eine Analyse der Handlungsweisen unter dem Gesichtspunkt der Hervorbringung des Neuen und der Konstitution historischer Erfahrungsräume. Massumis detaillierte Beschreibungen affektiver Vollzüge sind dazu ein erster Schritt. Der Wert des Buches bestünde, so gesehen, nicht darin, dass Massumi fertige Rezepte für die Formulierung einer Theorie des Politischen lieferte – darin liegt auch gewiss nicht seine Absicht. Ihre Produktivität entfalten könnten seine Überlegungen als radikaler Grenzanspruch, der beispielsweise keine simple Abgrenzung einer 'Sphäre' des Politischen oder der Öffentlichkeit mehr erlauben würde. Obwohl also der "turn to affect" keineswegs eine neue Erscheinung ist, und obwohl das vorliegende Buch Massumis durchaus kontroversen Ansatz erschöpfend zu behandeln scheint, wäre damit eher ein Anfang gemacht als das letzte Wort in Sachen "Politik des Affekts" gesprochen.