[spa] El período de crecimiento económico que aquí analizaremos se caracteriza por el foco que pondrá el Estado en el desarrollo de la política industrial, su influencia en el impulso de ciertos sectores considerados estratégicos y también en el papel como agente económico que adquirirá una vez iniciado el proceso. A partir de las reflexiones acerca del período realizadas tanto por economistas de la época como Pinto (1959) y Mamalakis (1976), y también contemporáneos como Meller (2016), parecería que se trató de un proceso fracasado, por la imposibilidad de perpetuar en el tiempo el desarrollo del sector industrial. Con el foco puesto en el crecimiento, la deuda, la inflación, el desarrollo del sector industrial y el estancamiento de la agricultura, la mayor parte de los estudios se han propuesto analizar las limitaciones del período industrializador (Bértola, 2011; Dornbusch & Edwards, 1992; Kaldor, 1971; Mamalakis, 1976; Pinto, 1959). En esta investigación queremos ampliar los elementos de análisis que existen sobre este momento, incorporando no sólo nuevos datos si no presentando un elemento transversal al proceso de crecimiento del período: las/os trabajadoras/es y sus salarios. El interés por los salarios no es injustificado, ya que han sido un elemento principal en el estudio de las ventajas y limitaciones de la industrialización desde fines del siglo XIX en Europa y su centralidad en el análisis histórico y económico hace que continúen los esfuerzos por generar o mejorar series históricas de salarios (Margo, 2000; Scholliers, 1989; Scholliers & Zamagni, 1995). Las remuneraciones, además de su contribución a la comprensión de fenómenos sociales y económicos, han sido objeto de estudio en sí mismas, por el papel que juegan en la historia de los trabajadores y en el estudio de las condiciones del mercado laboral (Goldin & Margo, 1992; Hatton & Thomas, 2010; Margo, 2000; Rosenbloom, 1998). Esta tesis se enmarca en las transformaciones del modelo de crecimiento producto de las políticas industrializadoras, pero también en las posibilidades (y limitaciones) que estos cambios entregaron al sector obrero. En ese sentido, el principal objeto de esta investigación es entregar nuevas series de salarios nominales y reales, y analizar el comportamiento de los salarios en el contexto del desarrollo industrial y económico chileno en el período de crecimiento hacia adentro. Con esto queremos contribuir al debate acerca de las características que tuvo este proceso llevado a cabo en América Latina, centrándonos en un espacio que ha sido central en los debates sobre la industrialización en otras regiones: los salarios. Junto a esto, esperamos aportar a los debates sobre los salarios en general al evaluar el desempeño salarial en un contexto de cambio estructural, a partir del potencial explicativo de variables económicas e institucionales. Los años que abarca la industrialización dirigida por el estado son complejos económica y socialmente. Hemos recorrido estos cuarenta años desde distintas miradas y perspectivas a través de las series de salarios nominales y reales. Se han presentado también series de salarios para espacios olvidados por las estadísticas oficiales, en el caso de la desagregación por sector, la rama agrícola y con una nueva serie de remuneraciones para un sector generalmente olvidado en las estadísticas históricas: las mujeres trabajadoras. El primer resultado de esta investigación son las series de salarios medios nominales, es decir, la serie total del sector obrero, las series por sector y las series desagregadas por género. Y a través de ellas, se aprecia que la Gran Depresión deja una clara huella en la curva de salarios nominales. La desagregación por rama permite ver que las remuneraciones en la etapa de industrialización fueron bajas, ya que la construcción – un sector de baja calificación y precariedad – es el que se mueve durante todos estos años en torno a la media. La evidencia de bajos salarios que nos entregan los salarios nominales se verifica si observamos los salarios ajustados por el costo de vida. La primera conclusión que podemos extraer de la curva de salarios reales es que antes de los sesenta, los incrementos de salarios responden exclusivamente a períodos de recuperación de lo perdido. El análisis de la serie de salarios medios reales se realiza en función de la productividad, la inflación, el desempleo, y la sindicalización y la huelga, como expresión del movimiento obrero. Este análisis permite observar que en los primeros años de la serie el crecimiento de la productividad tiene un papel en el bajo crecimiento de salarios, pero que luego se separa ostensiblemente del rumbo que toma el aumento salarial generando una brecha a partir de mediados de los años cuarenta, tomando el producto por trabajador una velocidad de incremento mayor. Asimismo, la inflación que a primera vista es uno de los elementos que más claramente parecen afectar los salarios parecen tener un rol preponderante pero no exclusivo en el bajo crecimiento de los ingresos, dado que especialmente en la crisis inflacionaria de los años cincuenta, estos disminuyen incluso si son ajustados por el deflactor del PIB como índice alternativo. El desempleo marca su influencia más importante en la crisis de la Gran Depresión, generando altos niveles de desocupación que motivan en gran parte la pérdida de poder adquisitivo de la población en esa época. Finalmente, vemos que la debilidad del movimiento obrero afectado por una gran represión a partir de fines de la década de los cuarenta es una de las variables que explica el estancamiento y la vulnerabilidad de las remuneraciones a los eventos inflacionarios, los que no parecen afectar al crecimiento y se concentran casi exclusivamente en la capacidad de compra del sector obrero. Así, la historia de los salarios en Chile durante el período industrializador dirigido por el Estado se ve fuertemente afectado por los bajos salarios y las pocas posibilidades de incremento que nos muestra la serie salarial media así como las series desagregadas. La curva de la productividad por otra parte, muestra que si existió en ese período espacio para el crecimiento de los salarios obreros que no se realiza principalmente como consecuencia de la represión de que fue objeto la organización sindical. Bibliografía citada en este documento Bértola, L. (2011). Bolivia, Chile y Perú desde la Independencia: una historia de conflictos, transformaciones, inercias y desigualdad. En Institucionalidad y desarrollo económico en América Latina. Santiago: Cepal. Dornbusch, R., & Edwards, S. (1992). Macroeconomía del populismo en la América Latina. Fondo de Cultura Económica. Goldin, C., & Margo, R. A. (1992). Wages, Prices, and Labor Markets before the Civil War. En Strategic Factors in Nineteenth Century American Economic History: A Volume to Honor Robert W. Fogel (pp. 67–104). National Bureau of Economic Research. Hatton, T. J., & Thomas, M. (2010). Labour markets in the interwar period and economic recovery in the UK and the USA. Oxford Review of Economic Policy, 26(3), 463– 485. Kaldor, N. (1971). Los Problemas Económicos de Chile. En Ensayos sobre Política Económica. Madrid: Tecnos. Mamalakis, M. (1976). Growth and Structure of the Chilean Economy: From Independence to Allende. New Haven: Yale University Press. Margo, R. A. (2000). Wages and Labor Markets in the United States, 1820-1860. National Bureau of Economic Research. Meller, P. (2016). Un siglo de economía política chilena (1890-1990) (2a. ed). Chile: Uqbar. Pinto, A. (1959). Chile, un caso de desarrollo frustrado. Santiago de Chile: Editorial Universitaria. Rosenbloom, J. L. (1998). The Extent of the Labor Market in the United States, 1870–1914. Social Science History, 22(3), 287–318. Scholliers, P. (1989). Real Wages in 19th and 20th Century Europe: historical and comparative perspectives. Berg Publishers Limited. Scholliers, P., & Zamagni, V. (1995). Labour's Reward: Real Wages and Economic Change in 19th and 20th century Europe. Edward Elgar Publishing. ; [eng] This thesis looks to contribute, through new wages series, with the debate about the problems and limitations of the import substitution period in Chile. The series that exist now do not comprehend the entire period or are calculated from different sources with various methodologies. For that, the first goal is to estimate a new average wage series, sector and gender series for the period of 1927/1928-1973. The new series show that the average wages of this period are low and that they don't grow until the sixties. The prior three decades were marked by almost no growth and wages crisis as result of inflation peaks. But the analysis also shows that there was space for growth due to a growing gap between productivity and wages after the forties, even after adjusting wages by the product deflator. In this scenario, labour movement history and data about unionization and strikes shows that the relationship between the governments and the labour unions, with long periods of repression, had an important role in the weakness and slight capacity of workers to demand for better wages.
Entre el 11 y el 19 de marzo pasado Mohamed Merah, un criminal autoidentificado como un jihadista vinculado con Al Qaeda asesinó a 3 militares y 4 miembros de una escuela judía en Francia, tres de ellos niños. Conociendo las dificultades que supone el análisis de un acto que a prori podría ser calificado de irracional, intentaremos abordar a partir de este hecho algunos conceptos inherentes al estudio de una de las amenazas a la seguridad más importantes de nuestra época: el terrorismo. A pesar de que los actos terroristas suelen ser fácilmente identificables y podríamos citar rápidamente muchas organizaciones que practican o practicaron el terrorismo, su definición puede suponer un desafío y existe poco consenso en la academia en este sentido: Schmid y Jongman (1) identificaron 22 conceptos diferentes que son incluidos por analistas en diferentes proporciones en sus definiciones de terrorismo. Según Rapin (2), el hecho de calificar al terrorismo como "aquello que produce terror" además de ser tautológico supone dos problemas fundamentales. En primer lugar, la falta de evidencia empírica que demuestre que los actos calificados como terroristas han causado terror en sus espectadores: de hecho, estudios indican que el terrorismo causa desórdenes psicológicos en una proporción mínima de las poblaciones afectadas y en formas que distan de poder ser calificados de "terror" (según lo define la psicología), y la resiliencia (la capacidad de superar estos acontecimientos sin secuelas importantes) ha sido mucho más frecuentes (3). En segundo lugar, es necesario notar que los actos terroristas no buscan crear terror en los tomadores de decisiones sino que, por el contrario, buscan que estos respondan de forma racional ante sus amenazas, midiendo los costos y beneficios que pueden suponer sus decisiones. La siguiente definición mínima de terrorismo, a pesar de haber recibido críticas por su ambigüedad y por la posibilidad de englobar en ella otros crímenes no terroristas, pueda sernos útil para introducirnos en una conceptualización un poco más exacta del tema, a través del análisis de sus componentes: "Terrorism is a politically motivatedtactic involving the threat or use of force or violence in which the pursuit of publicityplays a significant role" (4) Lo primero que se desprende de estadefinición, y que no es un detalle menor, es que el terrorismo es un táctica, es decir, un medio utilizado para alcanza ciertos fines: "Groups who want to dramatize a cause, to demoralize the government, to gain popular support, to provoke regime violence, to inspire followers, or to dominate a wider resistance movement, who are weak vis-a-vis the regime, and who are impatient to act, often find terrorism a reasonable choice". (5) Es importante entender esto para no cometer el error de creer que existen organizaciones o personas inherentemente terroristas: el terrorismo es una táctica que algunas agrupaciones consideran efectivas para el logro de sus objetivos, no es un fin en sí mismo. Entender esto será también esencial para combatirlo. El siguiente punto que analizaremos será la naturaleza política del fenómeno en cuestión. A pesar de que a partir de los años noventa y principalmente luego de los atentados del 11 de setiembre muchos autores comenzaron a hablar acerca de un "nuevo terrorismo", que sería identificable entre otras cosas por la persecución de fines religiosos, muchos trabajos concluyen que esto no es tan exacto y puede que la religión tenga un uso principalmente instrumental por parte algunos grupos que utilizan el terrorismo buscado cohesionar a sus miembros y obtener cierta legitimidad. (6) Con respecto a Al Qaeda, es revelador notar que a pesar de que la organización suele ser identificada como una agrupación terrorista de tipo religiosa, sus diferentes facciones ubicadas en distintas partes del mundo tienen objetivos políticos específicos para sus zonas. Por último, es menester mencionar al papel fundamental que juega la propaganda en la estrategia terrorista. El papel que juega la propaganda puede ser rápidamente comprendido a partir del esquema que utiliza Rapin para definir al terrorismo. Según el autor, el terrorismo puede ser caracterizado por la utilización de la violencia contra un objetivo (direct target), con el fin de enviar un mensaje hacia otro actor (indirect target), que puede ser las autoridades públicas o la población civil: "terrorism is a means of communication, albeit a cruel one, and its medium (violence) transmits messages intended to pressure its addressee" (7) Para ser efectivos, lo actos de terrorismo necesitan de su difusión: no resulta nada extraño que Merah haya grabado sus atentados con el fin de difundirlos luego en Internet: sus víctimas jugarían el rol de palomas mensajeras. Uno de los asuntos más controversiales con respecto al terrorismo y que suele salir a flote cada vez que un acontecimiento como éste vuelve a ser noticia son las "causas del terrorismo". Durante mucho tiempo, se creyó que era posible encontrar condiciones que facilitaban la aparición del fenómeno, con la esperanza de una vez identificadas dichas raíces estructurales, poder atacarlas directamente para así evitar la germinación de nuevos terroristas. Seguramente, los factores más frecuentemente asociados con el terrorismo han sido la pobreza y la falta de educación. Sin embargo, numerosos estudios han demostrado que dicho correlación no se sostiene en la realidad y la frecuente asociación entre pobreza y falta de educación con el terrorismo está fundamentada en el sentido común más que en estudios científicos. (8) De hecho, debido a la diversidad de escenarios y contextos en los que han surgido organizaciones terroristas, parece ser difícil que la cuestión de las "causas del terrorismo" pueda tener una respuesta integradora. En cambio, las últimas investigaciones han virado hacia el entendimiento de los procesos de radicalización violenta, una perspectiva que pretende ya no intentar contestar la pregunta"¿cuáles son las causas del terrorismo?" sino "¿Cómo es el proceso que lleva a un grupo o individuo a adoptar la violencia?". Uno de las explicaciones más difundidas (entre otras cosas porque fue desarrollado para el FBI) es el modelo de 4 etapas de Borum. (9) Según el autor, el proceso de radicalización violenta comienza con la identificación de una situación que no está bien, que luego es caracterizada de injusta. El tercer paso consiste en la atribución de la culpa de dicha injusticia a un grupo en particular que será, en última instancia, identificado como "el mal", deshumanizándolo y dando lugar a la reacción violenta. (10) A pesar de que la mayoría de los analistas consideran que Al Qaeda se encuentra sumamente debilitada como organización, la posibilidad de que desde el seno de las ciudadanías occidentales surjan amenazas a la seguridad parecen no haber cedido. La posibilidad de que aparezcan lobos solitarios (individuos auto-radicalizados y que actúan por fuera de cualquier organización aunque se sientan identificados con alguna de ellas) parece ser hoy una de las mayores amenazas latentes. Es posible que un aumento de la seguridad a través de un mayor involucramiento de los servicios secretos en asuntos privados, en detrimento de la libertad, sea un procesoal que Francia se esté enfrentando actualmente. Indudablemente, no será sencillo ni para Francia, ni para Europa ni para el resto del mundo deshacerse del terrorismo. Queda mucho por hacer. (1) Schmid andJongman (1988).Political Terrorism: A Research Guide to Concepts, Theories, Databases, and Literature. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Books.(2) Ami‐Jacques Rapin (2011).What is terrorism?Behavioral Sciences of Terrorism and Political Aggression Vol. 3, Iss. 3, 2011(3) Rubin, G.J., Amlot, R., Page, L., &Wessely, S. (2008). Methodological challenges in assessing general population reactions in the immediate aftermath of a terrorist attack.International Journal of Methods in Psychiatric Research, 17, 29–35.(4) Weinberg, L., A. Pedahzur and S. Hirsch-Hoefler (2004) 'The challenges of conceptualising terrorism', in Terrorism and Political violence, vol. 16, no. 4,pp. 777-794.(5) M. Crenshaw (1981),The Causes of Terrorism, Comparative Politics, Vol. 13, No. 4, pp. 389. Program in Political Science of the City, University of New York(6) I. Duyvesteyn (2004), How New Is New Terrorism?, Studies in Conflict and Terrorism, Volume 27, Number 5, September-October 2004 , pp. 439-454(7) Rapin (2011)(8) A. Krueger and J.Maleckova (2003). Education, Poverty And Terrorism: Is There A Causal Connection?, Journal of Economic Perspectives, v17(4,Fall), 119-144.(9) Borum, R. (2003). Understanding the Terrorist Mind-Set. FBI Law Enforcement Bulletin72 (July), 7-10. Disponible enhttps://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/nij/grants/201462.pdf(10) Idem. P. 9*Estudiante de la Licenciatura en Estudios Internacionales. FACS, Universidad ORT Uruguay
1 - Teoría del valor y Justicia DistributivaEl conflicto entre libertad e igualdad posee en el liberalismo igualitario un obvio lugar central. Podemos intentar una síntesis sobre la importancia de ese lugar: busca evitar que las sociedades igualitaristas mantengan la autonomía individual y busca evitar que las sociedades individualistas eliminen o debiliten las igualdades. Otra manera de definirlo sería: el liberalismo igualitario ha buscado generar condiciones para la igualdad en aquellas sociedades donde la libertad se ha consolidado y, por otro lado, busca generar condiciones para la libertad en aquellas sociedades donde la igualdad ha primado.Ronald Dworkin ha profundizado y radicalizado la noción rawlsiana de justicia como equidad introduciendo un mecanismo de subasta y de seguros, buscando no sólo generar condiciones de partida igualitarias sino contribuir a generar condiciones de igualdad en el punto de llegada. La búsqueda de conciliación entre libertad e igualdad ha supuesto para Dworkin la búsqueda de un pensamiento filosófico práctico. Es decir, la filosofía política contemporánea tiene en las democracias liberales occidentales la posibilidad de pensar mecanismos que moderen o maniaten la tensión entre libertad e igualdad. Paso seguido, una tarea para el filósofo político contemporáneo ha sido idear maneras en que la búsqueda de libertad potencie o, al menos, no maniate a la igualdad y la búsqueda de la igualdad potencie o, al menos, no maniate la libertad.Esta aspiración práctica de la filosofía política contemporánea supone aceptar un grado de relativismo. Es decir, la filosofía práctica es relativa al grado de desarrollo de la libertad e igualdad. Es por eso que la filosofía post rawlsiana es erróneamente interpretada como una filosofía donde se privilegia la igualdad (es decir, la búsqueda de justicia como equidad) cuando, en cambio, ha sido una filosofía que ha buscado justificar grados mínimos de igualdad dado que es una tradición de pensamiento que floreció en sociedades donde ya se habían alcanzado (incluso superado) grados mínimos de libertad.En este sentido, para la filosofía política contemporánea post rawlsiana igualdad y libertad son concepciones políticas que se complementan. Es decir, son nociones que no pueden entenderse (o empobrecen su sentido) sin el otro. Pueden pensarse como compartimentos estancos. Esta intuición filosófica ha tenido en el principio de diferencia rawlsiano su expresión más sofisticada o, al menos, más influyente.Paso seguido, ¿es posible elaborar una teoría de justicia distributiva sin primero desarrollar o concebir, explícita o implícitamente, una teoría del valor, es decir, una teoría que justifique por qué aquello que pretendemos redistribuir tiene el valor que le atribuimos en ese proceso distributivo?Aquí, nuestro argumento intentará desarrollar dos partes principales: por un lado, nos preguntaremos si las teorías distributivas de justicia contemporáneas no poseen, aunque sea tácitamente, una teoría del valor. En segundo lugar, nos preguntaremos si una teoría distributiva de justicia podría no tener una teoría del valor que anteceda (tácita o explícitamente) a la justificación filosófica sobre qué distribución de bienes y talentos es justa.En esta cuestión relevante, nuestro punto de partida no será Rawls (1971) sino Ronald Dworkin en "What is Equality? Equality of Resources" (Dworkin: 1981). Dworkin realiza (sin saberlo) una explícita síntesis de los problemas de los modernos debates sobre justicia distributiva en relación a qué es aquello que se distribuye. Dworkin plantea el problema y pretende resolverlo mediante la redefinición de aquello que se distribuye con un nombre: "Clamshell". Es decir, en tanto modifica el nombre del problema (básicamente, cómo llamar a la unidad de cuenta o medio de pago), Dworkin asume que el problema desaparece: "So the divider needs a device that will attack two distinct foci of arbitrariness and possible unfairness. The envy test cannot be satisfied by any simple mechanical division of resources. If any more complex division can be found that will satisfy it, many such might be found, so that the choice amongst these would be arbitrary. The same solution will by now have occurred to all readers. The divider needs some form of auction or other market procedure in order to respond to these problems. I shall describe a reasonably straightforward procedure that would seem acceptable if it could be made to work, though as I shall describe it it will be impossibly expensive of time. Suppose the divider hands each of the immigrants an equal and large number of clamshells, which are sufficiently numerous and in themselves valued by no one, to use as counters in a market of the following sort. Each distinct item on the island (not including the immigrants themselves) is listed as a lot to be sold, unless someone notifies the auctioneer (as the divider has now become) of his or her desire to bid for some part of an item, including part, for example, of some piece of land, in which case that part becomes itself a distinct lot." (Dworkin 1981: página 286)Como mencionamos, la justicia distributiva asume, primero, que existe una distribución de bienes y, segundo, que esa distribución es injusta en tanto es desigual por lo que, tercero, debe ser modificada. La justicia distributiva busca igualar aquello que es injustamente desigual. Es claro que para sostener que es necesario redistribuir lo existente, dado que aquello que existe está desigualmente distribuido (definición que asume que lo justo es una distribución igualitaria, es decir, la justicia como equidad), se parte de una definición o medida, tácita o explícita, del valor de las cosas existentes que son pasibles de distribución. Este es un punto principal del argumento: si Rawls, Dworkin y las teorías posteriores asumen que es necesario redistribuir aquello que existe porque está desigualmente distribuido y, paso seguido, definen la "justicia como equidad" ("Justice as Fairness"), están asumiendo explícitamente que saben cuánto valen las cosas existentes y que, por ende, tienen una manera de medirlo.Paso seguido, la discusión relevante dejaría de ser si los contemporáneos debates sobre justicia distributiva necesitan una teoría del valor previa y debiese pasar a ser exponer y justificar cuál es esa teoría del valor. A poco de comparar las definiciones de la justicia como equidad es posible ver que existe en los distintos exponentes un consenso sobre por qué las cosas valen: las cosas valen por el trabajo que tienen en ella. Eso supone una teoría objetiva del valor o teoría del valor trabajo.Reincorporemos ahora a la discusión el papel del tiempo y la escasez. Dado que un problema central de la idea de contrato social es la ausencia de tiempo, la introducción de la opción de salida es analíticamente relevante porque incorpora la dimensión temporal.La aparición del tiempo presupone un problema grave para las teorías de justicia distributivas en tanto problematiza el sentido de la arbitraria distribución de talentos (aquello que Nozick personificara con el célebre jugador de básquet Wilt Chamberlain (Nozick: 1974)). Podemos recurrir a otro deporte y pensar la situación por el absurdo: hay dos señores, A y B, que viven en el país 1 (EE.UU.) y hay otros dos señores, C y D, que viven en el país 2 (por ejemplo, Brasil). A y C son dos grandes jugadores de Beisbol y B y D son dos grandes jugadores de fútbol. Más aún, A y C tienen un talento idéntico para jugar beisbol y B y D tienen un talento idéntico para jugar fútbol. Sin embargo, A tiene un enorme talento para jugar beisbol en EE.UU. y deviene millonario y D tiene un enorme talento para jugar futbol en Brasil y deviene millonario, mientras que B y C son pobres y anónimos. ¿Cómo se soluciona el problema de la injusta distribución de talentos? Para Dworkin, imponiéndole un impuesto a los millonarios A y D. En cambio, para una versión liberal que difiere del contractualismo estático, dejando que B viaje (es decir, ejerza la opción de salida) a Brasil y que C ejerza la opción hacia EE.UU.Es claro que esta segunda alternativa es más eficiente que la primera pero, más aún, podemos conjeturar que es más eficiente porque también es más justa. ¿Por qué es más justa? Porque asume (tácitamente) una mejor comprensión de la formación del valor en los asuntos humanos y, consecuentemente, introduce (tácitamente) una mejor definición de justicia o de aquello que es justo. ¿Por qué? Porque en lugar de asumir un punto T (el contrato social o posición original con su velo de ignorancia) asume un momento T compuesto por sucesivos Ts, antes y después de un momento inicial donde se firme, simbólicamente o no, el contrato social.Siguiendo a Dworkin, vemos que es necesario marcar la distinción entre igualdad de recursos e igualdad de talentos. Utilizando el ejemplo clásico de Wilt Chamberlain, podemos desagregar el problema a través de una argumentación histórico-analítica. La injusta distribución de talentos, ejemplificado en cómo una persona posee atributos para jugar al básquet (o beisbol) y otro posee atributos para jugar al fútbol, nos introduce en la parte central del argumento: si partimos de T-1, es decir, de aquél momento anterior a la aparición del básquet (o beisbol) como virtud, podemos demostrar que el básquet-beisbol como virtud y el fútbol como ausencia de virtud son creaciones humanas. Paso seguido, la justicia como equidad en la distribución de talentos cae en un sinsentido analítico-histórico.Podemos desarrollar el argumento de la siguiente manera: la elección del básquet como virtud ha sido realizada por la sucesión de personas que encumbraron a una de ellas (en el ejemplo de Nozick, Wilt Chamberlain) con atributos distintos a otro(s). La elección del básquet-beisbol como virtud por sobre el fútbol como ausencia de virtud nada tuvo que ver con las habilidades naturales de uno y otro. Así, un error analítico relevante en Dworkin es atribuir una injusta distribución de talentos naturales a aquello que es una distribución distinta que, espontáneamente, devino en la predilección en una determinada sociedad (en nuestro ejemplo, EE.UU.) del básquet-beisbol por sobre el fútbol.Paso seguido, podemos marcar que en T-1 las personas involucradas en la espontánea decisión acerca de preferir básquet sobre fútbol no tenían manera ni derecho de definir o sugerir una futura compensación para aquellos desafortunados que nacerían, décadas o siglos después, con habilidades para jugar fútbol en un lugar (país o economía) con preferencias por el básquet-beisbol. Por ende, si es claro que en T-1 comienza el proceso que llevará a esa sociedad a preferir básquet-beisbol por sobre fútbol pero, paralelamente, comprendemos que esas personas no tienen manera de entender que en el futuro habrá algo llamado básquet (o beisbol) que será preferido por sobre algo llamado fútbol, luego, se sigue que la búsqueda de una justicia distributiva que compense a los que nacerán sin "talentos naturales" deviene sin sentido.Comprender que las personas son anteriores al básquet o beisbol como virtud (es decir, que puede haber personas sin existir el básquet pero no puede haber básquet sin primero existir personas) expone dos cuestiones: por un lado, no es posible ex ante definir una distribución justa para los "untalented" ya que en T-1 nadie tiene manera de saber qué será percibido como "talento natural" y qué será percibido como ausencia de "talento natural". En segundo lugar, el derrotero analítico histórico refleja que, si es que en algún momento es posible hablar rigurosamente sobre justicia distributiva, ese momento analítico deberá incorporar el tiempo como variable necesaria para la medición del valor o valores que serán hipotéticamente distribuidos. No hay valor por fuera del tiempo, es decir, de los distintos momentos que van (en nuestro ejemplo) de la persona, la interacción de las personas, el básquet como virtud y el fútbol como ausencia de virtud. Si es que hay tal cosa como justicia como equidad, el tiempo es condición necesaria no suficiente.2-Algunas consideraciones parcialesEste trabajo ha introducido conceptos que deberán ser precisados y desarrollados: 1) la justicia distributiva asume una teoría del valor pero 2) no la explícita; 3) toda teoría de justicia distributiva debe poseer una teoría del valor, es decir, una definición de por qué las cosas valen ya que, sin ella, no será posible sostener que A y B han alcanzado un (justo) estado de igualdad ya que poseen la misma cantidad de bienes. Esto se encuentra ligado a una confusión central de la Filosofía Política Contemporánea: 4) la propiedad es posterior a la aparición de los hombres. Por ende, es erróneo focalizar (a la Locke) las discusiones sobre la legitimidad de la apropiación en aquello que existe en el mundo exterior. En realidad, 5) el origen de la propiedad es posterior a la acción humana y, por ende, la principal discusión analítica no debiese estar relacionada a una ética de la apropiación del mundo exterior.Por su parte, 6) la opción de salida constituye la principal condición de un contrato social con 7) una premisa moral: la persona debe actuar como si el otro estuviera en lo cierto y uno equivocado. Por su parte, el ejercicio de la opción de salida como condición política principal contribuye a establecer un contrato social dinámico, donde esa opción de salida supone la posibilidad de denunciar el contrato del cual uno es parte.La aparición de "A Theory of Justice" en 1971 ha posibilitado una nueva discusión sobre la validez del contrato social como concepto ético y político explicativo. Hasta "A Theory of Justice", la idea del contrato había quedado debilitada por la rigurosa y sistemática crítica de la larga tradición liberal anti-contractualista que va desde Hume hasta Hayek. Al reincorporar la tradición del contrato en un lugar central del debate, las modernas teorías de justicia nos han dado la posibilidad de repensar sus problemas y limitaciones. Principalmente, la construcción rawlsiana nos ha dado la oportunidad de repensar el contrato incorporando el sofisticado análisis que ha supuesto el velo de ignorancia en la posición original.La opción de salida no sólo contribuye a la construcción analítica de un contrato social dinámico, más aún, la posibilidad de construir un contrato social en sucesivos momentos contribuye a consolidar la idea de información incompleta y, consiguientemente, genera un argumento para que en T2 (un segundo momento contractual) las partes comprendan que las reglas de juego que emanen de allí deben asumir la imposibilidad de aprehender todas las hipotéticas interacciones humanas. Así, en el momento T2 es cuando se articula parte principal del contrato y es allí donde se consolida una idea central: hay un ámbito X donde el contrato sanciona determinadas normas pero fundamentalmente hay otro ámbito Z donde es imposible prever los alcances de la acción humana y, consecuentemente, se sancionan normas restrictivas que comprenden esa imposibilidad. Paso seguido, la comprensión de las partes sobre la imposibilidad política y moral de legislar sobre un amplio espacio es producto de la pre existencia de un contrato social dinámico, conceptualmente relacionado al ejercicio en To de la opción de salida como mecanismo social primario o básico.Como mencionamos, podemos marcar 3 conceptos principales: 1) el contrato no centraliza el acuerdo sino, en cambio, institucionaliza la opción de salida, pudiéndose definir ésta como "la persona política actúa como si el otro estuviera en lo cierto y ella equivocada"; 2) el ejercicio de salida como opción política posibilita la construcción de diversas polis con diversos modus vivendi; 3) el ejercicio de salida como opción política permanente constituye al contrato como mecanismo dinámico. Así, la idea de contrato no es fundacional porque deviene un elemento dinámico. Esto contribuye a una idea más realista del papel de un contrato en los asuntos humanos.Es decir, lo fundacional es la posibilidad de convivencia a partir de legitimar la salida como opción política y ética. A diferencia del contrato clásico, que ve el fin del estado de naturaleza como un punto de inflexión que, mágicamente, acaba con la guerra de todos contra todos y encuentra la paz, el contrato dinámico genera un incipiente ámbito (y en esto es un punto de inflexión) donde las personas acuerdan que el otro tiene la legítima opción de ejercer la salida. Esta forma de pensar el contrato social tiene dos inmediatos puntos a favor: por un lado es más modesto y por ende más realista sobre la naturaleza humana. En segundo lugar, incorpora la dimensión temporal. Esto significa que el contrato puede modificarse paulatinamente sin necesidad de recurrir a un nuevo punto de inflexión neo revolucionario.BibliografíaDworkin, Ronald: "What is Equality? Equality of Resources, Part 2", Philosophy and Public Affairs, vol 2, 1981: 385-445.Hirschman, Albert (1970): "Exit, Voice and Loyalty: Responses in the decline of firms, Organizations and States", Harvard University Press.Nozick, Robert (1974): "Anarchy, State and Utopia", New York: basic Books.Rawls, John (1971): "A Theory of Justice", Harvard University Press.Rawls, John: "Justice as Fairness: Political not Metaphysical," Philosophy and Public Affairs 14, 1985: 223-251.Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy: "Contemporary Approaches to the Social Contract" (disponible en internet: http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/contractarianism-contemporary/)*Este artículo fue presentado en la 2° sesión del Seminario Interno de Discusión Teórica 2014, organizado por el Departamento de Estudios Internacionales de la Universidad ORT Uruguay.Pedro Isern es profesor del Depto. Estudios Internacionales, FACS - Universidad ORT Uruguay.Master en Filosofía Política, London School of Economics and Political Science.
Ivan's Self-deception and Hypocrisy in Leo Tolstoy's The Death of Ivan Ilych Ayu Widyaningrum English Literature Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya Ayu_widya75@yahoo.com Drs. Much. Khoiri, M.Si. English Department Faculty of Languages and Arts State University of Surabaya Much_choiri@yahoo.com Abstrak Penelitian ini focus pada penggambaran penipuan diri yang dilakukan oleh tokoh utama dalam novel The Death of Ivan Ilych oleh Leo Tolstoy dan bagaimana penipuan diri tersebut memunculkan kemunafikan. Penipuan diri terjadi sebagai hasil dari ketidaksiapannya dalam menerima kenyataan bahwa dia sedang menghadapi kematian. Untuk menjawab permasalahan pertama, penelitian ini menggunakan teori penipuan diri oleh Annette Barnes yang didukung oleh beberapa filsuf dan dengan tanda-tanda orang yang menipu dirinya sendiri oleh James Peterman. Permasalahan kedua dijawab dengan menggunakan konsep kemunafikan. Data dalam penelitian ini menyajikan tentang penipuan diri yang dilakukan oleh Ivan dan bagaimana penipuan diri tersebut memunculkan kemunafikan dalam dirinya. Analisis dalam penelitian ini mengungkapkan penipuan diri yang dilakukan oleh Ivan dan tanda-tanda bagaimana dia menjadi seseorang yang menipu dirinya sendiri. Penipuan diri ini digunakan untuk mengurangi kecemasannya terhadap ketidaksiapannya dalam menghadapi kematian. Selain itu, penipuan diri ini muncul sebagai hasil dari kecemasannya tentang keinginan hidup yang tidak terpenuhi karena sakit yang dialami. Selanjutnya, penipuan diri yang dialami memunculkan kemunafikan dalam dirinya. Ivan mengalami tiga macam kemunafikan, kemunafikan kepura-puraan , kemunafikan menyalahkan , kemunafikan inkonsistensi. Perilaku kemunafikan tersebut bersumber dari sikap penipuan diri. Kata Kunci : Penipuan Diri, kemunafikan, kecemasan, kematian Abstract This study focuses on depicting self-deception performed by the main character and how his self-deception gives raise to his hypocrisy. The self-deception is used as the result of his unreadiness in accepting the truth that he faces death. To answer the first problem, this study uses the theory of self-deception by Annette Barnes and supported by several philosophers and the symptoms of Self-Deception offered by James Peterman. The second problem is answered by using the concept of hypocrisy. The data presents Ivan Ilych's self-deception and how his self-deception gives raise to his hypocrisy. The analysis reveals Ivan's self-deception and the symptoms how he becomes a self-deceiver. The self-deception is used to reduce his anxiety toward his unreadiness in facing his death. Besides, his self-deception emerges as the result of his anxiety about the desire of life which is unfulfilled because of the illness. Furthermore, his self-deception gives raise to his hypocrisy. Ivan experiences three kinds of hypocrisy, they are hypocrisy of pretense, hypocrisy of blame, hypocrisy of inconsistency. Those hypocritical behaviors are rooted by his self-deception. Keywords: self-deception, hypocrisy, anxiety, death INTRODUCTION Novel is literary work which presents more detail and complicated problems. The readers will get more experience, fantasy and imagination by reading it. A great novel is born from a great writer. With a lot of great novels in the world, automatically there are also many great writers whether they are from west or east part of the world. There are many problems and phenomenon that is existed by the writers in their literary works, such as culture and tradition, sociological and psychological problem, and so on. There are many writers exist the psychological problems which is related to the personality of the characters in their literary works. It can be seen in Russian writers. There are so many literary works from Russia and their several novels state about psychological problem that is related with the personality of the characters. One of the great famous Russian writer is Leo Tolstoy. Leo Tolstoy, the author who was born in Yasnaya Polyana, Russian Empire in 1916. There were many literary works which were made by this Russian writer, such as short stories, poems, plays, essays. Some of his works are war and peace and Anna Karenina are acknowledge as two of the greatest novels of all time and pinnacle of realist fiction. His novels are so well planned, written, and executed that Tolstoy's finished story is a perfectly formed narrative. And, critics agree that his work alone defines the true nature of an epic novel that eerily depicts the joys and sorrows of real life. Tolstoy is equally known for his complicated and paradoxical persona and for his extreme moralistic and ascetic views, which he adopted after a moral crisis and spiritual awakening in the 1870s, after which he also became noted as a moral thinker and social reformer. During the 1860s, and encouraged by his publisher, Tolstoy wrote War and Peace. During this time, he also endeavored to write a novel about Peter I the Great and about educational pedagogy, but thereafter finished what would become the greatest book of his time. Following, Tolstoy released Ana Karenina, which was considered as important as War and Peace, but with a slightly different focus – ethics and virtues can evolve and change over time. Unhappy with the Russian Orthodox Church and its teachings, which he found blasphemous, Tolstoy started his own church based on five tenets. For this, he was excommunicated, but gained his own followers, who were more like cult members than clergymen. These five tenets inspired Gandhi in his passive approach to violence – evil cannot be combated with evil. His novella, entitled The Death of Ivan Ilyich is often regarded as one of the best short novels ever written. The Death of Ivan Ilych, first published in 1886, is considered as one of the masterpieces of his late fiction, written shortly after his religious conversation of late 1870s. The Death of Ivan Ilych is deeply religious work, but religious of its own terms. The protagonist is a somewhat clueless, spiritually empty hero whose long illness forces him to confront the meanings of both death and life. Ivan Ilych represents a small but important class of urban bureaucrats, prominent in the day-to-day running of Russian affairs in Tolstoy's days, whose live became increasingly detached from nature, the land, and spiritual values. By exposing the horrible vacuity of Ivan Ilych's life, Tolstoy explores the self-deception, immorality and alienation of a whole class of individuals. Although Ivan is nowhere near as intelligent as his creator, like Tolstoy he comes to accept death and gain deep, if painful understanding of what his life has meant. The novel embodies the kinds of values and purpose Tolstoy thought literature should have. The Death of Ivan Ilych conveys the existential horror of sickness and morality while describing civilization as a web of lies designed to distract people from an awareness of death and also it is perfectly demonstrates this introspection as it magnifies a man's struggle with how to live his life. There are considerations of taking the novella as the main source of analysis. The first is novella performs the characteristics of self-deception and hypocrisy which experiences by the main character of the novel. The second reason is that in Leo Tolstoy's The Death of Ivan Ilych, he set out merely to describe a single segment of society or to present a single example of humanity and also his writing is very honest. Besides, the story uses words which are easier to understand. The last consideration can be the best reason why this novella is analyzed by using theory of self-deception. In The Death of Ivan Ilych also has conflict and problem, both external conflict and internal conflict. Ivan is everyman an average nineteenth century bureaucratic functionary, a bourgeois, a middle class citizen (Sklare, 1965 : 3). The Death of Ivan Ilych is about an ordinary man, has a bright childhood and good life. His pleasure of life changed, since his marriage brings him unpleasantness and incurable illness that tortures him biological and psychologically until he dies. The illness makes him to stay in bed day and night with a great pain, worse than biological pain, psychologically it tortures him by the horror of death. Not believing that he will die, he struggle to avoid death by deceives his own self that he is not dying and hides his real condition by being hypocrite to his environment, but his efforts are useless. Having fought against death, ultimately he realizes that he is mortal. At the end, he accepts it and dies in piece. Death is such a taboo subject to discuss in our society, but actually it is human nature. What Woody Allen writes may be able to explain how allergic people are to death. "I am not afraid of dying, but I just don't want to be there when it happens" (Coon, 1992 : 436-437). Psychology finds that people do not like to talk about death because they are afraid of it. The pool to 1500 adults shows that there are no fears of death ; yet. They find another possibility. It may be more exact to say that the people hide and intense denial to death (Coon, 1992 : 436). The fact that all men must die is hardly news, and as an abstract statement it dulls our fears at least as much as it aroused them. The Death of Ivan Ilych is one of interest novella by Leo Tolstoy that can be analyzed because it tells about psychological sides of human's life that lead to the main point self-deception and hypocrisy of the main character named Ivan Ilych. Having the feeling of anxious in facing death makes people tend to do something which can reduce his anxiety. People tend to deceive himself by believing that he is not facing death and forces to think that his condition is better while he knows well that he suffers illness which leads him to the death. The topic in this thesis is about self-deception and hypocrisy, because it is the most important one and it is suffered by the main character, Ivan. Self-deception is a mental defense mechanism by which some people cope with intensely painful emotions. They avoid becoming aware of, or accepting the truth about, a current life circumstance or person simply because it is too painful or scary to do so (from http://nirmukta.com/2010/06/21/self-deception-as-a-coping-mechanism-among-victims-of-the-sai-baba-cult/). Meanwhile, there is also another term that almost has the same meaning as self-deception which is hypocrisy. Based on the online dictionary, hypocrisy is "the condition of a person pretending to be something he is not, especially in the area of morals or religion; a false presentation of belief or feeling. The study of self-deception and hypocrisy are related to the main character in Leo Tolstoy's The Death of Ivan Ilych. In this novella Ivan as the main character of the story experiences self-deception. He forces himself to believe something which he knows that it is false. It happens when he faces illness that leads him to the death. He knows well that the illness will leads him to the death, but he keeps forcing himself to think that everything will fine even his life will not be disturbed by the illness. Ivan is someone who has ambitious in life. He desires that his life should be easy, pleasant and decorous. When he gets the illness, he feels fear that it will give big impact in his life. He feels anxiety that his desires about life will not fulfill because of that illness. That is why he uses self-deception to reduce his anxiety. Meanwhile there is also another term that almost has the same meaning as self-deception is hypocrisy. Self-deception is so related to hypocrisy. It is because self-deception is the root of hypocrisy. If someone experiences hypocrisy in his life, it can be analyzed that he also experiences self-deception as the root of his hypocritical behavior. Furthermore, if someone experiences self-deception in his life, it might also lead him to have hypocritical behavior. The main character Ivan experiences self-deception in his life, and his self-deception give raise to his hypocritical behavior. He pretends that he is fine, hides his real condition even though in the depth of his heart he knows that his illness is getting worse and will lead him to the death. In addition, this novel ever discussed about the anxiety by Anita Christina HR from English Literature 2004 entitled Ivan's Enxiety in Leo Tolstoy's The Death of Ivan Ilych. It tells about the anxiety experienced by the main character Ivan in this novel. This study will not same with that previous study, because this study will discuss about self-deception in the main character Ivan, and how Ivan's self-deception give raise to his hypocrisy. The idea to unearth the self-deception and hypocrisy of the main character probably is not the main message of the novel, but the freedom of reader's interpretation lets unguessed ideas be out of the author's purpose, even exceed the consciousness of the author. These all ground the creating this thesis with potential title "Ivan's Self-deception and Hypocrisy in Leo Tolstoy's The Death of Ivan Ilych". RESEARCH METHOD The used method is descriptive quality; it means the quality of the data becomes the reference to work rather than the quantity of the data. Besides, a technique is needed to understand the data. Technique of interpretation must be used to interpret and analyze the data. Through interpretation the analysis can be worked. Interpretation is a crucial step that has to do before analyzing the data. Then, extrinsic approach is used as an approach toward the analysis in which environment belongs to it. According to method above, the first thing that has to do is collecting data. In collecting data this research focuses on reading and documentation. Reading novel. In this step, novel becomes the object of the research. The novel is entitled The Death of Ivan Ilych, written by Leo Tolstoy. To collect the correctly data, it needs reading more than once, because to get interpretation, it needs understanding all contents completely with all possibilities both intrinsically and extrinsically. Inventorying data. This step is collecting data through noting the quotations related to the statement of the problems and objectives of the study, it is including in words, sentences, and discourse that can represent self-deception and hypocrisy in Leo Tolstoy's The Death of Ivan Ilych. Thus, all data that will be analyzed are started and sourced through the novel's contents. Classification data. It is appropriate to the statements of the problems about self-deception and hypocrisy in Leo Tolstoy's The Death of Ivan Ilych. Tabling the data. It is to simplify reading the data and classify data that is used in the analysis for the readers. Continuously, the selected data or the collected data, which are related to the statements of the problems and the objectives, are analyzed through self-deception and hypocrisy to the main characters in Leo Tolstoy's The Death of Ivan Ilych. SELF-DECEPTION Barnes argues that in self-deception, self-deceivers must intentionally get themselves to believe something they know or truly believe is false (Barnes, 1997 : 4). It means that self-deception only involves one person, she/he is not only as deceiver but also deceived. It is the difference between interpersonal deception and self-deception, that in interpersonal deception, one intentionally gets the other one to believe something, but in self-deception, deceivers intentionally get themselves to believe something. The same thing is also confirmed by Mele in his book Irrationality. The conception of self-deception as lying to oneself is fueled by the idea that interpersonal deception necessarily involves lying to another. If deceiving someone else is getting him to believe something that one knows (or correctly believes) is false, it is natural to understand self-deception as getting oneself to believe something that one knows (or correctly believes) is false. (Mele, 1987 : 122). Deceiving someone else is to make the other person believe something that the deceiver knows it is false. While in self-deception, deceivers make themselves to believe something which they know it is false. Self-deception involves just one person, where she or he is not only become deceiver but also deceived. In self-deception, deceivers must intentionally get themselves to believe something which they know or truly believe is false. I deceived myself, then (Barnes, 1997 : 18) : (a) As deceiver, I must believe of some proposition that it is false, and at the same time, as deceived, believe that it is true, and (b) As deceived, I must be taken in by a deceitful strategy that, as deceiver, I know to be deceitful As quoted by Mele, according to Demos self-deception exists when a person lies to himself, that is to say, persuades himself to believe what he knows is not so. In short, self-deception entails that B believes both p and not-p at the same time. (Mele, 1987 : 122). It means that in self-deception, deceivers know what they believe is actually false, but they keep believing something false in themselves. . That is called as self-deceivers believes both p and not-p. they know the truth, but still keep believing the false. Self-deceptive belief functions to reduce anxiety. The self-deceptive belief that p may function to reduce anxiety that not-p, it can sometimes function instead to reduce anxiety about some other proposition (Barnes, 1997 : 36). This suggests that when self-deceivers deceive themselves into believing that some future event will occurs, their self-deceptive beliefs function to reduce their anxiety about the non-occurrence of that event. Self-deceptive belief always functions to reduce a self-deceiver's anxiety, whether the self-deceptive belief is about what will occur, what has occurred, or what is occurring. A belief that p functions to reduce anxiety that not-q when (Barnes, 1997 : 59) : (1) the belief that p is caused by the anxious desire that q and (2) the purpose of the occurrence of the belief that p is to reduce anxiety that not-q According to requirement 1, the anxious desire plays a casual role in the person's coming to have that belief. According requirement 2, the having of the belief that p is purposive. Its purpose is to reduce anxiety that not-q. Barnes argues that self-deceiver's anxious desires cause them to be biased in favor of beliefs that reduce their anxiety (Barnes, 1997: 59). People have self-deceptive beliefs because having self-deceptive beliefs reduces their anxiety. Something (having a self-deceptive belief) which has a certain effect (reducing anxiety) is explained by the fact that it has that effect (Barnes, 1997 : 60). HYPOCRISY People do something because they have a motive. Everything which is done by them is a sign of their motive or the aim they have. When they want to get attention from others, they tend to do something which can make the other people give them attention. It can be done by the people who did not intend to deceive. They do something which is consistent with their motive. Deceit is done by the signs of outward deeds. Such as when a person pretends to have a good purpose or intent through their actions, but in reality it was a bad goal. The purpose is actually bad and not in accordance with the action they did. It can be said as a lie. The lie can be regarded as hypocrisy. A deed is a sign of the person's intention. But it is not so for the hypocrite, who by outward signs of deeds or things signifies that which he is not (Spiegel, 1999 : 20) As quoted by Spiegel, philosopher Gilbert Ryle suggests that to be hypocritical is to try to appear actuated by a motive other than one's real motive (Spiegel, 1999 : 23). A hypocrite takes an action to deliver a purpose that is not the real goal. They tend to hide the real goal with actions which they are doing. So it conveys through his actions, others will accept that the goal is not their real goal. They made their actions as a mask to hide the true purpose. Hypocrisy is an act to make a 'belief', in which he pretended to believe what he actually knows that's not the real problem/case. These actions will continue to do so leads to a different motive other than the actual motive. The hypocrite engages in action which, as it were, contradict or "negate" one another morally. One is morally good, while the other is bad. Thus, the hypocrite is irrational, because inconsistent, in the moral sense (Spiegel, 1999 : 30). Hypocrisy hates the truth. Because a hypocrite's self-worth is based on maintaining an illusion of righteousness and godliness to himself and the others, he must continually deceive himself and others that his righteousness is genuine. However, since his righteousness is not genuine, he must be on constant guard against fact, circumstances, or people that might expose him. Instead of the truth being the foundation of his life, values, and hope, it becomes an enemy against which he must always be on guard (Matthew 6:23 ; Luke 11:34-36 ; john 3:19-21) ( http://questions.org/attq/whats-so-dangerous-about-hypocrisy/ ) Others will be difficult to understand what he was hiding. It is because the hypocrite will continue to provide the signs, through actions to cover up the truth. Not only through actions, hypocrites with their self-consciously deceive others through his language, the words they said to others. Those are why the lie will be difficult to be understood. KINDS OF HYPOCRISY Roger Crisp and Christopher Cowton offers a fourfold distinction of the vice, which are (Spiegel, 1999 : 30) : Hypocrisy of Pretense The hypocrisy of pretense occurs when a person puts up a front of being morality or physically better than he is. Pretentious hypocrites are motivated by desire for selfish gain. But as Crisp and Cowton note, pretenses may be motivated by malice, shame, and even interest in others (Spiegel, 1999 : 30). Nor must the pretense aim to sham genuine virtue. People experiences hypocrisy of pretense when they hide their real motive which is better rather that the real motive. For instance, a person is feeling in bad condition but when the other people ask about his condition he tends to hide by telling that his condition is good. This example can indicate that this person is experiencing hypocrisy of pretense. Hypocrisy of Blame Hypocrisy of blame, defined as moral criticism of others by someone with moral fault of their own. The vice often appears to lie particularly in the fact that the fault of the critic is worse than criticized (Spiegel, 1999 : 31). Hypocrisy of the blame Occurs when the perpetrator has an error then he tends to put the blame on to someone else. it is done with the purpose to cover up his own mistakes. By blaming others actually he does not realize that his sin was far worse than the mistake he accuses. It was because he had an error and then add the mistake of accusing others with the intent to cover up his mistake which ended up being worse. Hypocrisy of Inconsistency The third category of hypocrisy is that inconsistency, which is defined as the uttering of some (overriding) moral requirement that does apply to oneself and then failing to live up to it. Hypocrisy of inconsistency occurs when a person's action is not in accordance to his words. For instance, a person told to his friend that he would read a novel but then the other friend of this person sees that he is not reading a novel but he is playing piano. The other example which can be indication of hypocrisy of inconsistency is when a person promised to himself or another person about something, but in fact he does not do what has been said by his own self. Judith Sklar regards it as "the distance between assertion and performance" (Spiegel, 1999 : 31). Hypocrite are generally regarded as insincere the faults of the other two characters are quite different. The hypocrite engages in action which, as it were, contradict or "negate" one another morally. One is morally good, while the other is bad. Thus, the hypocrite is irrational, because inconsistent, in the moral sense. Hypocrisy of complacency Lastly, complacency in certain conditions can be said a form of hypocrisy. To be guilty of this is to ignore the demands of morality when they become costly, to be content with one's moral status, refusing to improve or even to reflect upon it, while carrying on a pretense of virtue blaming others for they vices, or failing to practice what one preaches. Thus, as Crisp and Cowton note, complacent hypocrites protect "their complacency from criticism on the grounds of the first three kinds of hypocrisy" (Crisp and Cowton, 1994: 343-345). The hypocrisy of complacency could also fall into any of these categories, as suggested by Crisp and Cowton's own assertion that such hypocrites may sustain their complacency through any of the other forms of hypocrisy ; pretense, blame or inconsistency (Spiegel, 1999 : 32). RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN SELF-DECEPTION AND HYPOCRISY Some writers maintain that at least in some form, hypocrisy is rooted in self-deceit. The self-deceived which can be called as 'internal' hypocrite is characterized by psyche fractured by refusal to fully own up to some moral truth she knows in her heart to heart (Spiegel, 1999: 33) . The self-deceived person tends to act that way because of she/he wants to refuse some moral truth she/he knows. It can be caused by her/his unreadiness of accepting the truth. The self-deceived person tends to 'make believe' in which he/she pretends to believe what she/he knows that it is not the case. The delusional person experiences no conflict in her belief of a lie, for she is completely convinced. On the other hand, the self-deceived does experiences conflict because of her belief contradicts her knowledge. Self-deceived actually knows that what she/he has done contradicts to her knowledge. Hypocrisy involves self-deception when it results from either: (1) A false belief resulting from a motivated bias of some sort, (2) A disavowal of some continuing engagement in which one is involved, or (3) Some combination of 1 and 2. Some writers prefer to see hypocrisy as a "second order" or "meta" vice. It means that self-deception occurs as the result of self-deception that happened before. In the words of Crisp and Cowton, it is symptomatic of "a failure to take morality seriously" (Spiegel, 1999 : 35). It can be said that it is metavirtuous to acknowledge the domain of morality, that is, to be moralist. But the hypocrite is metavicious, for someone tacitly refuses to do so, and is therefore an amoralist such a person considers herself somehow exempt from moral constraints. And yet, being aware of how the moral community operates and when and why rewards are doled out to the virtuous, the hypocrite plays a part for personal gain. As quoted by Spiegel, Christine McKinnon notes that hypocrite "wishes a certain status and she recognizes that this can be achieved if she can manage the elicit positive moral assessments" (Spiegel, 1999 : 35). So like the self-deceived hypocrite, the amoralist hypocrite gains praise and respect for qualities she does not really possess. But unlike the self-deceived hypocrite, she experiences no psychological dissonance, because she is genuinely convinced that she is not the subject to the relevant moral rules. As quoted by Szabados and Solfer, Shklar argues that allowing self-deception to count would result in a regrettable proliferation of accusations of hypocrisy (Solfer, 2004 : 256). It is possible that such hypocrisy involves, not only deception to others, but rather than self-deception, which may not similarly involve knowledge that one is engaged in deception. In short, self-deception and hypocrisy are two terms which cannot be separated because they have relationship each other. Self-deception can also be called as internal hypocrisy, a hypocrisy which is done to his/her own self. A deceived and a deceiver are the same person. Meanwhile hypocrisy can also be called as interpersonal deception, a deception which is done to the other people. Hypocrisy involves more than two people, there is a deceiver and also involves the other people which become deceived. Besides, self-deception can give raise to hypocrisy when a person becomes self-deceiver, there is a possibility that makes him/her becomes hypocrite. It is because self-deception is the cause of hypocritical behavior. One and the same hypocrite's actions are as resulting from self-deceit or lack of moral seriousness. Self-deceit and amoralism as dual causes of hypocritical behavior (Spiegel, 1999 : 36). If self-deception is deceiving their own selves to believe something they know that it is false. If the self-deceptive belief results action, behaviour, language or something else which lead them to deceive others rather than their own selves, it can be said that their self-deception give raise to their hypocrisy. Thus we can see how self-deception and hypocrisy have relationship each other and cannot be separated. DEPICTION OF IVAN'S SELF-DECEPTION Self-deception is a mental defense mechanism by which some people cope with intensely painful emotions. The self-deceivers are becoming aware of, or accepting the truth about, a current life circumstance or person simply because it is too painful or scary to do so. In this novel, the central drama of the story is Ivan's struggle with illness and death, and Tolstoy gives us quite the setup. He tells us Ivan's whole life story up to the point when he becomes sick. We get to know Ivan, his habits and desires, his family and friends, and his circumstances. The main character Ivan is someone who experiences self-deception because he is not ready in accepting the truth that he is facing illness which leads him to the death Ivan forces himself thinking that he is getting better. He keeps forcing himself to believe that the illness is getting better and the medicine begins to take the effect. But then the usual pain is coming back to him, he becomes more painful because the illness feels more serious. As he grows sicker, Ivan's mood and attitude toward life begin to change dramatically. He starts having to struggle with fear, discomfort, and isolation. The illness begins after he slipped when he was preparing his new house. Ivan feels everything is well after his move to his new house, but sometimes Ivan complains of a strange taste in his mouth and something wrong with his left side, but this could hardly be called as an illness. The something wrong grows worse, and although it is not real pain, it is a feeling of pressure in his side which throws him into a constant state of depression. The state of depression depends and begins to spoil the pleasure of the easy and decorous life that the Golovin family had recaptured. As his ill humor begins to mar the easy and agreeable lifestyle he has worked so hard to construct, volatile disputes with his wife occur more and more often. Ivan goes to see the doctor. To him, the only important question is whether his case is serious or not. But ignoring Ivan's concern, the doctor focuses on the strictly medical question of whether Ivan's problem is a floating kidney or appendicitis. This question the doctor answers brilliantly, and as Ivan thought, in favor of the appendix. Ivan gets the feeling that his case is very serious and he is struck by the doctor's indifference and utter lack of sympathy to a matter of such importance. After think about his illness, he becomes more realize that he is going closer to the death. It shows that Ivan reviews from the beginning when the first time he gets the pain from his illness. It begins when he slipped in his new house, then he get a bruise which hurts a little. But then it becomes more painful, so he visit to the doctor to consul about the pain he feels. He is not sure to the doctor's diagnosis then he intents to see another doctor to get more accurate diagnosis. But from the other doctors, he gets the same diagnoses which resume that his illness is chronic. Then from doctor's resume, he gets the thought that it is not the case of what disease he is suffering, but it is about life and death. Demos argues that self-deception exists when a person lies to himself, that is to say, persuades himself to believe what he knows is not so, self-deception entails that someone believes both p and not-p at the same time (Mele, 1987 : 122). This argument also confirms what is being experienced by Ivan, because based on quotations in the novel it is clear that he believes something contradictory at the same time. On the one hand he fully understands that there is something bad in him as a result of his illness, he knew it was the explanation from the doctors he visited. On the other hand, he forced himself to think that there would be no bad thing in him, and believe that it is not a chronic disease, unlike what has been described by doctors. Then it can clearly be seen that in this case Ivan lies to himself. Barnes argues that a belief that p functions to reduce anxiety that not-q when (1) the belief that p is caused by the anxious desire that q (Barnes, 1997 : 59). In Ivan's case, a belief about his illness that it is just a small thing functions to reduce his anxiety that it is a chronic illness not a small thing as he believes. It occurs because his belief is caused by his anxious desire that it is a chronic disease. Ivan has anxious feeling about his illness, he will not it becomes chronic because it will make him die. In the depth of his heart, he feels so anxious with what has been said by the doctor, he knows well that the doctor diagnoses there are something bad in himself because of his illness. He also feels that his condition becomes worse gradually, and becomes more understand about the illness from medical book he read. All these things make his anxious feeling becomes worse. That is why he always forces himself to think that he is getting better and his illness is just small thing, it functions to reduce his anxious feeling. It occurs when the purpose of the occurrence of the belief that p is to reduce anxiety that not-q (2) (Barnes, 1997 : 59). Barnes explain that the belief about p does not only function to reduce anxious feeling but also has the purpose to reduce it. Ivan's belief about his illness does not only function to reduce his anxious feeling, it also has a purpose. His purpose to have a belief that his illness is just a small thing is to reduce his anxious feeling that it is a chronic disease. Ivan feels anxious that his illness will mar his pleasure of life. Ivan is someone who has desire in life that his life ought to be easy, pleasant, and decorous. He has bright childhood, good life, and good physic, mental and social background. . He is someone who has big ambitious in life, especially in his job. He will do everything to fulfill his pleasure of life. In his mind, the happy frame of life comes from his success in job and the harmonious relation with his wife, the one augmenting the other. Everything goes in accordance with what he desires in his life. But since he married with Praskovya Fredorovna, his easy, pleasant and decorous of life changes gradually. He feels that his marriage cannot bring him the pleasant of life. He realizes that being married at least to this wife, does not necessarily augment the pleasures and proprieties of life, but on the contrary, threatened them and that therefore he must guard himself against these threats. Something worse happens and then begins to mar his easy, pleasant and decorous life. He suffers the chronic illness which makes his condition became worse gradually. Since he got an incurable illness that has tortured him biologically and psychologically, Ivan feels anxious. He feels anxious because he seems that he is not ready in facing death and also he feels anxious that his illness will mar his easy, pleasant and decorous life. As the time goes by, and the illness becomes worse more than before, automatically Ivan cannot live his life like he used to live, easy, pleasant and decorous. Peterman describes in the symptoms of self-deceiver that A part of the explanation for A's believing that P is that A desires that P (Spiegel, 1999 : 56). If it is used to analyze Ivan's case, the A stands for Ivan as the self-deceiver and P is Ivan's belief that his illness is just a small thing. Ivan believes it because he desires it to be. Ivan believes that his illness is just a small thing that it is actually not a chronic diseases because he indeed desires everything is well. Then his desires lead him to keep believing that his illness is just nothing, just a small thing. he does not want his illness will destroy what he has believed about his life that it should be run in accordance with what he believed : easy, pleasant and decorous. REVEALATION OF IVAN'S SELF-DECEPTION GIVES RAISE TO HIS HIS HYPOCRISY There is also another term that almost has the same meaning as self-deception which is hypocrisy. Based on the online dictionary, hypocrisy is "the condition of a person pretending to be something he is not, especially in the area of morals or religion; a false presentation of belief or feeling" (http://www.thefreedictionary.com/hypocrisy). Indeed, hypocrisy is very close to self-deception but it may affect one else rather that just between his/ her own self. Self-deception and hypocrisy are two terms which are cannot be separated. It is because at least in some forms, hypocrisy is rooted in self-deceit. Self-deception is also called as internal hypocrisy. Self-deception is deceiving themselves to believe something they know that it is false (Spiegel, 1999 : 33). If the self-deceptive belief results action, behavior, language or something else which lead them to deceive others rather than their own selves, it can be said that their self-deception give raise to their hypocrisy. It has been analyzed that Ivan experiences self-deception in his life, but unfortunately his self-deception give raise to his hypocrisy. Ivan does not only deceive himself in the matter of facing his illness. His self-deceptive belief results action, language and behavior which lead him to deceive others rather than his own self. Ivan's self-deception give raise three kinds of hypocrisy, they are hypocrisy of pretense, hypocrisy of blame, and hypocrisy of inconsistency. HYPOCRISY OF PRETENSE Ivan experiences hypocrisy of pretense in himself. It happened when he had to struggle with the illness. As explained in the previous analysis of self-deception, he has a belief in himself that his illness is just a small thing. Ivan believes that his illness is just a small thing, that it is actually not a chronic disease. It is because he indeed desires everything is well. Then his desires lead him to keep believing that his illness is just nothing, just a small thing. he does not want his illness will destroy what he has believed about his life that it should be run in accordance with what he believed : easy, pleasant and decorous. He realizes that his illness will destroy his faith about life. Then he forces himself to think that he is getting better. But then it appears the internal conflict in his heart, because his belief contradicts with the fact that his illness is a chronic disease. He knows that he is dying, but he is unable to grasp the full implications of his mortality. He sees that he is dying, and he is in a constant state of despair. In his heart of hearts he knows he is dying, and it is not simply that he could not get used the idea that he could not grasp it, could not possibly grasp it. He hides his real condition by pretending though his words that "the appendix is getting better". But then the painful feeling of his illness follows his words. By doing so, everyone especially his wife in this case, will consider that indeed he is in a good condition because he say to her that "the appendix is getting better". It occurs to a hypocrites, they will act through their action and language by their self-conciously that this action or this utterance is false. It is done to hide the actual case. That occurred in Ivan's case, when his friend and his wife or everyone in his environment considers that Ivan illness is just a small thing, Ivan success becoming hypocrite. A hypocrite takes an action to deliver a purpose that is not the real goal. They tend to hide the real goal with actions which they are doing. So it conveys through his actions, others will accept that the goal is not their real goal. They made their action as a mask to hide the true purpose (Spiegel, 1999 :20). From the quotation above, Ivan uses "cheerfully" action as a mask to hide his condition, so it leads the other goal which is his wife will assume that his condition is good. It is called that Ivan's pretense will raise another perception in his wife's perspective, rather than the actual case that Ivan never forget about the pain which is caused by his illness. He pretends and hides his real condition to everyone, so then it leads the thought of everyone that Ivan is in a good condition. Everyone think that Ivan is just suffers simply disease, not a chronic disease. The only thing that Ivan need is simply following the doctor's treatment and taking his medicine regularly. By doing so, Ivan will get better again as he used to be before he got the illness. Others will be difficult to understand what he was hiding. It is because the hypocrite will continue to provide the signs, through actions to cover up the truth (Spiegel, 1999 : 23). The quotation above shows that how everyone does not know about the real condition of Ivan. It is because Ivan always hides it by acting like he is not suffering the chronic illness. HYPOCRISY OF BLAME Ivan's self-deception give raise to his hypocrisy of pretense because in the matter of hiding his condition, Ivan does not only experience hypocrisy of pretense, but also hypocrisy of blame. When everything goes but it is not in accordance with what he wants, he blames his wife. He also blames his wife's attitude that it seems like his wife does not notice him. Ivan's attitude in hiding his condition causes his wife's attitude towards his illness. Ivan thinks that his wife seems not notice and will not understand about his condition. It is described clearly by the statement above, that his wife's attitude is actually his own fault. But Ivan seems that he is blaming his wife because of her attitude. In this case, his wife's attitude toward him happens as a result of his own deception. As it has been described in the previous analysis about hypocrisy of pretense, that Ivan hides his real condition by pretending through his "cheerful" action, then it leads to his wife's perspective, she assumes that indeed Ivan is in good condition. By thinking that way, automatically she also will not too worry with his condition. So then his attitude in blaming his wife can be called as his hypocrisy of blame, which is rooted by his own deception. Ivan hides the doctor's diagnose about his illness from everyone even his wife. Ivan seems blame everyone's attitude toward him that they seem annoyed and do not want understand about his condition. He does not realize that the environment's attitude toward his illness is a result of his hypocritical behavior which he pretends as he is not suffering chronic disease. Then it automatically leads the thought that he is indeed in a good condition, so then everyone will notice him like a person who is in good condition and will not give more attention like the attention to person who is suffering chronic disease. Ivan hates his wife who is actually always giving him attention but he himself always rejects it. The only one to blame is actually Ivan himself, it was because he pretends and hides the actual condition. The second is because he always refused any attention that is given by his wife. When someone is always giving attention, but the attention she gives was rejected then she will feel bored to continue giving attention to the same person. Likewise with Ivan's wife, who wants to give him more attention even by every simple way, but Ivan always refused and thought that his wife would not understand his real condition. Actually it is Ivan's mistake because he does not want show the doctor's diagnosis to everyone, including his wife. When his wife tries to ask about the doctor's diagnosis he lies and hides it by telling that everything is fine. With all his mistakes, he blames his wife. He does not realize that actually the only one to blame is his own self which is cause by his own behavior, not the mistakes of other people even his wife. Finding Ivan's condition even worse, however, his wife chooses to tell Ivan to take his medicine rather than make the announcement. Ivan looks at his wife with extreme animosity and tells her to let him die in peace. Ivan greets the doctor with the same hostility, declaring that the doctor can do nothing for him. The doctor admits to his wife that Ivan's case is very serious, and that he can only administer drugs to ease the pain. Yet more than his physical sufferings, Ivan's mental sufferings cause him the greatest torture. One night Ivan begins to doubt whether he has lived his life correctly. It occurs to him that his official life, the arrangement of his family, and all his social interests are actually false. He wants to defend his life path, but finds that there is nothing to defend. Realizing that the only truth in his life was when he attempted to struggle against the expectations and values of high society, Ivan realizes that his life "was not real at all, but a terrible and huge deception which had hidden both life and death." Seeing the footman, his wife, his daughter, and all the other people he comes across in his daily routine confirms to Ivan the truth of his realization. This consciousness increases his suffering "tenfold." For the first time, Ivan recognizes the hypocrisy and artificiality of his life. He calls into question the values that he has lived by, and he honestly entertains the conclusion that the way he lived has obscured both life and death. A proper view of life, Ivan now understands, entails an acknowledgment of the inevitability of death, as well as an appreciation of the true joys of life. The two go hand in hand. By accepting unpleasantness as a fact of life, one can derive full benefit from life's joys. Ivan's realization has affected a shift in the focal point and intensity of his spiritual suffering. Ivan no longer feels obliged to take part in the pretense around him. He confronts both his wife and the doctor with the truth of his condition. Now, however, Ivan's spiritual pain is caused by the possibility that his whole life has been in error. Yet despite Ivan's new knowledge, Ivan still does not wholly relinquish the hope that his life was lived rightly. Even though he is now keenly aware of the spiritual component of life, he is not yet ready to fully admit the error of his life. In a sense, he knows it, but does not acknowledge it. In this manner, Tolstoy paves the way for the resolution of the life and death of Ivan Ilych. HYPOCRISY OF INCONSISTENCY Ivan's attempts to deal with the disruption caused by his illness are also revealing. By following the doctor's orders in a scrupulous and exact fashion, he not only takes up the position that his illness is purely physiological, but he also demonstrates his belief that life is well regulated and predictable. With his wife's pregnancy, Ivan managed to adopt a perspective that ignored the disagreeable aspects of her behavior. And when the proper channels of complaint failed to gain Ivan notice when he was passed over for promotion, a sudden and miraculous reorganization of the government landed him a better position. Yet unlike the previous incursions of unseemliness and unpredictability into his life, Ivan's illness resists such decorum restoring measures. When meticulous attention to the doctor's instructions fails to help, Ivan tries to force himself to think that he is better. But even self-deception is unsuccessful when problems with his wife, difficulty at work, or bad cards at bridge make him conscious of his disease. The fact that life's unpleasantness causes the pain that Ivan experiences is a key to Ivan's condition. If Ivan's condition is not physiological, but is truly caused by a misperception of the nature of life, i.e., if Ivan's illness stems from his belief that life is always proper, formal, decorous, and neat, then any signs to the contrary would serve to aggravate his symptoms. A close look at Ivan's night of bridge seems to point to the same conclusion. Ivan enjoys bridge because it mirrors his perception of reality. Bridge, in a sense, is a metaphor for Ivan's ideal of a proper life. Thus, when Ivan realizes that his excitement at making a grand slam (the best possible bridge hand) is ridiculous in light of his present condition, bridge seems to lose all its appeal. Ivan's illness makes him conscious of the fact that bridge does not reflect the true nature of life. Missing a grand slam, as Ivan does when he misplays his hand, is really a trivial occurrence. Ivan simply does not care. And the reason that "it is dreadful to realize" why he does not care is because that realization implies the destruction of his worldview. Although Ivan has not yet completely relinquished his view of life as neat and predictable, his illness is gradually making him aware that a world and a reality exist outside of the one he occupies. He begins to deal with himself that he should stop being too aware of his condition as the impact of his illness, the only thing he should do is just going to one doctor and follow the instruction in order to get better. Ivan believes and hopes when he follows the instruction and takes the medicine regularly, his condition will get better. But then his wife tells to the doctor how Ivan does not follow the doctor's instruction by not taking his medicine. Then it clearly described that Ivan becomes inconsistence, because his action is not accordance with what has been said by him. Two more weeks pass by, and Ivan's physiological condition degenerates further. One morning Praskovya enters Ivan's room to tell him that their daughter's suitor has formally proposed. Finding Ivan's condition even worse, however, she chooses to tell Ivan to take his medicine rather than make the announcement. Ivan looks at his wife with extreme animosity and tells her to let him die in peace.Ivan does not want follow his wife's demand, he did not take the medicine even his condition has become more serious and worse. Ivan greets the doctor with the same hostility, declaring that the doctor can do nothing for him. The doctor admits to Praskovya that Ivan's case is very serious, and that he can only administer drugs to ease the pain. His wife tells that Ivan does not take the medicine and does not follow the doctor's instruction. The only thing he does is just lying in his bed while his legs up, because he feels better by doing so. Ivan does not consistence with what he has been told and promised that in the previous he said that he will follow the doctor's instruction and take his medicine regularly, but in fact he does not do it. It indicates that what Ivan is not in accordance with what he has told that it can be said as hypocrisy of inconsistency. As Judith Sklar regards about hypocrisy of inconsistency is that "the distance between assertion and performance" (Spiegel, 1999 : 31). Where it can be described that what happen to Ivan is hypocrisy of inconsistency, does as Ivan said, not as Ivan does. CONCLUSION Based on the whole analysis of the study in chapter 3, there are several conclusions in line with the statement of the problem. Based on the definition of self-deception which has been explained by Barnes that self-deception involves just one person, that person does not only become deceiver but also deceived. The deceivers are getting themselves to believe something that they know or truly believe is false. It occurs to the main character Ivan in The Death of Ivan Ilych. The central drama of the story is Ivan's struggle with illness and death, and Tolstoy gives us quite the setup. He tells us Ivan's whole life story up to the point when he becomes sick. The writer gets to know Ivan, his habits and desires, his family and friends, and his circumstances. Ivan experiences self-deception in his life as a result of his unreadiness in accepting the truth that he is facing death. Barnes argues that the self-deceptive belief functions to reduce anxiety. It also occurs to Ivan that he feels afraid in facing his illness. He seems aware even anxious that the illness will disturb his pleasure of life. That is why he uses self-deception to reduce his anxiety about not fulfilling of his pleasure of life and the anxious because of his unreadiness in facing death. Furthermore, Ivan's self-deception gives rise to his hypocrisy. Self-deception is deceiving themselves to believe something they know it is false, if this self-deceptive believe result action, language, behaviour or something else which lead them to deceive others rather than their own selves, it can be said that his self-deception give raise to his hypocrisy. In Ivan's case, his self-deception results action, language, behaviour and something else which lead him to deceive others rather than his own self. So it can be analyzed that Ivan's self-deception gives rise to his hypocrisy. Ivan's self-deception gives rise to three kinds of his hypocritical behaviours those are hypocrisy of pretense, hypocrisy of blame and hypocrisy of inconsistency. His hypocrisy of pretense appears to hide his real condition from people around him. Besides hypocrisy of pretense, Ivan's self-deception also gives raise to his hypocrisy of blame. Ivan blames his environment's attitude toward his condition that they tend does not pay more attention to his condition. Actually it is his own mistake that he hides his real condition which leads the attitude of everyone that they will not give him more attention. Ivan blames the other person which actually the only person to blame is his own self. Lastly, Ivan also experiences hypocrisy of inconsistency. It occurs because he does not take his medicine regularly. Whereas he has promised that he will allow the doctor's instruction by taking his medicine and does not eat food which is forbidden by the doctor. It indicates that what Ivan does is not in accordance with what he has said. All hypocritical behaviours performed by Ivan are rooted by his self-deception. Basically self-deception is root of hypocrisy. When someone experiences self-deception, she/he has possibility to be hypocrite. But in the end story of Ivan, Ivan realizes that he has actually been traveling opposite his intended direction. Moving up in social esteem has not led to joy, fulfillment and life, but to misery, emptiness and death. Blinded by the values of high society, he has been traveling in the wrong direction on the road of life. After Ivan's climactic realization, his waking life is defined by one thing, suffering, and lots of it. But he has at least finally stumbled on the thing he needs to recognize: his life was wrong. when Ivan realizes his error and comes to a fuller understanding of the nature of life, he is reborn spiritually and experiences extreme joy. REFERENCES Barnes, Annette. 1997. Seeing Through Self-Deception. Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Coon, Dennis. 1992. Introduction to Psychology : Exploration and application (6th Edition). St Paul : West Publishing Company. Jabrohim. 2001. Metodologi Penelitian Sastra. Yogyakarta : PT hanindita Graha Widia. Mele, Alfred R. 1987. Irrationality. Oxford : Oxford University Press. Sklare, Arnold B. 1965. The Art of the Novella. New York : The Macmillan Company. Solfer, Bela Szabados & Edon. 2004. Hypocrisy : Ethical Investigation. Canada : Broadview press, Ltd. Spiegel, James S. 1999. Hypocrisy : Moral Fraud and Other Vices. United States of America : Baker Books. Tolstoy, leo. 1960. The Death of Ivan Ilych and Other Stories. London : The New American library of World Literature, Inc. Waluyo, Herman. 2002. Apresiasi dan Pengajaran Sastra. Surakarta : Sebelas Maret University Press. Wellek, Rene & Austin Warren. 1949. Theory of Literature. New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company.
Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Yaadahalli-2 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 662 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 597 ha (90%) in the microwatershed is covered by soils, 7 ha (1%) by rock outcrops and 58 ha (9%) by others (habitation and water body). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below. The soils belong to 11 soil series and 21 soil phases (management units) and 4 land management units. The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October. From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated. Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval. Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated. Entire area in the microwatershed is suitable for agriculture. About 32 per cent area of the microwatershed has soils that are very deep (>150 cm), 28 per cent soils are deep (100 to 150 cm), 20 per cent soils are moderately deep (75-100 cm), 2 per cent soils are moderately shallow (50-75 cm) and 8 per cent soils are shallow (25-50 cm). About 22 per cent area in the microwatershed has sandy soils, 49 per cent loamy soils and 19 per cent clayey soils at the surface. About 86 per cent area of the microwatershed has non gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity. An area of about 6 per cent is nearly level (0-1%) and 84 per cent area in the microwatershed has very gently sloping (1-3%) lands. An area of about 6 per cent is slightly eroded (e1) and 84 per cent is moderately (e2) eroded in the microwatershed. An area of about 2 per cent is slightly acid (pH 6.0-6.5), 44 per cent is neutral (pH 6.5-7.3), 22 per cent is slightly alkaline (pH 7.3-7.8), 20 per cent is moderately alkaline (pH 7.8-8.4) and 2 per cent is strongly alkaline (pH 8.4-9.0) in reaction. The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire area of the microwatershed is 0.75%) in organic carbon. About 62 per cent area is medium (23-57 kg/ha) and 28 per cent area is high (>57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus. About 88 per cent is medium (145-337 kg/ha) and 2 per cent is high (>337 kg/ha) in available potassium. Available sulphur is low (<10 ppm) in an area of about 75 per cent and 15 per cent of the soils are medium (10-20 ppm) in the microwatershed. Available boron is low (<0.5 ppm) in an area of about 74 per cent and medium (0.5-1.0 ppm) in an area of 16 per cent area of the microwatershed. Available iron is sufficient in all the soils of the microwatershed. Available manganese is sufficient in all the soils of the microwatershed. Available copper is sufficient in all the soils of the microwatershed. Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in all the soils of the microwatershed. The land suitability for 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops grown in the microwatershed was assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 455(69) 87(13) Guava - 130(20) Maize 58(9) 433(65) Sapota - 131(20) Bajra 109(16) 433(65) Pomegranate - 528(80) Groundnut - 138(21) Musambi 389(59) 139(21) Sunflower 389(59) 139(21) Lime 389(59) 139(21) Redgram - 528(80) Amla 66(10) 475(72) Bengal gram 397(60) 81(12) Cashew - 66(10) Cotton 389(59) 88(13) Jackfruit - 131(20) Chilli - 542(82) Jamun - 397(60) Tomato 58(9) 401(60) Custard apple 476(72) 65(10) Brinjal 120(18) 421(64) Tamarind - 397(60) Onion 161(24) 101(16) Mulberry - 131(20) Bhendi 299(45) 242(37) Marigold - 542(82) Drumstick - 528(80) Chrysanthemum - 542(82) Mango - 46(7) Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and other horticulture crops. Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested for these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc., Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel and generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. FINDINGS OF THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEY The survey was conducted in Yaadahalli-2 is located at North latitude 160 49' 50.825" and 160 48' 22.582" and East longitude 770 10' 36.282'' and 770 8' 22.441" covering an area of about 661.39 ha coming underYaddalli, Bandhalli and Honagera villages of Yadagiri taluk. Socio-economic analysis of Yaadahalli-2 micro watersheds of Hattikuni subwatershed, Yadgiri taluk & District indicated that, out of the total sample of 36 farmers were sampled in Yaadahalli-2 micro-watershed among households surveyed 19 (52.78%) were marginal, 6 (16.67%) were small and 5 (13.89 %) were semi medium farmers. 6 landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey. The population characteristics of households indicated that, there were 127 (55.70%) men and 101 (44.30 %) were women. The average population of landless was 6.7, marginal farmers were 6.5, semi medium farmers were 5.7 and medium farmers were 6. Majority of the respondents (56.14%) were in the age group of 16-35 years. Education level of the sample households indicated that, there were 74.12 per cent illiterates, 25.44 per cent pre university education and 2.63 per cent attained graduation. About, 77.78 per cent of household heads practicing agriculture and 2.78 per cent of the household heads were engaged as agricultural labourers. Agriculture was the major occupation for 60.09 per cent of the household members. In the study area, 52.78 per cent of the households possess katcha house and 33.33 per cent possess pucca house. The durable assets owned by the households showed that, 61.11 per cent possess TV, 2.78 per cent possess mixer grinder, 94.44 per cent possess mobile phones and 33.33 per cent possess motor cycles. Farm implements owned by the households indicated that, 22.22 per cent of the households possess plough, 5.56 per cent possess tractor, 5.56 per cent possess bullock cart and 13.89 per cent possess sprayer. Regarding livestock possession by the households, 8.33 per cent possess local cow and 2.78 per cent possess buffalo. The average labour availability in the study area showed that, own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.89, women available in the micro watershed was 1.69, hired labour (men) available was 7.83 and hired labour (women) available was 5.97. Further, 19.44 per cent of the households opined that hired labour was inadequate during the agricultural season. 2 In the study area, about 2.63 per cent of the respondents migrated from the micro watershed in search of jobs with an average distance of 1150.00 kms for about 12.00 months. Out of the total land holding of the sample respondents 65.61 per cent (24.20 ha) of the area is under dry condition and the remaining 30.71 per cent area is irrigated land. There were 9.00 live bore wells and 9.00 dry bore wells among the sampled households. Bore well was the major source of irrigation for 25.00 per cent of the households. The major crops grown by sample farmers are Red gram, Cotton, Groundnut, Paddy and Green gram and cropping intensity was recorded as 107.16 per cent. Out of the sample households 77.78 percent possessed bank account and 47.22 per cent of them have savings in the account. About 38.89 per cent of the respondents borrowed credit from various sources. Among the credit borrowed by households, 14.29 per cent have borrowed loan from commercial banks and 64.29 per cent from co-operative/Grameena bank. Majority of the respondents (100.00%) have borrowed loan for agriculture purpose. Regarding the opinion on institutional sources of credit, 92.31 per cent of the households opined that credit helped to perform timely agricultural operations. The per hectare cost of cultivation for Red gram, Cotton, Groundnut, Paddy and Green gram was Rs.50570.78 , 33213.31, 61554.52, 57120.33, and 40238.12 with benefit cost ratio of 1:1.03, 1: 2.90, 1: 2.30, 1: 1.40, and 1:1.50, respectively. Further, 30.56 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate. The average annual gross income of the farmers was Rs. 230574.94 in microwatershed, of which Rs. 62213.89 comes from agriculture. Sampled households have grown 14 horticulture trees and 44 forestry trees together in the fields and back yards. Households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 15694.44 for land development and Rs. 27083.33 for irrigation facility. Source of funds for additional investment is concerned, 2.78 per cent depends on own funds and 11.11 per cent depends on bank loan for land development activities. Regarding marketing channels, 61.11 per cent of the households have sold agricultural produce to the local/village merchants, while, 25.00 per cent have sold in regulated markets. Further, 80.56 per cent of the households have used tractor for the transport of agriculture commodity. 3 Majority of the farmers (55.56%) have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the watershed and 77.78 per cent of the households were interested towards soil testing. Fire was the major source of fuel for domestic use for 83.33 per cent of the households and 16.67 per cent households has LPG connection. Piped supply was the major source for drinking water for 83.33 per cent of the households. Electricity was the major source of light for 100.00 per cent of the households. In the study area, 41.67 per cent of the households possess toilet facility. Regarding possession of PDS card, 91.67 per cent of the households possessed BPL card and 8.33 per cent of the household's possessed APL card. Households opined that, the requirement of cereals (83.33%), pulses (88.89%) and oilseeds (52.78%) are adequate for consumption. Farming constraints experienced by households in the micro watersheds were lower fertility status of the soil was the constraint experienced by (63.89 %) per cent of the households, wild animal menace on farm field (47.22%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (77.78%), inadequacy of irrigation water (58.33%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (77.78%), high rate of interest on credit (77.78%), low price for the agricultural commodities (77.78 %), lack of marketing facilities in the area (63.89%), inadequate extension services (27.78 %) and lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (72.22%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
Purpose: studying of life quality indicators at elderly patients with osteoarthritis using international EuroQol questionnaire for evaluate of efficiency of sanatorium treatment.Materials and methods. 72 patients have been included in study at the age from 60 till 78 years, mean age was 67,6±8,7 years. Patients have been divided by method of randomization on two groups. Patients of one of groups in addition passed rehabilitation in sanatorium conditions for 18–21 days. Assessment of life quality related to health was conducted with use of international questionnaire EuroQol-5D-European Quality of Life instrument (EQ-5D).Results. At all patients with osteoarthritis health problems of varying degree have been revealed. In 12 months according to the questionnaire, reliable positive dynamics of life quality was observed at patients passing sanatorium treatment at the expense of improvement of ability to movement, reduce pain and discomfort and increase daily activity.Conclusions. Having of sanatorium stage of rehabilitation in complex treatment of osteoarthritis allows affect quality of life and keep remission for a longer period in comparison with outpatient treatment.KEY WORDS: quality of life, sanatorium treatments, osteoarthritis.Osteoarthritis (OA) is one of the most common disorders of the muscle-skeletal system, especially in the elderly age group ( in every third elderly person, reaching 70% among those who have over 65 years). During the natural aging occurs involutional changes in the connective tissue, especially in the tendons, ligaments, cartilage, bone tissue, in the walls of blood vessels, muscles [2]. Thus aging of body contributes to the accumulation of diseases. During the examination in elderly and senile patients were diagnosed from three to five different diseases. Modern elderly person is - a unique clinical phenomenon from the point of view on availability and the combination of its diverse in character and course of diseases that are competing for their prognostic significance and impact on quality of life. OA attributed to diseases with high comorbidity, and founded that patients with OA have a significantly higher risk of comorbid conditions than patients who do not suffering from OA [4].Clinical experience and numerous publications data suggest that OA is often associated with subsequent somatic disorders: hypertension, coronary heart disease, obesity, diabetes, lung diseases (chronic obstructive pulmonary disease) and gastro- intestinal tract diseases. The greatest burden on society observed in cases of combination OA and osteodeficiency (osteopenia, osteoporosis (OP)), which significantly decreses the quality of life [5].Quality of life - integrated description of physical, psychological, emotional and social functioning of a person based on its subjective perception. Assessment of quality of life at modern stage have more increasing strong position in medicine, reflecting on the one hand, the presence of new medical technologies that do not affect the life expectancy, but significantly improve its quality, and from the other hand - expanding activity of the patient, increasing of its role in choice of methods of diagnostic and treatment [9].When selecting the questionnaires it is important to consider that to be used in a clinical studying suitable only those that give results of the evaluation quality of life in a form of a single summary score from 0 to 1.0. These includes a generic questionnaire EQ-5D (EuroQol) [8]. This general questionnaire is easy to fill , widely used in different countries and gives during the processing of collected data single score to measure the quality of life, represented by values between 0 and 1, which also provides the possibility of its using in clinical trials. This questionnaire is widely used in various clinical situations , including in assessing the quality of life patients with rheumatic diseases [7].The aging process is controversial, because on the background of regression processes - atrophy, degradation, etc., develops progressive trends of creating the new compensatory-adaptive mechanisms to maintain homeostasis in an aging body, which, however, does not fully offset the growing phenomena of degradation [2]. It should be noted that the adaptive capacity of the aging body is reduced, the possibility of development various diseases increases. In this context, particularly important in cases of illness in the elderly patient is the role of sanogenetic mechanisms, their stimulation and support. A special interest belongs to the sanatorium stage of rehabilitation, whose mission is the prevention of disease progression, stimulation of compensatory capacity of the muscle-skeletal system and the possible restoration of joint function.Spa treatment has a special place in the treatment and preventive care of elderly patients , as a stage in the system of rehabilitation of many chronic diseases. Multi-disciplinary nature of medical rehabilitation in spa conditions, a wide range of rehabilitation methods can embrace patients of all age groups with the most common diseases [1].Compared with medication treatment, natural and artificial physical factors, when they are properly used, characterized by the absence of allergies, lower incidence and severity of side effects, the ability of positively influencing on the number of pathological processes and the whole body, thus helping to improve the quality of life and are important in the prevention of premature aging [2]. In the resort conditions further rehabilitation is indicated for patients with initial stages of OA, disabled (groups I and II), patients with resistant synovitis and comorbidity with the possibility of self-servicing (including general contraindications for a spa treatment) [3].The aim of the study. To investigate the quality of life in elderly patients with osteoarthritis using international EuroQol questionnaire to evaluate the effectiveness of spa treatment.Materials and methods. In study were included 72 patients aged from 60 to 78 years, middle age was 67,6 ± 8,7 years. Among the patients predominates women - 88.4 %. I radiographic stage of osteoarthritis by J.H. Kellgren-Lawrence [ 6] was diagnosed in 23,3 % of patients , II stage - in 76,7 %. In the view of modern geriatric approaches applying of the physical factors in patients with OA who were in the spa rehabilitation stage in the appointment of balneotherapeutic procedures we gave preference to ultrasonic inhalation of mineral waters and baths , from physiotherapy usually prescribed magnetic-lazer therapy, interferential therapy, patients also performed massage and physical rehabilitation . In order to prevent climate-adaptational and reaclimate-adaptational reactions and optimization process of climate-adaptation were included into the treatment complex ( based on established risk factors) adaptogens and treatment procedures that have adaptogenic action ( phytoaeroionisation , singlet-oxygen therapy). In the process of rehabilitation treatment in sanatorium conditions , we have selected the most effective combination of different methods of rehabilitation , which caused the most significant treatment effectiveness : a combination of balneotherapy , physiotherapy and exercise therapy. To improve continuity during medical rehabilitation, at discharging from the sanatorium patients were given written (in the form of special attractions ) recommendatitons about further treatment, lifestyle, physical activity, diet etc.By the method of randomization, patients were divided into two groups. A marked difference for the main source of clinical and functional parameters between the groups were not observed. The control group consisted of 14 patients of the same age without joint pathology. Treatment regimens differed between the studying groups the presence in one of the groups sanatorium stage of rehabilitation. In the first group (n=34) patients received Structum 500 mg 2 times a day ( within 6 months of the year ) and courses of NSAID, including mainly patients treated with meloxicam ( at a dose of 7,5 mg/d) or nimesulide (in dose of 100-200 mg/d) for 7-10 days during worcening. The patients of the second group (n=38) during the 18-21 day were on spa treatment ( once a year ), in the scheme of rehabilitation were: sitting hydrogen sulfide baths, a concentration of 80 mg/L for 10 minutes at a temperature of 360C , the course of 8 procedures every other day or ultrasonic inhalation by hydrogen sulfide water, period of 5 minutes; blue clay applications every other day at 260C temperature; interferential therapy and magnet-lazer therapy on the affected joints to 8 treatments alternately every other day ; pneumomassage ; classes of physical rehabilitation therapy, aromatherapy , singlet -oxygen therapy . After the sanatorium stage of rehabilitation patients are taking drugs containing chondroitin sulfate (within 6 months of the year), at worcening of NSAIDs.Assessment quality of life related to health , was conducted using an international EuroQol-5D-European Quality of Life instrument (EQ-5D), which consists of two parts. At first part the patient self- assessed his condition by 5 parameters: mobility, self-care , usual activities, pain and discomfort , anxiety and depression. In each variant patients could give three possible answers : No problem - 1 , there is some problem - 2, much of the problem - 3. In the second part of the questionnaire , patients assessed their health on a scale from 0 to 100 on the VAS, the so-called thermometer , where 0 means the worst condition , 100 - the best state of health of the patient. This part of the questionnaire is a quantitative assessment of general health.Statistical analysis of the results was done in the department of statistical system research at SHEE "Ternopil State Medical University by I. Y. Gorbachevsky Ministry of Health of Ukraine" in the software package Statsoft STATISTIC. To determine the reliability of the differences in the change of certain indicators were used parametric and non-parametric methods: criterion Wilkoksona, two-sided Fisher's criterion. A significant differences were considered when the degree of probability of error-free prognosis is (p) 95% (p <0.05). Results and discussion. General description of the health status of patients studied with OA according to EQ-5D questionnaire is given in the table.In all patients with osteoarthritis were found health problems of different severity degrees. Mostly suffers ability to travel and daily activity . This data confirms that the OA in the elderly age reduces quality of life. After 12 months, according to questionnaire, health status was different in two groups . Reliable positive trend was in patients from the second group 57,9 % (p < 0,05), as a result of improving the ability to travel in space , reducing pain and discomfort and increasing of daily activity.According to the second part of the questionnaire EQ-5D, at baseline, most patients had reduced general health assessment : the first group to 51,91 ± 1,07 ( median for «thermometer» EQ 52 points ) in the second group to 50,65 ± 1,17 ( median 48,5 points) in comparison with the best state of possible health. 12 months after the sanatorium stage of rehabilitation of patients with repeated testing were produced the following results : The average index quality of life on the " thermometer " EQ-5D questionnaire in the first group of patients was 54,76 ± 1,23 ( median - 56 points), the second group was 69,28 ± 0,89 ( median - 70 points), reliability differences is high : p < 0,001.In the category quality of life most of all patients reacted on the presence of sanatorium stage of rehabilitation in the category " movement in space " ( GPA retesting 1,60 ± 0,08, p < 0,001), " daily activity " ( GPA retesting 1 68 ± 0,07, p < 0,001), " pain / discomfort " ( GPA retesting 1,92 ± 0,08, p < 0,001), " anxiety / depression ( GPA retesting 1 52 ± 0,08, p < 0,05).Thus, the data suggested that in elderly patients with OA who were once a year on a spa treatment and took over 6 months structure-modification drugs significantly upgraded quality of life during 12 months.Conclusions1. Based on the analysis were founded that elderly patients with OA who underwent rehabilitation treatment in sanatorium- health resorts have continued improving quality of life in comparison with patients who were treated only in outpatient conditions.2. Availability sanatorium stage of rehabilitation in the treatment of elderly patients with OA contributes more complex influence on the human organism.3. Multi-disciplinary nature of medical rehabilitation in spa conditions , a wide range of used restorative treatment methods can affect the quality of life and maintain remission for more longer period in comparison with outpatient treatment.4. Monitoring the quality of life can not only control the functional state of the organism in the elderly aged people at various stages of treatment , but also to properly evaluate the effectiveness of treatment , and, if necessary, to carry out the correction of rehabilitation activities .Perspectives for future research. Aimed at studying the impact of rehabilitative and preventive measures on the quality of life in elderly patients with osteoarthritis at other stages of rehabilitation. Further work in this direction is reasonable and economically justified.REFERENCES1. Golyachenko A.O., Martynyuk V.I., Bakalyuk T.G. Medical rehabilitation in the spa conditions // Journal of research. - 2007 . - № 4. - P. 8-9.2. Kazymyrko V.K., KovalenkoV.N., Flehontova V.V. Involutional osteoarthritis and osteoporosis. - Donetsk: Publisher Zaslavsky A.J., 2011. - 724 p.3. Kovalenko V.N., Bortkiewicz A.P. Osteoarthritis . Practical guidance . - K.: Moryon , 2005. - 592 p.4. Mendel O.I., Naumov A.V., Alekseeva L.I. et al Osteoarthritis as a factor of risk in cardio-vascular catastrophes // Ukrainian Journal of Rheumatology . - 2010 . - № 3. - P. 68-73.5. Povoroznyuk V.V. Osteoarthritis // Art of treatments. - 2004 . - № 3. - P.16 -23.6 . Altman R., Asch E., Bloch D. et al. The American College of Rheumatology criteria for the classification and reporting of osteoarthritis of the knee // Arthritis Rheum. - 1986 . - № 29. - P. 1039-1049 .7 . Harrison M.J., Davies L.M., Bansback N.J. et al. The comparative responsiveness of the EQ-5D and SF-6D to change in patients with inflammatory arthritis // Qual Life Res. - 2009 . - № 18. - P. 1195-1205.8 . Herdman M., Gudex C., Lloyd A., et al. Development and preliminary testing of the new five-level version of EQ-5D (EQ-5D-5L) // Qual Life Res. - 2011 . - № 20 . - P. 1727-1736.9 . Langley P., Muller-Schwefe G., Nicolaou A., Liedgens H., Pergolizzi J., Varrassi G. The societal impact of pain in the European Union: health-related quality of life and healthcare resource utilization // J. Med Econ. - 2010 . - № 1. - P. 571-581. ; Мета: вивчення показників якості життя у хворих похилого віку на остеоартроз з використанням міжнародного запитальника EuroQol для оцінки ефективності санаторно-курортного лікування.Матеріали і методи. У дослідження було включено 72 пацієнти віком від 60 до 78 років, середній вік склав 67,6±8,7 року. Методом рандомізації пацієнтів було розподілено на дві групи. Пацієнти однієї з груп додатково проходили реабілітацію в умовах санаторію протягом 18-21 дня. Оцінка якості життя, пов'язаного зі здоров'ям, проводилась з використанням міжнародного запитальника EuroQol-5D-European Quality of Life instrument (EQ-5D).Результати. У всіх хворих на остеоартроз виявлено проблеми зі здоров'ям різного ступеня. Через 12 місяців за даними запитальника достовірна позитивна динаміка якості життя спостерігалася у пацієнтів, що проходили санаторно-куротне лікування, за рахунок покращення здатності до пересування, зменшення болю і дискомфорту та збільшення повсякденної активності.Висновки. Наявність санаторно-курортного етапу реабілітації у комплексному лікуванні остеоартрозу дозволяє вплинути на якість життя та зберегти ремісію на більш тривалий термін порівняно з амбулаторним лікуванням.КЛЮЧОВІ СЛОВА: якість життя, санаторно-курортне лікування, остеоартроз.
Purpose: studying of life quality indicators at elderly patients with osteoarthritis using international EuroQol questionnaire for evaluate of efficiency of sanatorium treatment.Materials and methods. 72 patients have been included in study at the age from 60 till 78 years, mean age was 67,6±8,7 years. Patients have been divided by method of randomization on two groups. Patients of one of groups in addition passed rehabilitation in sanatorium conditions for 18–21 days. Assessment of life quality related to health was conducted with use of international questionnaire EuroQol-5D-European Quality of Life instrument (EQ-5D).Results. At all patients with osteoarthritis health problems of varying degree have been revealed. In 12 months according to the questionnaire, reliable positive dynamics of life quality was observed at patients passing sanatorium treatment at the expense of improvement of ability to movement, reduce pain and discomfort and increase daily activity.Conclusions. Having of sanatorium stage of rehabilitation in complex treatment of osteoarthritis allows affect quality of life and keep remission for a longer period in comparison with outpatient treatment.KEY WORDS: quality of life, sanatorium treatments, osteoarthritis.Osteoarthritis (OA) is one of the most common disorders of the muscle-skeletal system, especially in the elderly age group ( in every third elderly person, reaching 70% among those who have over 65 years). During the natural aging occurs involutional changes in the connective tissue, especially in the tendons, ligaments, cartilage, bone tissue, in the walls of blood vessels, muscles [2]. Thus aging of body contributes to the accumulation of diseases. During the examination in elderly and senile patients were diagnosed from three to five different diseases. Modern elderly person is - a unique clinical phenomenon from the point of view on availability and the combination of its diverse in character and course of diseases that are competing for their prognostic significance and impact on quality of life. OA attributed to diseases with high comorbidity, and founded that patients with OA have a significantly higher risk of comorbid conditions than patients who do not suffering from OA [4].Clinical experience and numerous publications data suggest that OA is often associated with subsequent somatic disorders: hypertension, coronary heart disease, obesity, diabetes, lung diseases (chronic obstructive pulmonary disease) and gastro- intestinal tract diseases. The greatest burden on society observed in cases of combination OA and osteodeficiency (osteopenia, osteoporosis (OP)), which significantly decreses the quality of life [5].Quality of life - integrated description of physical, psychological, emotional and social functioning of a person based on its subjective perception. Assessment of quality of life at modern stage have more increasing strong position in medicine, reflecting on the one hand, the presence of new medical technologies that do not affect the life expectancy, but significantly improve its quality, and from the other hand - expanding activity of the patient, increasing of its role in choice of methods of diagnostic and treatment [9].When selecting the questionnaires it is important to consider that to be used in a clinical studying suitable only those that give results of the evaluation quality of life in a form of a single summary score from 0 to 1.0. These includes a generic questionnaire EQ-5D (EuroQol) [8]. This general questionnaire is easy to fill , widely used in different countries and gives during the processing of collected data single score to measure the quality of life, represented by values between 0 and 1, which also provides the possibility of its using in clinical trials. This questionnaire is widely used in various clinical situations , including in assessing the quality of life patients with rheumatic diseases [7].The aging process is controversial, because on the background of regression processes - atrophy, degradation, etc., develops progressive trends of creating the new compensatory-adaptive mechanisms to maintain homeostasis in an aging body, which, however, does not fully offset the growing phenomena of degradation [2]. It should be noted that the adaptive capacity of the aging body is reduced, the possibility of development various diseases increases. In this context, particularly important in cases of illness in the elderly patient is the role of sanogenetic mechanisms, their stimulation and support. A special interest belongs to the sanatorium stage of rehabilitation, whose mission is the prevention of disease progression, stimulation of compensatory capacity of the muscle-skeletal system and the possible restoration of joint function.Spa treatment has a special place in the treatment and preventive care of elderly patients , as a stage in the system of rehabilitation of many chronic diseases. Multi-disciplinary nature of medical rehabilitation in spa conditions, a wide range of rehabilitation methods can embrace patients of all age groups with the most common diseases [1].Compared with medication treatment, natural and artificial physical factors, when they are properly used, characterized by the absence of allergies, lower incidence and severity of side effects, the ability of positively influencing on the number of pathological processes and the whole body, thus helping to improve the quality of life and are important in the prevention of premature aging [2]. In the resort conditions further rehabilitation is indicated for patients with initial stages of OA, disabled (groups I and II), patients with resistant synovitis and comorbidity with the possibility of self-servicing (including general contraindications for a spa treatment) [3].The aim of the study. To investigate the quality of life in elderly patients with osteoarthritis using international EuroQol questionnaire to evaluate the effectiveness of spa treatment.Materials and methods. In study were included 72 patients aged from 60 to 78 years, middle age was 67,6 ± 8,7 years. Among the patients predominates women - 88.4 %. I radiographic stage of osteoarthritis by J.H. Kellgren-Lawrence [ 6] was diagnosed in 23,3 % of patients , II stage - in 76,7 %. In the view of modern geriatric approaches applying of the physical factors in patients with OA who were in the spa rehabilitation stage in the appointment of balneotherapeutic procedures we gave preference to ultrasonic inhalation of mineral waters and baths , from physiotherapy usually prescribed magnetic-lazer therapy, interferential therapy, patients also performed massage and physical rehabilitation . In order to prevent climate-adaptational and reaclimate-adaptational reactions and optimization process of climate-adaptation were included into the treatment complex ( based on established risk factors) adaptogens and treatment procedures that have adaptogenic action ( phytoaeroionisation , singlet-oxygen therapy). In the process of rehabilitation treatment in sanatorium conditions , we have selected the most effective combination of different methods of rehabilitation , which caused the most significant treatment effectiveness : a combination of balneotherapy , physiotherapy and exercise therapy. To improve continuity during medical rehabilitation, at discharging from the sanatorium patients were given written (in the form of special attractions ) recommendatitons about further treatment, lifestyle, physical activity, diet etc.By the method of randomization, patients were divided into two groups. A marked difference for the main source of clinical and functional parameters between the groups were not observed. The control group consisted of 14 patients of the same age without joint pathology. Treatment regimens differed between the studying groups the presence in one of the groups sanatorium stage of rehabilitation. In the first group (n=34) patients received Structum 500 mg 2 times a day ( within 6 months of the year ) and courses of NSAID, including mainly patients treated with meloxicam ( at a dose of 7,5 mg/d) or nimesulide (in dose of 100-200 mg/d) for 7-10 days during worcening. The patients of the second group (n=38) during the 18-21 day were on spa treatment ( once a year ), in the scheme of rehabilitation were: sitting hydrogen sulfide baths, a concentration of 80 mg/L for 10 minutes at a temperature of 360C , the course of 8 procedures every other day or ultrasonic inhalation by hydrogen sulfide water, period of 5 minutes; blue clay applications every other day at 260C temperature; interferential therapy and magnet-lazer therapy on the affected joints to 8 treatments alternately every other day ; pneumomassage ; classes of physical rehabilitation therapy, aromatherapy , singlet -oxygen therapy . After the sanatorium stage of rehabilitation patients are taking drugs containing chondroitin sulfate (within 6 months of the year), at worcening of NSAIDs.Assessment quality of life related to health , was conducted using an international EuroQol-5D-European Quality of Life instrument (EQ-5D), which consists of two parts. At first part the patient self- assessed his condition by 5 parameters: mobility, self-care , usual activities, pain and discomfort , anxiety and depression. In each variant patients could give three possible answers : No problem - 1 , there is some problem - 2, much of the problem - 3. In the second part of the questionnaire , patients assessed their health on a scale from 0 to 100 on the VAS, the so-called thermometer , where 0 means the worst condition , 100 - the best state of health of the patient. This part of the questionnaire is a quantitative assessment of general health.Statistical analysis of the results was done in the department of statistical system research at SHEE "Ternopil State Medical University by I. Y. Gorbachevsky Ministry of Health of Ukraine" in the software package Statsoft STATISTIC. To determine the reliability of the differences in the change of certain indicators were used parametric and non-parametric methods: criterion Wilkoksona, two-sided Fisher's criterion. A significant differences were considered when the degree of probability of error-free prognosis is (p) 95% (p <0.05). Results and discussion. General description of the health status of patients studied with OA according to EQ-5D questionnaire is given in the table.In all patients with osteoarthritis were found health problems of different severity degrees. Mostly suffers ability to travel and daily activity . This data confirms that the OA in the elderly age reduces quality of life. After 12 months, according to questionnaire, health status was different in two groups . Reliable positive trend was in patients from the second group 57,9 % (p < 0,05), as a result of improving the ability to travel in space , reducing pain and discomfort and increasing of daily activity.According to the second part of the questionnaire EQ-5D, at baseline, most patients had reduced general health assessment : the first group to 51,91 ± 1,07 ( median for «thermometer» EQ 52 points ) in the second group to 50,65 ± 1,17 ( median 48,5 points) in comparison with the best state of possible health. 12 months after the sanatorium stage of rehabilitation of patients with repeated testing were produced the following results : The average index quality of life on the " thermometer " EQ-5D questionnaire in the first group of patients was 54,76 ± 1,23 ( median - 56 points), the second group was 69,28 ± 0,89 ( median - 70 points), reliability differences is high : p < 0,001.In the category quality of life most of all patients reacted on the presence of sanatorium stage of rehabilitation in the category " movement in space " ( GPA retesting 1,60 ± 0,08, p < 0,001), " daily activity " ( GPA retesting 1 68 ± 0,07, p < 0,001), " pain / discomfort " ( GPA retesting 1,92 ± 0,08, p < 0,001), " anxiety / depression ( GPA retesting 1 52 ± 0,08, p < 0,05).Thus, the data suggested that in elderly patients with OA who were once a year on a spa treatment and took over 6 months structure-modification drugs significantly upgraded quality of life during 12 months.Conclusions1. Based on the analysis were founded that elderly patients with OA who underwent rehabilitation treatment in sanatorium- health resorts have continued improving quality of life in comparison with patients who were treated only in outpatient conditions.2. Availability sanatorium stage of rehabilitation in the treatment of elderly patients with OA contributes more complex influence on the human organism.3. Multi-disciplinary nature of medical rehabilitation in spa conditions , a wide range of used restorative treatment methods can affect the quality of life and maintain remission for more longer period in comparison with outpatient treatment.4. Monitoring the quality of life can not only control the functional state of the organism in the elderly aged people at various stages of treatment , but also to properly evaluate the effectiveness of treatment , and, if necessary, to carry out the correction of rehabilitation activities .Perspectives for future research. Aimed at studying the impact of rehabilitative and preventive measures on the quality of life in elderly patients with osteoarthritis at other stages of rehabilitation. Further work in this direction is reasonable and economically justified.REFERENCES1. Golyachenko A.O., Martynyuk V.I., Bakalyuk T.G. Medical rehabilitation in the spa conditions // Journal of research. - 2007 . - № 4. - P. 8-9.2. Kazymyrko V.K., KovalenkoV.N., Flehontova V.V. Involutional osteoarthritis and osteoporosis. - Donetsk: Publisher Zaslavsky A.J., 2011. - 724 p.3. Kovalenko V.N., Bortkiewicz A.P. Osteoarthritis . Practical guidance . - K.: Moryon , 2005. - 592 p.4. Mendel O.I., Naumov A.V., Alekseeva L.I. et al Osteoarthritis as a factor of risk in cardio-vascular catastrophes // Ukrainian Journal of Rheumatology . - 2010 . - № 3. - P. 68-73.5. Povoroznyuk V.V. Osteoarthritis // Art of treatments. - 2004 . - № 3. - P.16 -23.6 . Altman R., Asch E., Bloch D. et al. The American College of Rheumatology criteria for the classification and reporting of osteoarthritis of the knee // Arthritis Rheum. - 1986 . - № 29. - P. 1039-1049 .7 . Harrison M.J., Davies L.M., Bansback N.J. et al. The comparative responsiveness of the EQ-5D and SF-6D to change in patients with inflammatory arthritis // Qual Life Res. - 2009 . - № 18. - P. 1195-1205.8 . Herdman M., Gudex C., Lloyd A., et al. Development and preliminary testing of the new five-level version of EQ-5D (EQ-5D-5L) // Qual Life Res. - 2011 . - № 20 . - P. 1727-1736.9 . Langley P., Muller-Schwefe G., Nicolaou A., Liedgens H., Pergolizzi J., Varrassi G. The societal impact of pain in the European Union: health-related quality of life and healthcare resource utilization // J. Med Econ. - 2010 . - № 1. - P. 571-581. ; Мета: вивчення показників якості життя у хворих похилого віку на остеоартроз з використанням міжнародного запитальника EuroQol для оцінки ефективності санаторно-курортного лікування.Матеріали і методи. У дослідження було включено 72 пацієнти віком від 60 до 78 років, середній вік склав 67,6±8,7 року. Методом рандомізації пацієнтів було розподілено на дві групи. Пацієнти однієї з груп додатково проходили реабілітацію в умовах санаторію протягом 18-21 дня. Оцінка якості життя, пов'язаного зі здоров'ям, проводилась з використанням міжнародного запитальника EuroQol-5D-European Quality of Life instrument (EQ-5D).Результати. У всіх хворих на остеоартроз виявлено проблеми зі здоров'ям різного ступеня. Через 12 місяців за даними запитальника достовірна позитивна динаміка якості життя спостерігалася у пацієнтів, що проходили санаторно-куротне лікування, за рахунок покращення здатності до пересування, зменшення болю і дискомфорту та збільшення повсякденної активності.Висновки. Наявність санаторно-курортного етапу реабілітації у комплексному лікуванні остеоартрозу дозволяє вплинути на якість життя та зберегти ремісію на більш тривалий термін порівняно з амбулаторним лікуванням.КЛЮЧОВІ СЛОВА: якість життя, санаторно-курортне лікування, остеоартроз.
PENGARUH DUKUNGAN ORGANISASI, BEBAN KERJA DAN KETERIKATAN KERJA TERHADAP KINERJA PERAWAT PADA RSJD SUNGAI BANGKONG KALIMANTAN BARAT Kurnia Utami ABSTRAK Ketertarikan penulis dalam melakukan penelitian ini ialah dikarenakan adanya masalah-masalah yang menarik di RSJD Sungai Bangkong Kalimantan Barat yang menjadi satu-satunya rumah sakit jiwa di pontianak, dimana masalah yang didapatkan mengatakan bahwa diduga kurangnya dukungan organisasi yang diterima, tingginya beban kerja serta kurangnya keterikatan kerja yang dialami oleh perawat sehingga hal ini dapat menurunkan kinerjanya. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk menguji pengaruh dukungan organisasi, beban kerja, dan keterikatan kerja terhadap kinerja. Subjek penelitian ini adalah Perawat PNS pada RSJD Sungai Bangkong Kalimantan Barat. Metode penelitian ini berjenis kuantitatif. Berdasarkan tingkat eksplanasi, penelitian ini merupakan penelitian asosiatif kausal. Bentuk penelitian ini adalah penelitian survei dengan menggunakan kuesioner sebagai alat pengumpul data. Sampel penelitian sebanyak 79 perawat, kuesioner disebarkan kepada 79 perawat. Total diperoleh 74 tanggapan responden. Pengujian data menggunakan program SPSS 22. Pembahasan melalui analisis deskriptif, uji asumsi klasik, dan uji hipotesis dengan metode analisis regresi berganda. Hasilnya, dukungan organisasi (X1) berpengaruh positif dan signifikan terhadap kinerja (Y). Beban kerja (X2) berpengaruh negatif tetapi tidak signifikan terhadap kinerja (Y) dan keterikatan kerja (X3) berpengaruh positif dan signifikan terhadap kinerja (Y). Kata Kunci : Dukungan Organisasi, Beban Kerja, Keterikatan Kerja dan Kinerja. DAFTAR PUSTAKAAli, S., & Farooqi, Y. A. (2014) Effect of Work Overload on Job Satisfication, Effect of Job Satisfication on Employee Performance and Employee Enggagement. International Journal of Multidisciplinary Sciences and Engineering,8 (1), 23-30.Angin, M. 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Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Itakal-1 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 540 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 522 ha in the microwatershed is covered by soils and about 18 ha by others (habitation and water bodies). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below. The soils belong to 7 soil series and 8 soil phases (management units) and 4 land management units. The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October. From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated. Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval. Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated. Entire area in the microwatershed is suitable for agriculture. About 92 per cent area of the microwatershed has soils that are moderately deep to very deep (75 - >150 cm) and 4 per cent soils are moderately shallow (50-75 cm). About 4 per cent area of the microwatershed has loamy soils and 92 per cent clayey soils. About of 86 per cent area of the microwatershed has non gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity, 20 per cent medium (101-150 mm/m) and 16 per cent area low (51-100 mm/m) in available water capacity. An area of 13 per cent has nearly level (0-1% slope) lands and 83 per cent has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) lands of the microwatershed. An area of about 65 per cent area is moderately (e2) eroded and 31 per cent area is slightly (e1) eroded. An area of about 22 per cent is neutral (pH 6.5 to 7.3), 52 per cent slightly alkaline (pH 7.3 to 7.8) and 23 per cent is moderately alkaline (pH 7.8 to 8.4) in reaction. The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is dominantly 0.75%), 57 per cent medium (0.50-0.75%) and 9 per cent is low ( 57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus. An area 89 per cent is high (>337 kg/ha) and 8 per cent is medium (145-337 kg/ha) in available potassium of the microwatershed. Available sulphur is low (20 ppm) 28 per cent of the microwatershed. Available boron is low (4.5 ppm) in 60 per cent and deficient (<4.5 ppm) in 37 per cent area of the microwatershed. Available manganese and copper are sufficient in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed. Available zinc is deficient (<0.6 ppm) in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed. The land suitability for 29 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum - 244(45) Guava - 65(12) Maize 65(12) 179(33) Sapota - 65(12) Bajra 65(12) 179(33) Pomegranate - 220(41) Groundnut 65(12) 24(4) Musambi - 220(41) Sunflower - 220(41) Lime - 220(41) Redgram - 220(41) Amla 65(12) 24(4) Bengal gram - 155(29) Cashew - - Cotton - 155(29) Jackfruit - 65(12) Chilli 65(12) 179(33) Jamun - - Tomato 65(12) 24(4) Custard apple 65(12) 179(33) Brinjal 65(12) 24(4) Tamarind - - Onion 65(12) 24(4) Mulberry - 65(12) Bhendi 65(12) 179(33) Marigold 65(12) 179(33) Drumstick - 65(12) Chrysanthemum 65(12) 179(33) Mango - - Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fibre and horticulture crops. Maintaining soil-health is vital for crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc., Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and sub marginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel and generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. FINDINGS OF THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEY The survey was conducted in Itakal-1 is located at North latitude 160 54' 13.021" and 160 53' 26.25" and East longitude 770 24' 24.188'' and 770 23' 10.84" covering an area of about 118.39 ha coming under Gurumitkal village of Yadagiri taluk. Socio-economic analysis of Itakal-1 micro watersheds of Mothakapalli subwatershed, Yadgiri taluk & District indicated that, out of the total sample of 35 farmers were sampled in Itakal-1 micro-watershed among households surveyed 21 (60.00%) were marginal, 4 (11.43%) were small, 3 (8.57 %) were semi medium and 2 (5.71 %) were medium farmers. 5 landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey. The population characteristics of households indicated that, there were 107 (62.21%) men and 65 (37.79 %) were women. The average population of landless was 6.2, marginal farmers were 4.7, small farmers were 5, semi medium farmers were 4.3 and medium farmers were 4.5. Majority of the respondents (40.12%) were in the age group of 16-35 years. Education level of the sample households indicated that, there were 24.42 per cent illiterates, 0.58 percent were functional literates, 70.36 per cent pre university education and 7.56 per cent attained graduation. About, 80.00 per cent of household heads practicing agriculture. Agriculture was the major occupation for 47.67 per cent of the household members. In the study area, 40.00 per cent of the households possess katcha house and 57.14 per cent possess pucca house. The durable assets owned by the households showed that, 80.00 per cent possess TV, 42.86 per cent possess mixer grinder, 91.43 per cent possess mobile phones and 54.29 per cent possess motor cycles. Farm implements owned by the households indicated that, 37.14 per cent of the households possess plough, 5.71 per cent possess tractor, 14.29 per cent possess bullock cart and 20.00 per cent possess sprayer. Regarding livestock possession by the households, 5.71 per cent possess local cow and 5.71 per cent possess buffalo. The average labour availability in the study area showed that, own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.54, women available in the micro watershed was 1.03, hired labour (men) available was 5.14 and hired labour (women) available was 8.86. Further, 25.71 per cent of the households opined that hired labour was inadequate during the agricultural season. 2 Out of the total land holding of the sample respondents 80.49 per cent (29.68 ha) of the area is under dry condition and the remaining 19.51 per cent area is irrigated land. There were 3.00 live bore wells and 3.00 dry bore wells among the sampled households. Bore well was the major source of irrigation for 14.29 per cent of the households. The major crops grown by sample farmers are Red gram, Groundnut, Cotton, Jowar and Paddy and cropping intensity was recorded as 100.00 per cent. Out of the sample households 97.14 percent possessed bank account and 14.29 per cent of them have savings in the account. About 102.86 per cent of the respondents borrowed credit from various sources. Among the credit borrowed by households, 40.00 per cent have borrowed loan from commercial banks and 30.00 per cent from co-operative/Grameena bank. Majority of the respondents (90.00%) have borrowed loan for agriculture purpose. Regarding the opinion on institutional sources of credit, 54.55 per cent of the households opined that credit helped to perform timely agricultural operations, while, only 36.36 per cent respondents opined that loan amount was adequate to fulfil their requirement. The per hectare cost of cultivation for Red gram, Groundnut, Cotton, Jowar and Paddy was Rs.43067.31, 90445.62, 39213.13, 139598.90 and 48958.89 with benefit cost ratio of 1:1.62, 1: 1.29, 1: 1.96, 1: 1.90 and 1:0.80 respectively. Further, 14.29 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 2.86 per cent of the households have opined that the green fodder was adequate. The average annual gross income of the farmers was Rs. 137397.14 in microwatershed, of which Rs. 49711.43 comes from agriculture. Sampled households have grown 46 horticulture trees and 14 forestry trees together in the fields and back yards. About 8.57 per cent of the households shown interest to cultivate horticultural crops. Households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 7571.43 for land development and Rs. 2857.14 for irrigation facility. Source of funds for additional investment is concerned, 42.86 per cent depends on own funds and 5.71 per cent depends on bank loan for land development activities. Regarding marketing channels, 82.86 per cent of the households have sold agricultural produce to the local/village merchants, while, 2.86 per cent have sold in regulated markets. 3 Further, 62.86 per cent of the households have used tractor for the transport of agriculture commodity. Majority of the farmers (60.00%) have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the watershed and 71.43 per cent of the households were interested towards soil testing. Fire was the major source of fuel for domestic use for 57.14 per cent of the households and 54.29 per cent households has LPG connection. Piped supply was the major source for drinking water for 94.29 per cent of the households. Electricity was the major source of light for 100.00 per cent of the households. In the study area, 22.86 per cent of the households possess toilet facility. Regarding possession of PDS card, 94.29 per cent of the households possessed BPL card, 5.71 per cent of the household's possessed APL card. Households opined that, the requirement of cereals (80.00%), pulses (37.14%) and oilseeds (40.00%) are adequate for consumption. Farming constraints experienced by households in the micro watersheds were lower fertility status of the soil (77.14%) wild animal menace on farm field (68.57%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (68.57%), inadequacy of irrigation water (68.57%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (68.57%), high rate of interest on credit (80.00%), low price for the agricultural commodities (82.86%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (48.57%), inadequate extension services (28.57%) and lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (48.57%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
Transcript of an oral history interview with Robert G. Minnis, conducted by Jennifer Payne on 4 October 2013, as part of the Norwich Voices oral history project of the Sullivan Museum and History Center. Robert Minnis graduated from Norwich University in 1963; the bulk of his interview focuses on Minnis' military career in the U.S. Army as well as his later employment and family life. ; Robert Minnis, NU 1963, Oral History Interview October 4th, 2013 Sullivan Museum and History Center Interviewed by Jennifer Payne JENNIFER PAYNE: We can start. This is Jennifer Payne with the Norwich Voices Oral History Project and today's date is October 4th, 2013. I am here with Robert Bob Minnis, Class of '63. Thank you very much for doing this. ROBERT MINNIS: You're welcome. JP: So, did you have a nickname? RM: The yearbook said it was Minnie but I don't remember that. JP: You don't remember. RM: I was called probably other things but Minnie was the name that's in the book. So, I'll go by that. JP: How did you choose Norwich? RM: Senior year in high school, I was ill for the whole month of January and basically almost the day before I graduated class, I was still taking final exams and everything. I got accepted to Northeastern as a conditional student provided I went to summer school. I decided I just busted my gut for four months. I wasn't going to do that. Arrangements were made through my father and I think it was the high school football coach. Anyway, they got me convinced to go to Bridgeton Academy, which was a prep school in Bridgeton, Maine, for a year. I did that. While I was there, I think it was one of the dorm counselors suggested Norwich University maybe as a place to go. I came up here and visited and like it and applied and got accepted. Started in 1959, September, August, September class. JP: Where are you from? RM: I grew up in Weymouth, Massachusetts on South Shore, just south of Boston. JP: When were you born? RM: 1940, but that's classified. JP: Oh. Okay. RM: I tell people I was born before World War II and they kind of look at me. JP: When you came to Norwich, what was your rook experience like? RM: Really, I don't remember a whole lot of it. I was in the I Company, in Alumni Hall, on the second floor. I remember the squad leader, Corporal Zagars, who had quite a reputation, I guess. He was kind of different, not like a lot of the other squad leaders and sometimes he was very nice and other times, he was just mean. At least, we thought he was. Other than that, I don't - other things we used to as freshman, running here and there, squaring corners and that type stuff, I guess. Hasn't probably changed a whole lot but I don't have any specific memories of freshman year, other than the fact that the academic schedule that I had was pre-engineering. I had had in high school and prep school and by the time I got here, I didn't have to spend a whole lot of time studying, so I could go out to the movies two times a week. I was out to the movies two times a week. Basically, I was involved in the rifle team, the drill team, and any extracurricular activity I could get involved in just to help pass time and keep the upper classmen out of my life. JP: Wow. Drill team is a challenge. RM: We had a lot of fun. In fact, probably the best part was, my sophomore year, we got to march in President Kennedy's inauguration parade. JP: You're in that photo. RM: I'm in that photo, front rank or second rank anyway. We had to get dress blues for that. That's the first time dress blues came to Norwich. Originally, it was just going to be the drill team, which was maybe twenty-four members and, I guess, some other people said, "Hey. Why can't I go?" Anybody that had a set of dress blues and wasn't on academic probation, I guess, got to go. We went down there. Took a bus trip down. It was Greyhound, Vermont Transit Bus Line, which I think was a subsidiary of Greyhound. We ended up going down there. We got to D.C. and it was snowing. The bus drivers had no problem with the snow because they drove in it all the time. There were cars all over the place. We stayed at Fort Meade in the barracks that didn't have any heat. You want to talk about, Harry Chebookjian, I think, could probably tell you a few stories about that. But anyway, they finally got the heat going. The next day we went into D.C. and stood in some back street same place for hours it seems in the freezing cold waiting to go on. During the night, apparently they, the Army took all the engineers and anybody around there. They just swept the street clean. Pennsylvania Avenue was bone dry and no snow. Around the capital, I stepped in a puddle of water and it never wet my sock because it was so cold, it froze before I got there. And after that, the parade, we went back, turned our rifles in, and they turned us loose for, I forget, a couple hours. They told us we had to meet the buses at nine o'clock or whatever it was to take us back to Fort Meade. Stayed there overnight and the next day, headed back to school. JP: Do you remember what you did in D.C.? Where you went? RM: Basically walked around, looking at sites. Of course, we had the dress blue uniforms that had the gold stripe on the hat, so we used to see how many West Pointers we could get to salute us. Because they had the funny uniform. To them, a gold stripe was a salute so we obliged. JP: That's great. RM: I don't how long. We walked around D.C. for a couple hours and I don't remember where we went. Just kind of around the parks and the Mall and that type stuff. The dress blues, I still have. When I graduated, they converted them over to the Army. I still can get in them. JP: That's amazing. RM: A little tight, button-wise. I wouldn't want to do any rifle drill with them on but they do fit. JP: That's great. What else do you remember about your Norwich experience? RM: Well, my sophomore year, I was a squad leader in, I think it was A Company. Yeah. Bobby Blake was my roommate and a couple weeks after that, I was transferred over to the military police section. I roomed with Tom Dillard. Basically, any time there was a function on post that they needed a student traffic directions and escort and this and that, I did that for the whole year. We went to Middlebury or Vermont? One of the football games we went to, the captain was in charge of the MPs. We get up there. As soon as the game was over, he says, "Get rid of your whites," which was a hat cover and a scarf. He says, "Get out of here because you don't want to be known as…" We all bounced in the car. There was a bunch of us. I forget what transportation it was and left very quickly because there was a little bit of rivalry between us. JP: Was that the game where Middlebury won by the fifth down? RM: I don't remember the details. It may have been. Maybe that's what caused the commotion afterwards. I don't know. I don't remember. It's just too long. It was fifty-two years ago, or three years ago, over fifty. JP: You talked about General Harmon's car. What was the story? RM: Was the football game. It was sophomore year. I was in the MPs and we stood around the, the press box and Harmon, General Harmon and General I.D. White was sitting there. They were usually raising hell, like they always did, telling stories and swearing at this and that. We had male cheerleaders at the time. They were pointing out the various problems and things that they weren't doing right. So anyway, they're getting ready, I think it was for the opening ceremony. The tank [Unintelligible] came up. It was on the left side of the bleachers, facing the field. The General's car was in the way. So he said, "Move my, Corporal, come. Move my car." Okay. So, I get in it and I couldn't find the starter. It was one of those cars. It was buried underneath the pedal and I didn't know better. My roommate, Tom Dillard, was aware of this and I said, "Tom." He told me where it was so I got the car started. I moved it out of the way. Then, the tank came and fired the round. It did what it had to do. I was there for a couple minutes looking all over the place for the starter button. It didn't work with the key or anything. I remember, he used to come to the mess hall and occasionally tell a story or two. Probably can't be repeated in most company. Freshmen week, Parents' Weekend, they'd always serve steak. We never got it but they always had it on Parents' Weekend. He'd come in and he'd talk to them. Basically, he'd say, "If you don't like this place, you can get the hell out of it." He was a good old guy. He was a lot of fun to be with. He always stuck up for the Corps. If there was a problem in Northfield or Montpelier or wherever it was, I guess the story was where he'd send the tanks or the Corps or somebody in to rescue the people that go in trouble. He didn't take any B.S. from the townies. I guess he's got his own legacy and story. I also read his book afterwards, "Battle Commander," I think. He was a colorful guy. In fact, when we were going through, looking for picture for the reunion, there's a picture of me and General Harmon onstage that I guess is [Unintelligible] the Army. I couldn't remember what the thing was. So I sent it into Nate Palmer, who was the secretary of the reunion committee. He says, "That was graduation and you." Okay. There was nothing written on the back of the photo. I just had a mental blank as to what the picture was. Other than that, Harmon was a colorful character. I can't remember any other stories. I'm sure there's several. JP: So, your major was? RM: I started off mechanical engineer and changed over to sophomore year to engineering management and that was my degree, engineering management. I don't think they have it here now or maybe they call it something different but for a long time, it dropped out of the curriculum. Basically it was the basic engineering courses, Chemistry, Physics, Math, and then, Economics and English added on to it. It was kind of a mix. JP: Business and engineering. RM: Yeah. Right. It was kind of the happy road between the two of them. It worked well because I liked the construction part of it. When I was active duty, that's what I did. JP: What did you do after graduation? RM: I got immediate commission and I reported ninety days after commissioning. I had a summer job for ten weeks and a week on either end of it. I worked for a neighbor's dad basically just to kill time because I knew I was going to the Service. Then, the day came, I reported in to Fort Belvoir, went to the Basic Officer's Course. The day we signed out, President Kennedy was assassinated. JP: Oh my. RM: So, I ultimately decided, "Get out of D.C. because you don't want to get stuck down here." I went home. I watched all the proceedings on television. I got to Europe a couple weeks after that, was the middle of December. The people over in France in the bars were still buying free drinks. You couldn't buy a drink, in honor of President Kennedy. I got to march in his parade. After graduation from college here, my roommate, Jim Andrews, his dad had a place in the Cape, Camp Edwards, which was an Air Force base. His dad had a house there. When Kennedy flew in to Hyannis, the airplane was parked at Edwards Air Force Base. When I went to Jim's cottage that day, there was a bunch of people there. They were introducing me. They were the crew that flew on Air Force One. So we're getting ready to leave. They say, "Hey. You want to see Air Force One?" I got an escorted tour of Air Force One. We drove up and the guard was saying, recognized the driver of the jeep. "Nah," he said, walked up. There was one guard, I think, one or two guards out there. Walked up. Got a tour of the plane for, went all the way to the back. JP: Wow. RM: I sat in the, picked up the telephone, called my folks and said, "Hey! Guess where I am?" JP: Did you really? RM: Got a package of cigarettes and a book of matches and I forget what else they gave you. Yeah, so I got the tour of Kennedy's airplane. It was a 707. A couple weeks later, I was down at Fort Belvoir. JP: Doing? RM: It was a Basic Officer's Course. JP: Where did you go from there? RM: I had orders to France as a bachelor. I was supposed to be in for two years. People are trying to woo you with all this, "Sign up for three years. You can go take your family to it." I wasn't married, so I didn't care. I liked France. It sounded good to me, so I was going. I did have a little French in high school which was, I figure, maybe some help. We went, landed, we took off from Dix, no, McGuire Air Force Base in Canadian airplane. When I walked out of the airplane, the tail was open. That's how they're putting in the luggage. I go flying across the Atlantic Ocean and pray that the tail won't open up. We landed in France, in Paris, and I was supposed to get off there. There was two other people in the airplane going to the same outfit I was. The Air Force saw that I was supposed to be assigned to Phalsbourg, France, which was up on the German border. They said, "No. You stay on the airplane." I was one of the last people off because I was sitting in the back. They said, "No." [Unintelligible] "Already taken care of. We put it back on the airplane. Just go back and sit down." I said, "What do I do when I get to Germany?" They said, "Well, go to the tower and they'll get you a ride and take you in to France." About a couple hours later, it was dark by this time. Landed at Rhine-Main and they got this poor E-1 airman out of bed some place. He'd look as though he'd been ridden hard. He was awake enough to drive us and he drove down, went into France. Crossed the border. They waved us on through because it was a military vehicle. They dropped me off at the orderly room where the company, it was already eight or nine o'clock at night, and everybody says, "Where were you? They've been looking all over for you." Because they thought I was coming in to Paris. They made a few telephone calls and told the battalion commander that I had arrived. They recalled all the vehicles. The next morning I got up, put on a set of fatigues and went to work. JP: Your job was? RM: I was a platoon leader in the construction battalion. I had my own little mini-construction company. I had five dump trucks, a crane, air compressor, trailers, forty people including carpenters, masons, electricians, plumbers, heavy equipment operators. I often thought if I could retire from the army, I wouldn't need to retire with pay. Just give me the construction platoon that I had. And all kinds of tools, you know. You need tools and it came in a box I had probably. JP: What did you build? RM: First thing I had to build was four pre-fab metal buildings for ammunition storage for the Air Force. That was at Phalsbourg, where I was stationed. After that, they got sent to Reims Air Force Base in France. They were doing an asphalt project there and I was told to go study it because I was going to do an asphalt project in Chateraux in the Loire Valley. So, I went down there a few weeks ahead of time and designed an asphalt mix and got all the pieces and parts I needed. I ordered the amount of gravel and the right quantities and sizes. Then they sent me an asphalt plant from like a twenty truck convoy. They assembled it, put it together, we started making asphalt, and we repaired the runways and the shattered roof of the C141 aircraft that was coming in to the inventory. Had to replace some concrete and over pave it. JP: Wow. RM: There was also a French aircraft repair company there. They were repairing Air Force 101s and 100 jets. Those guys used to take off all the time and buzz my equipment operators that were driving on the field. After I was there for eight, nine months, the battalion commander called an officer's call for New Year's Eve. Because we were stationed all over the place at separate places, we had to get, we collected TDY to go to the battalion commander's officer's call. So, I went to the Etain Air Force Base, where the battalion commander was. Platoon sergeant took my platoon and the rest of the equipment and went back to Phalsbourg. We married up, I think it was the Second or Third of January, when I got back. After that, summer in the Loire Valley was beautiful, wine country, gorgeous weather, all the chateaus. Then, I went back to Germany, back to France. That time, de Gaulle threw the American forces out. I went PCS to Germany with the unit but because I had two year obligation, I had to extend for a year to go with the unit. When I extended, I was able to go France. Otherwise, they would have sent me back and given me TDY or stuck me someplace for two or three months. We got to Phalsbourg, I mean, to [Unintelligible] and set up shop there. We were there for almost a whole year. A couple projects, we had to build ammunition storage facilities and the great, big, huge butler buildings for the pre-fab equipment that the Army had stationed over there. They'd fly the people over, put them in the new trucks and tanks and stuff if they ever had a problem with the Russians. Then, in, was it June or July of '66, I got orders to Vietnam as a captain. I was still a First Lieutenant so I got promoted. On the way back, they sent me to Fort Belvoir to a Facility Management course. When I got to Vietnam, the typical story was engineer lieutenants, you don't stay in the repo depot very long. You get hauled off to someplace else. I was in the replacement company for six or seven days. One day, a lieutenant colonel and an Army major, WAC, showed up in a fancy black sedan and said, "Come with us." And I went to Saigon, where I was in the facility of engineers, planned a construction order of materials, coordinate, and all of that stuff. Making sure the painters didn't go in and paint the wall before the carpenters went in, tore a hole, and put a doorway in. I was getting ready to come home and I had one last time as duty officer, which was on the 28th, that was the night of TET, '68. I was the duty officer on Headquarters Area Command, not very far from Tan Son Nhut Air Force Base. JP: Oh my. What was that like? RM: Busy. JP: Really? RM: Yeah. There was a sergeant there. He, about midnight, come in and woke me up, got me out of the chair. I was sitting in the back office and said, "Sir, I think you better come out there and see what's going on." He was so nervous because he only had three days left in country. He couldn't hear me, telephone shaking so bad, he had to set it on the table. So I spent the rest of the night, answering telephone calls, trying to coordinate this and that, writing the duty officer's log. The biggest thing, the relief called, was trying to get into the embassy, was getting shot at by the MPs that were in there. I finally get a hold of them. I said, "You guys are asking for ammunition." I said, "There's a truck outside with ammunition. Just don't keep shooting at it." I guess they got their ammunition all right. The rest of the staff showed up fairly early in the morning. By eleven o'clock, I'd finished writing all the stuff that I remembered on the report. They said, "Okay. You can go. So, I left. Went and got my jeep. Went across the street and got something to eat. Then, headed back to the compound because facility was on the other side of Saigon in the Cholon section. I was going over there and there was actually nobody in the street. The Vietnam, Saigon was never, never deserted. Even at midnight, there was thousands of people. Anyway, I'm in convoy with three APCs and I crossed each other at thirty-five miles an hour. Neither one of us slowed down or anything. I just went back to the compound, turned in my jeep, turned in my weapon, and then went back to BOQ and got a couple hours sleep because I hadn't gotten much that night. Then, went back to the office and started doing facilities work again, taking fuel for the generators and all the BOQs and water to the mess halls and fixing what we could. The thousand-member workforce that we had disappeared. It was something like three or four officers and, I don't know, ten to twelve NCOs that did the work for that week, did emergency repairs, not routine stuff. Then, about three weeks after that, I went home. JP: Wow. Heck of a note to go out on. RM: Yeah. It was nice to leave. From there, I went back to the Advanced Course at Fort Belvoir. When I graduated from that, there was supposed to be a very short turnaround for engineers, for any officer going back to Vietnam. To kill time, I taught Demolition Mine Warfare, down at the engineer school for a few months. And then, one day, I got a call to report to the headquarters, personnel section. They told me I was going to become the post-chemical officer. Because the day before, the chemical officer that was there was getting out of the service and they didn't have a replacement. The fact that I'd been to a chemical school in Germany three years, four years before that, I was the most qualified guy on post. I went, over my objection, but they said, "Forget that." I took the job and I went in there and just basically sat back and let the NCOs run the place. I ran cover for them. A year later, I was on orders to go back to Vietnam and all I had to do was pick up my 201 file and my personnel records, finance records. I got a call from my mother saying, "People at assignments branch are looking for you," because they thought I was home on leave. I call them and they said, "Guess what, Captain? You're not going to Vietnam!" Oh, ho, ho. Yeah. You date the President's daughter, you might get a chance to get out of it. Anyway, I went over. I told my boss, [Unintelligible] I said, "Hey. Guess what? Somebody's playing a joke on me. Yeah. I'm not going to Vietnam." He made a few phone calls. He says, "That's right. You're not going to Vietnam." I got to stay another whole year at Fort Bellvoir. JP: Wow. RM: When I eventually did go back to Vietnam, in Christmas of '70, Christmas of '70, New Year's Eve '71, I got sent to a place called Phan Thiet [??], the construction battalion. I was the company commander there for three months and then I was the, we built roads, bridges, that type stuff. Ran our own asphalt plant. Then, I became the operations officer for the unit there. I stayed there until December, early December '71, when they had already started letting people out of Vietnam. I got an early drop by a week and they let me come home early. JP: By a week. RM: By a week. From there, I was supposed to be assigned to, what was it, Army Materiel? No. I was supposed to be assigned to Fort Belvoir. I went into Fort Belvoir and this snotty little attendant, basically Army Readiness Region 1. He says, "When you get here, we'll take care of it." I says, "What am I going to be doing?" He says, "I don't know. Worry about that when you get here." I go over to assignment and say, "I don't want to go there. You got anything else?" They sent me to Army Materiel Command as a project officer. I was there for three years almost. Yeah. That's where I was when we got married. Three years and after I got married, I was going to buy a house. I couldn't find an apartment for my dog. So, we ended up buying a house. They told me I was going to be, "You have to call me to get out of this place." Six months later, they send me orders to [Unintelligible] region, up at Fort Devens. I said, "Hey. You told me." "Well. Sorry. Priority is the Army." I rented the house out and ten years later, when I retired, we went back to it. After I went to Devens for three years, I went to Fort Richardson, Alaska for three years. Then, Fort Leavenworth for three years. That's where I ended my career. JP: How many years were you in, total? RM: Twenty years, one month, and twenty-three days. JP: But who's counting? RM: Yeah, but who's counting? JP: That's amazing. RM: Yeah. The day I signed in the Advanced Course was the day Martin Luther King was assassinated. JP: Wow. RM: We didn't go to downtown D.C. for several weeks. JP: No. RM: That was basically it. After I retired, I got a job with the United Services Automobile Association as a facilities specialist working at their office in Reston, Virginia. About a year and a half to two years later, my boss was offered a retirement under accelerated retirement package, which he took. I got promoted into his job. Moved the office from Merrifield, Virginia to Reston, Virginia. Built a second building and ultimately, retired as the Director of Facilities and Services. JP: Wow. RM: In fact, I was in charge of mail room, mess hall, security, facilities. There was probably something else. That was the person that worked in the Aramark office under the Aramark contract as the bookkeeper. JP: And that is your wife, who's here? RM: Yes. For three years, we ate lunch together. JP: That's sweet. RM: U.S.A.A. moved the officer from Reston, Virginia. They closed it. They offered me a job in Norfolk, Virginia. I said, "No. I don't want that." The kids told me I could go if I want to but they were going to stay behind. They had a place that they could stay, the neighbor across the street. I said, "No. I'll take an early retirement, a retirement." The day I moved into the building, it snowed and the day I left, it snowed. I kicked around for a little bit of time, working on a job. In fact, I went at work. After I left U.S.A.A., I went back at work for Aramark as an hourly employee, washing dishes, serving food, preparing food, cash register. I did anything and everything they needed. I worked there for about three months. When they closed the building, we had a farewell party. I was third from last out of the building. I was one of the first people in. Fourteen years of time was first and last. Then, I kicked around for a few months, working for Home Depot and places like that. I got a call from a friend of mine that was in the facility management business. He said, "George Washington University is looking for a facilities person. You might want to do down and talk to them. I went down and talked to them, Monday or Tuesday. Was hired that week. Went to work the following week. They sent me out to Loudoun, Virginia where the campus was. PSINet had owned the building. Had gone bankrupt. GW had bought it and had leased it back to PSINet. PSINet wasn't clearing the building like they were supposed to. So, they sent me out. They said, "Throw them out." I threw them out. Locked the door. Changed the locks and they never came back. I was out there for eight years before they told me my job was going to be transferred from Virginia down to district. I told my boss, I said, "I'll come down here for meeting but I'm not coming down here every day to work." I said, "I'll just tell you right now. Sometime this year, I'm going to retire and I'll tell you two weeks before the day I walk out." That's exactly what I did. We knew we were coming down to Virginia. Both my girls went to UVA. They were both working at UVA and both living in the Charlottesville area. We decided, "Let's go down there where they are." We bought the house. I retired. We moved the stuff down from the house in Virginia. We've been in Charlottesville for three and a half years. JP: Wow. This is the house you bought for the dog? RM: Yes. [MRS. ROBERT MINNIS]: No. RM: Wait. No. [MM]: That was when we first married. The dog was a Labrador retriever, seventy five pounds. Most apartments only let twenty to thirty pounds so we had to buy a house. RM: And the dog went with us the whole time we were in the service and even moved down to Virginia with us when we retired. He ended up with hip dysplasia, cancer problems and we had to – [MM]: He was fifteen. The house we first bought when we were married, we rented it out for ten years. We came back when he retired from the Army and we occupied it for three years, but then we sold it when his company moved out to Reston, Virginia. RM: I got tired of commuting. [MM]: We had twenty four years in that house before we moved down to Charlottesville, Virginia area. UVA is the University of Virginia, which you're always saying all these spots that you were stationed in, but if you're not in the military, you wouldn't know necessarily [Unintelligible]. Not everybody would know. JP: This class, I'll tell you. I know places in Vietnam I didn't a week ago. RM: Phan Thiet, that's where I was stationed in 1971, just a little village town on the coast. Had gorgeous white beaches. You'd die for a white beach like that, white beach sand. It was supposedly the nuc mong capital of the world. Do you know what nuc mong is? JP: No. RM: They take fish and they boil the fish all in crocs and they let it rot. They drain off the fluid and that's like vitamins, fish oil, vitamin stuff. It stinks. There was a story about one guy, came back from Vietnam. He was Special Forces. He had a bottle of this stuff. The customs agent said, "Open it." He said, "No. You don't want me to do that." The guy insisted so he opened the thing up and they almost had to evacuate the terminal. I was there a whole year, building roads, bridges, ran a construction project, asphalt plant, rock quarry, fleets of dump trucks, and everything else. It was basically a little construction company. Whisky Mountain was the site that we stayed at. Gorgeous sunsets. [Unintelligible] you could watch the sun go down over the hills. It was beautiful. Anyway, that was it. JP: Wow. What advice would you give to a rook today on how to survive and thrive the way you have? RM: Oh boy. Hundreds of people have done it before you. You're not the only one that thought about leaving or getting out or whatever the case may be. Just stick with it. Rely on your classmates and hang in there. It all usually works out. JP: What would your life had been like if you hadn't gone to Norwich? RM: Don't know. JP: You don't know. RM: I haven't the foggiest idea what it would be. I don't even know what I would have done for a job. When I got into the Army, I liked it. They take pretty good care of you. I got to travel a lot of places around the world, England, Austria. Every trip to Vietnam was four airplane rides. It was a different route. I got to Hawaii one time for forty-five minute refueling stop. I hit the Philippines, Guam, Wake, Taiwan, Japan. If there was a landing field in the Pacific, I was probably on it for some period of time. The last trip, coming back, I went through Alaska in December in a short sleeve, khaki shirt. It was something like twenty below zero. JP: Oh my. RM: It was a quick trip from the airplane to the terminal. I greeted the polar bear that was there and went back and saw him three years later. They have a great big, huge, Alaskan Kodiak bear stuffed in the lobby of the airport lobby. It was one of the biggest ones on record that somebody killed. We went back to Alaska, the station up there for three years. Saw the airport. The bear was there. [MM]: The Aleutian Islands. RM: I made it to Attu, which is the end of the Aleutian Islands. [Unintelligible] a little bit of travelling. JP: A little bit. [MM]: Salmon fishing. Gold panning. RM: That was in Alaska. Drove almost every kind of military vehicle that was in the inventory up to the time I retired, including a lot of construction equipment. JP: Oh, wow. Cranes, everything. Wow. RM: Yep. I had a paver, ran one of those, rollers. I had a crane operator who was a Native American. He could do things to that crane that most people can't even do with their hands. He'd pick something up. He'd drop exactly, you'd tell him you want it right here. That's exactly where it went. It was all just smooth, fluid motion. The guy, it was unbelievable. JP: Wow. RM: Anyway, that's my story. JP: Is there anything else you'd like to add? Any – RM: Nothing that I can think of right now. [MM]: Come back in ten years. (Laughs.) JP: Thank you. RM: You're welcome. Glad I could. Hopefully, it will benefit somebody and they'll get some history out of it. While I was in the Corp, we never did cover that too much, my sophomore year, I went to the MPs and that's where General Harmon and I met. In the meantime, I was in drill team and I was on the rifle team. The rifle team travelled all over New England. They didn't have vans in those days so we got to drive our own cars, so we got paid mileage for it. We'd put three or four guys in a car. The drill team, where did we go? Other than the inauguration parade, Lexington, Concord, and several other places around here. There's also a plaque up in Jackman from the Lexington/Concord parade, commemorating thirty-five years of participation. I didn't realize they'd done it that often. [Unintelligible] I don't think I'll tell the story about the panty raid. JP: Do you have a story about the panty raid? RM: No. I didn't. After the – [MM]: I wouldn't give names. RM: After the dinner, I left and came back here. JP: After the – RM: After the party, yeah. JP: General Burchhar [??] RM: I don't remember what the general's name was. He was a lieutenant general. I know that. He had a few too many, from what I remember. Anyway, I come back here and I started hearing all these things and people started drifting in. The TAC officers were running around here, trying to figure out what's going on and catch people. I basically tried to keep them away from the people that were coming in. It was an interesting night. There was a lot of people that ended up with a few tours and a few demerits because of that. While I was here, I only walked one tour. JP: Really? RM: Only one. JP: One tour. RM: Yep. My squad leader, freshman year, I get almost to, it was in spring time, he said, "Minnis, I don't think you've had too many demerits and tours." I said, "No. I haven't, sir." He said, "Well, you get one now." I had to march one. JP: Because you didn't have one? RM: Well, I think twelve was the cutoff. He gave me a couple to make it thirteen for some stupid reason. I don't even remember what it is. Yeah. I walked one. Other than that, I can't think of anything else, unless you got something specific. JP: I heard a story about General Harmon and somebody and a honey wagon, a manure spreader. Did you hear about that story? RM: No. It may have been before my time. I don't recall that. No. Maybe just ask around. It sounds interesting. JP: Yes. Apparently, somebody took manure spreader where his car normally parked and – RM: Nobody owned up to it. JP: Nobody knew what to do, but he knew what to do. He walked through it and then stamped his feet clean and said, "Sir, gentlemen, I expect you to follow me." RM: That sounds like Ernie. He used to stand up, I don't know what, I think it was in the mess hall [Unintelligible]. There used to be a raised platform that the cadet officers sat on. He'd come in there periodically and tell you, you'd see about this much of him over the platform edge. He was kind of short. Well-respected, but anyway, that's all I got. JP: Oh. Thank you so much. Really appreciate it. RM: Yeah. [MM]: [Unintelligible] to talk about? RM: The National Model Railroad Association, it took me almost fifteen years to get the certificate, from the time I started to the time I finished. Even when I was in the service, I used to build models and put them in boxes and store them in trunks and stuff. It wasn't until, when I was in Alaska, we met, there was a modular group up there. I got to know them and several people. In fact, there's an adjacent story to that. There was several people in the military that used to participate in it. We decided we'd form a club between the Air Force and the Army up there in Alaska. We built some modules. We were just getting ready to put scenic and track and stuff on them and everybody got orders. They all left. I was the last one to leave so I ended up with all the modules. I took them to Fort Leonard Wood and packed them away in a shed for three years. Then when I retired, I moved here and the president of the division in D.C., Potomac division, asked me one day. He says, "I hear you've got modules." I said, "Yeah. I do." I told him what I had. He said, "Would you be interested in showing them at the Children's Museum in D.C.?" I said, "Sure." We got together. There was six of us. We took the modules and put scenery and track on them. We went down to the Children's Museum in D.C. and displayed there before Christmas. Then, a little later on after the first of the year, I got a call from Fairfax Station Train Museum. It's the actual station that the Southern Railroad had and they've got pictures of that station in use in the Civil War. It was used as for wounded, both North and South. Clara Barton started the Red Cross in that vicinity. She was one of the people that worked the wounded there, helped them. This guy calls me up and says, "In December, we want to have a train show, as a fundraiser. Are you interested in participating?" I said, "Yes." I've already done twenty-three of them. [MM]: In the same location. RM: Same location. The Southern Railroad sold the station to a group of interested people for a buck, but the provision was that they had to move it. They disassembled it, moved it up, acquired a piece of land, had the high school, trade school in Fairfax County rebuild it, board for board, put it all back together again. Replaced the bad stuff and that type of thing. Every single December, first weekend of December since, I don't know, twenty-four years' worth this year, they have a train show. They set up and they show the display inside, a Lionel display, a Gauge One which is bigger than Lionel. Then, there's an S Scale rail. They have a caboose outside that the N Scale people set up in. The people with the G Gauge, which are the garden stuff, the stuff that runs outside set up underneath around [Unintelligible] A couple years, it snowed. They put snow plows on the engines and cleared the track. JP: Really? RM: Yeah. After I retired and moved down here, I gave up the membership. [MM]: Down here means to central Virginia. You're up in Vermont right now. RM: When I retired from D.C. and moved to Virginia, Charlottesville, I said, "I want" – because I basically started this group – "I want the right to come back every Christmas show for as long as I want to do it. I reserve three spaces in the set up." They said, "Okay." The first week in December, Saturday morning, I pack up and drive up, two and half, three hours and set up. Come back Sunday afternoon. In fact, one year, the public was there and the display – The power went out. This guy, Clem Clemmons, who was basically retired Air Force, said, "What are you running?" I said, "Six volt D.C." He says, "I got a battery in my Packard outside that's six volt D.C." He ran an extension cord out, wrapped some wires around the terminals and wires around the other end and we ran trains in the darkened room with only the red light and the caboose. JP: That must have been magical. RM: He even wrote an article in a national magazine about it. JP: Wow. RM: It's three o'clock. I think that's it for now. JP: Thank you. RM: You're welcome. JP: That was amazing. [End of interview.]
Not Available ; The land resource inventory of Yadgir Rf2 Microwatershed was conducted using village cadastral maps and IRS satellite imagery on 1:7920 scale. The false colour composites of IRS imagery were interpreted for physiography and the physiographic delineations were used as base for mapping soils. The soils were studied in several transects and a soil map was prepared with phases of soil series as mapping units. Random checks were made all over the area outside the transects to confirm and validate the soil map unit boundaries. The soil map shows the geographic distribution and extent, characteristics, classification, behavior and use potentials of the soils in the microwatershed. The present study covers an area of 576 ha in Yadgir taluk & district, Karnataka. The climate is semiarid and categorized as drought-prone with an average annual rainfall of 866 mm, of which about 652 mm is received during south-west monsoon, 138 mm during north-east and the remaining 76 mm during the rest of the year. An area of 70 per cent in the microwatershed is covered by soils and about 30 ha by rock outcrops, others (Habitation and water bodies). The salient findings from the land resource inventory are summarized briefly below. The soils belong to 7 soil series and 10 soil phases (management units) and 5 land management units. The length of crop growing period is about 120-150 days starting from 1st week of June to 4th week of October. From the master soil map, several interpretative and thematic maps like land capability, soil depth, surface soil texture, soil gravelliness, available water capacity, soil slope and soil erosion were generated. Soil fertility status maps for macro and micronutrients were generated based on the surface soil samples collected at every 320 m grid interval. Land suitability for growing 29 major agricultural and horticultural crops was assessed and maps showing the degree of suitability along with constraints were generated. Entire cultivated area is suitable for agriculture in the microwatershed. About 2 per cent area of the microwatershed has soils that are shallow (25-50 cm), 5 per cent are moderately shallow (50-75 cm), 4 per cent are moderately deep (75-100 cm), 58 per cent are deep (100-150 cm) and 1 per cent soils are very deep (>150 cm) soils in the microwatershed. About 2 per cent are sandy soils at the surface, 54 per cent are loamy soils and 14 percent soils are clayey soils at the surface. Maximum area of about 68 per cent is non-gravelly (200 mm/m) in available water capacity. About 57 per cent area of the microwatershed has very gently sloping (1-3% slope) lands and 14 per cent area is nearly level (0-1% slope) soils. An area of about 57 per cent is moderately (e2) eroded and 14 per cent is slightly eroded (e1) soils in the microwatershed. About an area of 2 per cent in the microwatershed is neutral (pH 6.5-7.3), 5 per cent is slightly alkaline (pH 7.3-7.8), 49 per cent is moderately alkaline (pH 7.8- 8.4) and 15 per cent is strongly alkaline (pH 8.4-9.0) soils. The Electrical Conductivity (EC) of the soils in the entire cultivated area of the microwatershed is dominantly 0.75%) in organic carbon content. An area of 1 percent is low (57 kg/ha) in available phosphorus. An area of about 60 per cent is medium (145-337 kg/ha) and 10 per cent is high (>337 kg/ha) in available potassium. Entire area is low (4.5 ppm) in 59 per cent and deficient (0.6 ppm) in 17 per cent soils. The land suitability for 29 major crops grown in the microwatershed were assessed and the areas that are highly suitable (S1) and moderately suitable (S2) are given below. It is however to be noted that a given soil may be suitable for various crops but what specific crop to be grown may be decided by the farmer looking to his capacity to invest on various inputs, marketing infrastructure, market price and finally the demand and supply position. Land suitability for various crops in the Microwatershed Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Crop Suitability Area in ha (%) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Highly suitable (S1) Moderately suitable (S2) Sorghum 23 (4) 234 (41) Guava - 23 (4) Maize 23 (4) 234 (41) Sapota - 23 (4) Bajra 23 (4) 234 (41) Pomegranate - 23 (4) Groundnut - 52 (9) Musambi - 23 (4) Sunflower - 23 (4) Lime - 23 (4) Redgram - 228 (40) Amla 23 (4) 29 (5) Bengal gram - - Cashew - - Cotton - 23 (4) Jackfruit - 23 (4) Chilli 23 (4) 29 (5) Jamun - - Tomato 23 (4) 29 (5) Custard apple 52 (9) - Brinjal 23 (4) 29 (5) Tamarind - - Onion 23 (4) 29 (5) Mulberry - 23 (4) Bhendi 23 (4) 29 (5) Marigold 23 (4) 29 (5) Drumstick - 23 (4) Chrysanthemum 23 (4) 29 (5) Mango - - Apart from the individual crop suitability, a proposed crop plan has been prepared for the identified 5 LMUs by considering only the highly and moderately suitable lands for different crops and cropping systems with food, fodder, fiber and horticulture crops. Maintaining soil-health is vital to crop production and conserve soil and land resource base for maintaining ecological balance and to mitigate climate change. For this, several ameliorative measures have been suggested to these problematic soils like saline/alkali, highly eroded, sandy soils etc. Soil and water conservation treatment plan has been prepared that would help in identifying the sites to be treated and also the type of structures required. As part of the greening programme, several tree species have been suggested to be planted in marginal and submarginal lands, field bunds and also in the hillocks, mounds and ridges. This would help in not only supplementing the farm income but also provide fodder and fuel to generate lot of biomass which would help in maintaining an ecological balance and also contribute to mitigating the climate change. FINDINGS OF THE SOCIO-ECONOMIC SURVEY The survey was conducted in Yadgir Rf-2 is located at North latitude 160 51' 34.686" and 160 50' 14.901" and East longitude 770 12' 14.251'' and 770 10' 18.907" covering an area of about 564.17 ha coming under Hattikuni, Katagi Shahapura, Yadahalli and Honageri villages of Yadagiri taluk. Socio-economic analysis of Yadgir Rf-2 micro watersheds of Hattikuni subwatershed, Yadgiri taluk & District indicated that, out of the total sample of 35 farmers were sampled in Yadgir Rf-2 micro-watershed among households surveyed 12 (34.29%) were marginal, 11 (31.43%) were small, 3 (8.57 %) were semi medium and 3 (8.57 %) were medium farmers. 6 landless farmers were also interviewed for the survey. The population characteristics of households indicated that, there were 89 (56.33%) men and 69 (43.67 %) were women. The average population of landless was 3.8, marginal farmers were 4.4, small farmers were 4.8, semi medium farmers were 3.7 and medium farmers were 6. Majority of the respondents (39.87%) were in the age group of 16-35 years. Education level of the sample households indicated that, there were 50.00 per cent illiterates, 0.63 percent were functional literates, 43.03 per cent pre university education and 2.53 per cent attained graduation. About, 88.57 per cent of household heads practicing agriculture and 2.86 per cent of the household heads were engaged as agricultural labourers. Agriculture was the major occupation for 33.54 per cent of the household members. In the study area, 54.29 per cent of the households possess katcha house and 2.86 per cent possess pucca house. The durable assets owned by the households showed that, 91.43 per cent possess TV, 82.86 per cent possess mixer grinder, 94.29 per cent possess mobile phones and 11.43 per cent possess motor cycles. Farm implements owned by the households indicated that, 20.00 per cent of the households possess plough, 2.86 per cent possess tractor, 11.43 per cent possess bullock cart and 5.71 per cent possess sprayer. Regarding livestock possession by the households, 2.86 per cent possess local cow. The average labour availability in the study area showed that, own labour men available in the micro watershed was 1.53, women available in the micro watershed was 1.42, hired labour (men) available was 7.38 and hired labour (women) available was 6.74. Further, 60.00 per cent of the households opined that hired labour was inadequate during the agricultural season. 2 In the study area, about 6.96 per cent of the respondents migrated from the micro watershed in search of jobs with an average distance of 1114.83 kms for about 6.00 months. Out of the total land holding of the sample respondents 72.89 per cent (40.31 ha) of the area is under dry condition and the remaining 25.10 per cent area is irrigated land. There were 5.00 live bore wells and 5.00 dry bore wells among the sampled households. Bore/open well was the major source of irrigation for 14.29 per cent of the households. The major crops grown by sample farmers are Red gram, Sorghum, Cotton, Groundnut and Maize and cropping intensity was recorded as 89.00 per cent. Out of the sample households 88.57 percent possessed bank account and 82.86 per cent of them have savings in the account. About 82.86 per cent of the respondents borrowed credit from various sources. Among the credit borrowed by households. Regarding the opinion on institutional sources of credit, 100.00 per cent of the households opined that credit helped to perform timely agricultural operations. The per hectare cost of cultivation for Red gram, Sorghum, Cotton, Groundnut and Maize was Rs.37227.18, 25478.65, 34967.43, 43716.27 and 27475.11 with benefit cost ratio of 1:1.20, 1: 1.40, 1: 1.50, 1: 0.80 and 1:1.80 respectively. Further, 22.86 per cent of the households opined that dry fodder was adequate and 8.57 per cent of the households have opined that the green fodder was adequate. The average annual gross income of the farmers was Rs. 69780.00 in microwatershed, of which Rs. 33694.29 comes from agriculture. Sampled households have grown 8 horticulture trees and 42 forestry trees together in the fields and back yards. About 14.29 per cent of the households shown interest to cultivate horticultural crops. Households have an average investment capacity of Rs. 5428.57 for land development and Rs. 228.57 for irrigation facility. Source of funds for additional investment is concerned, 2.86 per cent depends on own funds and 2.86 per cent depends on bank loan for land development activities. Regarding marketing channels, 48.57 per cent of the households have sold agricultural produce to the local/village merchants, while, 28.57 per cent have sold in regulated markets. Further, 62.86 per cent of the households have used tractor for the transport of agriculture commodity. 3 Majority of the farmers (74.29%) have experienced soil and water erosion problems in the watershed and 74.29 per cent of the households were interested towards soil testing. About, 14.29 per cent of farmers practicing summer ploughing as soil and water conservation practice. Fire was the major source of fuel for domestic use for 100.00 per cent of the households and 8.57 per cent households has LPG connection. Piped supply was the major source for drinking water for 80.00 per cent of the households. Electricity was the major source of light for 100.00 per cent of the households. In the study area, 51.43 per cent of the households possess toilet facility. Regarding possession of PDS card, 100.00 per cent of the households possessed BPL card. Households opined that, the requirement of cereals (97.14%), pulses (68.57%) and oilseeds (28.57%) are adequate for consumption. Farming constraints experienced by households in the micro watersheds were lower fertility status of the soil (85.71%) wild animal menace on farm field (65.71%), frequent incidence of pest and diseases (60.00%), inadequacy of irrigation water (34.29%), high cost of fertilizers and plant protection chemicals (40.00%), high rate of interest on credit (28.57%), low price for the agricultural commodities (28.57%), lack of marketing facilities in the area (34.29%), inadequate extension services (31.43%), lack of transport for safe transport of the agricultural produce to the market (62.86%), Less rainfall (34.29%) and Source of Agri-technology information (Newspaper/ TV/Mobile) (31.43%). ; Watershed Development Department, Government of Karnataka (World Bank Funded) Sujala –III Project
Issue 21.4 of the Review for Religious, 1962. ; ALOYSIUS J. MEHR, O.S.C. Community Exercises in Religious Life Introduction: The Religious Community in Perspec-tive The religious communityx exists within two wider communities from which it draws its own unique vitality and significance. These two communities--forming one kingdom of God--are the Church and the total human world. Both are immeasurably deep and charged with dynamism; and we cannot arrive at an adequate grasp of the significance of community exercises in religious life unless we see the posture of our own particular commu-nity within these two great communities which are great covenants, the covenant of creation and the cove-nant of Christ. The religious community, however, is not related to the Church and the world only extrinsically as though these formed some kind of background or framework out-side of the community. Kather, the religious community exists at the point of encounter between two great lines of force and destiny which are the Church and the world. Its being calls out to the total human Community from which it arises and in whose service it acts; and its being is a response, deep and creative, to the call of the Word of God. The religious community sums up, symbolizes, and is an eikon of the human community and of the Church. The religious community, therefore, arises from the depths of creation, from the depths of life, lost in the eons of the life's growth itself.2 We carry on the work of crea- 2 This paper was written for and delivered at the international convention on Crosier spirituality held at Maaseik, Belgium, July 24-26, 1961. It has been revised so as to make it applicable to re-ligious communities in genera!. 2 Teilhard de Chardin, The Phenomenon of Man, translated by. Bernard Wall (New york: Harper, 1959); The Divine Milieu, trans-lated by Bernard Wall (New York: Harper, 1960). Hans Urs yon 4. 4. Aloysius J. Mehr, O.S.C., is on the faculty of Crosier House of Studies, Route 1, Wallen Road, Fort Wayne 8, Indiana. VOLUME 21, 1962 30! 4" Aloysius Mehr, O.~.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS tion, converging, as Teilhard sees it, to a kind of world unity in which all things are synthesized into community,a The direction of the history of life has moved through phases of biology ("biogenesis") into the world of incar-nate spirits ("noogenesis"); and in the New Covenant this force is caught up in the moment of the Resurrection, present among us as a pledge of the final entry into the glory of the Lord (kabod Yahweh). Our community-being, our being-together (Mitsein in Heidegger's termi-nology) is thus wrapped up in the forces and destinies of life, surging on in space-time towards its fullness, the seed of which it carries in itself at the present. Moreover, our community-being is also wrapped up in the fulfillment of creation, the new creation in Christ who draws all to the parousial and paschal destiny of all creation--a destiny that is already sacramentally present in a community called together in the Eucharistic sacrificial meal. These are undoubtedly far-reaching and difficult themes the full significance of which will always remain inaccessible to us, lost behind the veil of the future and the inscrutable destinies of man in the divine plan. We must expect, then, that any discussion of the religious community must, in its ultimate significance, shadow off into mystery. We shall not be able to lay out the forces in us as problems which can be solved, here and now, once and for all times. Community-being is essentially dynamic: we, as men and as religious, are homines vi-atores. Our fellowship in God is an eikon--an image, a sign, a symbol--of the Church localized in our areas of concern, but the Church which is the people of God on the march (in via), creating (in/ieri) what we most deeply are unto fullness in Christ who fulfills all in all (Eph 1:23; Jas 1:18). From this viewpoint we are able to see, or rather to begin to see, the profound significance of community exercises. Community exercises are the historical and temporal incarnations of our being-together (Mitsein). There is a deep and vast need, truly an ontological need, a need arising from our being-together, for authentic community activity that emanates from the inexhaust-ible fullness of our being.4 What we are demands suc-cessive real-ization; our being overflows into our life. Activity, operatio, exercise--these are not on some pe-riphery of the real, bu~ rather incarnations in the fabric of the real world. Man is embodied soul and besouled body. His existence is incarnate existence, caught up in Balthasar, Science, Religion, and Christianity, translated by Hilda Graef (London: Bums and Oates0 1958). s Teilhard develops this theme in The Phenomenon of Man: ~ Gabriel Marcel, Homo Fiator, translated by Emma Crawford (Chicago: Regnery0 1955), p. 26. solidarity with the corporeal universe but transcending it as spirit.5 Human being demands expression; as in-carnate, it is essentially temporal, basically historical, realizing itself further and more fully in successive and authentic encounters with the real--in the mysteries of birth, death, conversion, sickness, and above all, love.~ This paper is, first of all, a re-investigation of certain societal universals--relationships of persons which are the anthropological, sociological, and theological binding forces which help to produce a healthy and fruitful com-munity. The term "relationship" will be used more fre-quently than "community exercises" or "community ac-tivities." This, however, should not confuse the reader. An activity has social implications and social value if it is a relationship to others. The fact, therefore, that we will not group our material under the usual headings like "prayer life" or "recreations" or "the apostolate" should not tempt the reader to conclude that we are not speaking of things usually thought of as "community ex-ercises." We will speak primarily about the unifying forces, the community-building potential of community exercises, whether these be a simple conversation, a rec-reation, the Mass, superior-subject relationships, pro-fessional relationships of instructors with students, or even the exercise of talent in a "private" way within the community. It would be wrong to see as binding forces only those activities in which all of us perform the same movements or say the same words. On the other hand, community and society can hardly exist where there is no mutual a.ctivity, no common involvement of all the members in some fruitful, meaningful task. Finally, this analysis of communal activities precisely in their unifying value views the religious community in its objective, intersubjective, and Christian dimension. Part I: Community in Social Patterns To an anthropologist7 a very significant characteristic of the monastic community is that it is a celibate, reli-giously oriented institution'. This is without precedent or parallel in primitive or preliterate culture. In general, as the society becomes progressively complex,, certain indi-a Von Balthasar .develops this theme in his book Science, Religion, and Christianity. e Gabriel Marcel, The Philosophy O] Existence, translated by 4. Manya Harari (New York: Philosophical Library, 1949)', p. 6. 7The Reverend Alphonse Sowada, OiS.C., received his master's degree in anthropology from the Catholic University of America, Community Washington, D.C., in the spring o[ 1961. In an interview with the Exercises Reverend Ronald Kidd, O.S.C., he initiated in outline form the following analysis of the monastic community based, on anthropo-logical procedure. Father Sowada is'presently working in the New Guinea Mission, VOLUME 21, 1962 3O3 ÷ ÷ ÷ Aloysius Mehr, O$.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 3O4 viduals are set aside solely for religious activity. Hence the phenomenon even of the Israelitic priestly office, given to the tribe of Levi, suggests a somewhat highly developed social complexus. Furthermore, sexual prac-tices become restricted for religious specialists only in civilized, cultured society. The religious community, com-bining both factors, arises only late in the development of a people. This unique development suggests various problems: a separation from the elemental and primitive social binding forces, perhaps a tendency towards over-com-plexity and hyper-specialization, in general, a danger of an ever greater artificiality. Man-to-Nature Relationships The ecological system comprises the sum total of the man-to-nature relationships in a given social organiza-tion. It comprises all the activities by which these people make a living--how they satisfy their elemental needs from nature. Thus, the supplying of food, the manufac-ture of clothing, the realm of technology, and attendant organizations and belief are .elements in an ecological system. In primitive societies, these are the concern of everyone; social organizations and belief patterns (treated in the following sections of this paper) arise from this common involvement in wresting an existence from na-ture. The ecological system forms the foundation for the actual social forms of the people. In the religious community, participation in this basic, elemental social activity is often frustrated. The general pattern is the specialization of ecological functions; they are more often than not entrusted to a few--the prior,,;, procurators, and other superiors. As a result, the remain-ing members of the community lack this elemental bind-ing force with one another and with the community as a whole. This can easily lead to frustration, complacency, and eventually create parasites within the community, In this connection it should be noted that the work of those religious who are engaged in manual labor almost exclusively is much more in line with the needs expressed in an ecological system, provided that they are truly a part of the community in which and for which they work. In order to utilize this natural, social binding force, these religious must feel themselves solidly within the whole community. They should experience the same satisfaction that the son or daughter enjoys when they begin to co-operate with their parents in providing a livelihood for the family. The social bindings formed by the ecological system are intense and deep. For the clerical and teaching members of a community, there is also a need for an acceptable way either to fulfill this function or to find an adequate substitute. The apostolate might seem like a perfect substitute. But in the apostolate the results are apt to be too far distant for the immediate kind of satisfaction caused by common involvement in providing the basic necessities of life. In fact, where superiors or subjects try to make' apostolic work an "acceptable" sublimation, the very 'remoteness of results can tend precisely to create further frustration and complacency. '~ In general, any project in which personal initiative is called into play within and for the community and in which a sense of fulfillment can be forthcoming ~can be used as a substitute. Such projects are of great value in binding together the religious,community. Stress should be placed°especially on the matter of results; for example, graduation, profession, and ordination days should be planned wisely to be days of community joy in accom-plishment rather than of relief in being through with tedious work. Although effective substitutes depend on both subjects and superiors, it is the superiors, above all, who must see the absolute need for them. Individual ~religious may have the initiative to make valuable .suggestions, but :the only person who can integrate these suggested projects into the community and give them their full social force is ,the superior. Without due attention, the community moves towards increasingly artificial social forms, lacking and attempting to substitute for, the basic level of social solidarity. In order to have a healthy community, we must find effective and meaningful substitutes. Man-to-Man Relationships Next, we deal with interpersonal relationships, en-compassing social ability and practice, questions of status and hierarchy in the communal organization, questions of law regulating interpersonal behavior, family orienta-tion, pressure groups, informal and formal groupings. This is the area of personal response and personal: activ-ity~ phenomena that vary with,each individual. Consid-eration of the interpersonal relationships are of 'utmost importance in analyzing the social structure of a com-munity; they form the operative and dynamic structure of society. Perhaps the most evident charact~eristic of interpersonal relations within the religious community is its thorough structure ot control. First of all, everyone knows every-one else and every individual can control his response thereby. Moreover, the social control within our unique form of community is almost familial or patriarchal. This is a good basis for developed social organization. In a healthy community a person is a part of things, 4. + + Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 305 ÷ Aloysim OM.e~h.Cr., REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS he knows what is expected of him, he is not bewildered or lost within the crowd. He is at home, he knows how to approach everyone else, he knows how to regulate topics of conversation, to account for individual differ-ences, to accept the particular interests of the other mem-bers of the religious society. He enjoys that ecce quam bonum feeling which is a natural result of being [ul_ly ac-cepted by the group. He belongs to them, uncondition-ally; they are happy to have him and would be distressed at losing him. As. a further consequence, he feels shel-tered, contented, and can gradually abandon all his poor little defensive mechhnisms as well as the defects of. char-acter which necessitate them. All his potential gifts can flower, he can. give himself up confidently to his most generous aspirations. Such. :are the blessings which accrue to an individual who lives in a healthy group definitely ready to accept him.s There are, however, definite dangers in our communal make-up. The first and perhaps most serious danger is that of artificiality--artificially controlled responses. To the extent that responses become too automatic, too pat, too set, too taken-for-granted, the very situation which ought to promote solidarity could conceivably destroy it. Responses must be genuine; meaningless responses are detrimental to community. The artificiality of community llfe can be much re-lieved by warm parental and fraternal relationships be-tween superiors and subjects, instructors and students, and, above all, between equals. This fosters the character formation that ordinarily occurs within the family. Con-sequently, everyone must take his role in community seriously; he must be open, understanding, sympathetic, and avoid meaningless responses and inflexibility policy in the name of functional efficiency. Professors ought to be aware of the fact that attitudes built up by personal relationships with students are as important as the material being taught. On the other hand, students must realize that they have much to learn and that their attitude towards their instructors is extremely important. Entering. into dialogue is always a two way street. Within the community deep and authentic friendships should be fostered, for personality grows in proportion as it is opened to others. Fear of friendship shatters munity and leaves only a group of isolated introverts living in the same building. Mistaken notions of partic, ular friendship have forced many a religious to lead an unnecessarily lonely life. Authentic friendship means that I am genuinely con-e Communal Lile, translated by a Religious of the Sacred Heart (Westminster: Newman, 1957), p. 267. cerned with my neighbor as a person. When interest is only pretended, people instinctively feel that they are be-ing treated, not as human beings, but as a case, an object, an It. Make-believe interest, pharisaical interest does more harm than good. Every Christian, and certainly every religious, should be conscious of the manyreasons why he should be deeply and genuinely interested in his neighbor in all places and at all times. Another danger in our communal make-up presents it-self where subjects refuse to cooperate with their supe-rior, or where incapable men are invested with status-power. In primitive tribes, subjects who refuse to work with their superior are simply eliminated. Moreover, a leader who blunders in personal relations or in tribal projects, for example, failing to bring off a hunting raid successfully, loses prestige ipso facto. But in our com-munity, the social status of the members is not easily changed. This has its advantages and disadvantages. More permanent social relationships can be formed so as to .give the individuals a greater security and to give the social order a basic stability. On the other hand, where poor relat!onships are formed, this situation too tends to perpetuate itself. Overspecialization is another factor which endangers solidarity in a community. Anthropologists distinguish between diversification, which can lead to mutual de-pendence and promote solidarity, and specialization, in which a member withdraws himself from the community in order to devote his time and energies to some partlc-ular field. In primitive societies, specialists share perforce a vast number of tribal interests: the medicine man is interested in the buffalo hunt and thereby enjoys a social binding to the hunters; he is involved in wars and raids since his status to some extent depends on a perpetuation of the present social organization. In general, in primitive cul-tures, bindings between religious functions and the re-mainder of tribal functions are very strong. But when society develops, it tends to free itself more and more from nature (the ecological system); and it does so only to become more and more dependent upon man and man-to-man relations. This dependence must serve as a constructive and not a destructive force. In order to prevent diversification--which is absolutely necessary in a complex society--from becoming special-ization, we must manifest and recognize on a community level our mutual dependence; for example, the very real dependence of one teacher upon all the others. Here we see the importance of faculty meetings in which the par-ticular field of competence of one person is seen as com-plementing that of another. There are many ways of Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 196Z ÷ ÷ ÷ Aloysius Mehr~ O.S.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS keeping different interests and fields of competence from becoming divisive. Perhaps greater stress should be placed on the apostolate as a community apostolate, a common effort, accomplished in different ways by each individual, but without thereby becoming any less communal in in-spiration, motivation, and reality. An awareness of our mutual dependence is absolutely necessary for the proper integration of personal activity towards our social goals. Interpersonal relationships in the religious community include not only individual-to-individual relations but also those of groups.-A formal grouping is one which is established de [acto and is recognized by the society as exercising a certain control of the whole. Chapters, councils, a faculty, special committees for accreditation, and so forth are all formal groupings. Informal groupings are not officially set up or estab-lished. We see examples of informal groupings during common recreation periods or when some religious work together informally as a group. Informal groupings can at times exercise more influence than the formal group-ings; that is especially true if the formal groupings are inoperative or if the i.nterrelationships between formal groupings is neglected. It is in the informal groupings that public opinion is formed and in many cases social innovation begins. The informal groupings should pro-vide much of the initiative and dynamism necessary for any society to be alive, to grow and develop, and to keep in touch with the members and their real needs and as-pirations. While informal groupings are very important, formal groupings are even more important in a religious com-munity; ours is by its nature a hierarchical society, and one strongly so. Therefore the effective functioning of our formal groupings is especially important for the vi-tality of the entire community. Inoperative formal group-ings, or artificiality in formal ,groupings, invites seg-mentation of the society, then disintegration, and finally demoralization. The history of the American Indian is an extreme case of precisely this. Factors leading to inoperative formal groupings are many. Among them are age differences, lack of precise definitions of ideals, and immaturity. For a well-function-ing community, superiors-,must be willing to present straightforward proposals to their councils or others' whose advice they are to seek. This means the full pres-entation of real cases that involve discussion and choice, not simply decisions for'ratification.9 In short, he must seek to collaborate. Also, he must have the humility and wisdom to consider minority positions; seeking support Ibid., pp. 270-273. only in numbers infallibly excites mistrust, resentment, opposition, or utter indit~erence. "The prudent and most efficient thing for the superior to do is to make the group share, from the beginning, in the common task.''1° Cooperation between formal and informal groupings is of the essence in achieving a healthy, vital c0mmufiity. This means that we must understand the roles which these groups are to play within, the community. More-over, since the religious community is so strongly hier-archical and the superior tO a large extent controls the interrelationships between formal and informal group-ings, he should be doubly alert, astute, and comprehend-ing in regard to the ideas generated in the informal groupings.Suspicion on the part of a superior is harmful to the vitality of the community, kills personal initiative, and tends again to artificial substitutions and the seg-mentation of the community fabric. But beyond this a superior must have the ability to select appropriate ideas from the informal groupingsmthose ideas which will prove beneficial to the community. It is difficult to re-spect a superior who accepts every suggestion that is of-fered to him or proves that he does not have the ability to choose well. In a primitive society he would in that eventuality lose status. Man-to-Ideals Relationships Under this heading we find community purpose and sense of purpose. In primitive society religion ferments the whole society. And certainly community goals, re-ligious ideals, can and should be important unifying fac-tors in a religious community. It is worthy of note here that in primitive ~ociety where the satisfying of the basic needs has such a prominent role, the upper echelons tend to have the same ideals as those of lower status, the .young as the old, the specialists as those engaged in community projects. When the eco-logical needs become less urgent and the man=to-man relationships more important, it becomes more difficult for all to have the same ideals. But the religious commun-ity should be able to realize this unity of ideals in a way that other communities in contemporary life cannot. In a religious community we-ness will tend to be established by living according to a unique set of ideals--provided the ideals are well defined. Our fellowship, as we will see later, is a unique fellowship in Godl For social vitality and solidarity, it is better to define ideals clearly and energetically and then, as the need arises, to modify them than not to define them at all or to define .them haphazardly or casually. Searching for Ibid., p. 270. 4" 4" CEoxm~misuensity VOLUME 21, 1962 309 4. 4. dloysius OM.Se.hCr,., REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ideals has little social result. Without well-defined, known, and accepted objectives, ideals will be fashioned individually and in groups; this leads directly to com-munity segmentation. In this situation, the very factors which in a healthy social organization cause solidarity and vitality have the el~ect instead of segmenting the community. Ideals must and will be formed. If the proper formal grouping will not define them, it is inevitable that informal groupings will attempt to fill this lack. Community goals and ideals, however, cannot be al-lowed to stagnate. Once they have been defined, they must be re-defined as social changes and new needs make themselves felt. In this sense, it is only by innovation that society can maintain its health and well-being. For these reasons, our ideals require constant modification and elaboration to insure their continued adequacy for the very real and growing society which they both reflect and form. Furthermore, wise inter-group relationships constitutd community dynamisms and insure that the social structures of the community are truly alive and' changing--that the incarnations of the community ideals are true responses to the appeals of the era and the per~ sons, that the community continues to be constituted through history in its response to the Word, that its voca-tion continues to be authentic. It is in this context that tradition possesses real meaning. One group, which is n.aturally the most capable of really fruitful effort in this direction, is the meetings oE the various spiritual directors on a regional or inter-national basis. Undoubtedly much good could be ac-complished by regular and well-prepared meetings of these spiritual leaders in each order or congregation. Each meeting should consist oE a series of scholarly papers followed by serious discussion. Here again, we should point out the grave responsibit-ity of superiors. Upon their shoulders must rest a good portion of the burden of keeping goals alive and develop-ing with the community itself. But this responsibility can-not be placed solely upon the superiors. For a society to develop, all should participate in the re-discovery of old ideals and the formation of new. Community is a "we"; its responsibilities are no less communal than the end which they serve. If a religious suffers from abnormal loneliness, an anthropologist would immediately look for some need which is neither being fulfilled nor et~ectively substituted for. Where such a condition exists, the man is not livit~g a whole life; and attempting to live a half life tends to-wards increasing frustration. The only effective remedy in such a case, according to anthropologists, is the real-istic integration of our activities by directing them mean- ingfully towards the specific and ,well-defined goals of our community. Any notable incidence of real loneliness will probably reveal upon careful .investigation some rupture in the social structure of the whole community-- whether ecological, man-to-man, or man-to-ideals, More-, over, from the fact that our society is in 'itself artificial to a certain extent (lacking almost necessarily the deep and elemental bindings of an ecological involvement), we must be doubly aware of the other unifying forces within our community. Part H: Community and Personal Creativity ~ Patterns of social organization are vital, without the slightest doubt. Much. of our actual failure to realize deeply and meaningfully fellowship with one another in a brother-to-brother relationship stems from the neglect or mismanagement of the social structure of our com-munity. Yet the religious community---even considered only as a deep community of men--is not simply cre-ated by experts. The expert manipulates, controls, studies problems, and finds solutions; but his union with his tools and the particular determined purposes of his craft is extrinsic. We can think in" this connection of the over-organiza-tion of working communes as they sprang upsince the last world war. Here, everything is functionalized--all the activities are planned out, with time alloted on the schedule for religion, recreation, and so forth, which are considered as necessary means for overhauling the ma-chine periodically. When people begin to see their lives coincide with the routines planned for them, when they see themselves and their own importance diminish to the level of cogs in a machine, their spirits harden, atrophy, and wither. Life becomes less than free in the sense that activities are not flowing from the deepest levels of being. They become re.ore and more a number in a filing system. This is no doubt an extreme case. But we must reso-lutely resist the temptation to reduce man simply to an aggregate of psychic functions and forget that he is a living soul. In my relations with the men in my com-munity, I am involved. My actions should not tend to build a wall of separation between the me I know myself to be and others. Given the thorough system of social con-trols characteristic of religious life, given too a life that is frequently arranged by my superiors, the most common temptation is to avoid reaching out in true personal ap-peal to the other in all his unique personality, but to see both him and myself as [unctions--a teacher, student, cook, carpenter, Mass-sayer (a cog in a machi'ne can never pray), a procurator, or sflperior. The conclusion we have been working towards is this: ÷ ÷ Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 dloysius Meh~, O.S.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS community is not established by merely legislating laws, setting up a hierarchy of superiors.and subjects, or giving a dozen human beings a common residence. Nor can it be produced by a system' of techniques. Community must grow out of its members, for it is a highly personal gift of oneself to the other person in all the richness of his individuality. While techniques cannot produce community, they are nevertheless valuable in eliminating those things which could prevent community from happening; for example, enclosure within myself, being trapped, as it were, in a system of concentric circles which stand between me and my life. Furthermore, techniques are undoubtedly neces-sary for the effective accomplishment of particular, goals; for example, organizing a sports program requires some manipulating of people. But teamwork still remains a union based on something outside of the being of the other person;, while it may be a true degree of community, it is still not the fullness of human community, let alone: of fellowship in the word and love of God. "Community," Martin Buber .writes, '"is where com-munity happens.TM There is something in genuine meet-ing which extends beyond calculations, plans, and proj-ects. Just as my being is not definitely exhausted in any one particulai'ity of my life but overflows into promise and possibility,12 rooted in my existence and its destiny, so also the community is never definitely established, en-tirely a "given" factor, a.status; Community, the genuine union of beings, is created out of the depths of promise of my bei~ng. It is not pro-duced. Community is meeting; and that meeting which calls to the other from all that I am is essentially creative: something new happens, I become something that I was only potentially before, and in this connection I must think in terms of gilt or grace. I can remain open to re-ceive this gift of the other as long as I am not artificially isolated from my own being in a world of function; but somehow we are here in a realm in which the notions of cause and effect no longer apply with their full import--. I do not cause dialogue. Even more, in a very real sense, I am given to myself fully only in dialogue, in the gift of another self calling out to me, joining our lives in com-mon destiny and hope. "All real life :is meeting.''13 The energies of life become fully real only in community: [ am the possibility, even more, the promise of community in my most elemental reality as incarnate spirit. r~Between Man and Man, translated by Ronald Gregor Smith (Boston: Beacon, 1955), p. 31. '~ Marcel, Homo Viator, p. 26. ~ Martin Bub~r, I and Thou, translated by Ronald Gregor Smith (New York: Scribner's, 1958), p. 11. Hence community--and in a unique way, the religious community--fulfills a basic demand (exigence in French) of human being. The ability to say We, the possibility of genuine encounter presupposes beings who can love and give themselves to others, beings who are incarnati.ons of the spirit which man i~, a spirit embodied iia'spake.and time, in solidarity with the cosmos and the covenant of creation. The human spirit can be stifled for just so long--a time and a time and half a time of the Scrip-tures-- within the abstractions and reductions of a func-tionalized world which, we repeat, is a real danger in a religious community due to the artificiality and conven-tionalisms so easily developed in such a life. But in the well-chosen words of Gabriel Marcel, it seems, at least as far as man is concerned, tha~ even if life is weakened and in a way degraded, it must still retain a certain character of sacredness . We must accordingly realize, I think, that here we are faced with a~ certain absolute, and that this absolute must be assisted, however strong the temptation to resist it?' Man's spirit seeks the fullness of being, the fulfillment of its destiny.15 Even in the midst of degradation or open rebellion, the voice of his spirit calls out for authentic living. Rebellion is a call to another to answer my appeal, to respond, knowing that even if I fail, at least my call will go on being heard. Although many unfavorable things can be said about rebellion, yet we must admit that it is still authentic living. As Camus has written, "I rebel--therefore we are,''x~ In modern religious life, the danger is not primarily open rebellion. With us, frustration more frequently takes the place of rebellion. We begin with high ideals, but, after encountering many difficulties and meeting with many failures, it is easy for us to lose courage, to be-come despondent and frustrated. The principal cause of this frustration is the lack of understanding one's own abilities, strength, and weakness, Being frustrated, religious enclose themsdves within a shell of their own creation; they try to circumvent the full meaning of their vocation. Frustration is a flight from authentic living, and that is the reason why frus-trated religious try to escape and lose themselves in rou-tine or a ceaseless merry-go-round of activities. Here we see, or begin to see, the ontological.significance of frus-tration, despondency, and defense mechanisms--the psy- ~ The Mystery ol Being, translated by G. S. Fraser (Chicago: Regnery, 1950), v. 2, pp. 182-188. x~ Marcel, The Philosophy ol Existence, p. 4 a0Albert Camus, The Rebel, translated by Anthony Bower (New York: Vintage Books, 1959), p. 22. ÷ ÷ ÷ Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 Aloydm 0M.$eh.~r., REV~EWFOR RELIG;OUS chological and sociological ruptures which prevent com-munity from happening. It is in this context that we propose to re-investigate the three relationships already viewed on the anthro-pological level: my relationship to things, to other peo-ple, and to ideals. Creative Community and Things 1. Art. In our mechanized world, things are considered more and' more as means, even pure means (bona utilia), apart from myself, only accidentally and, ontologically speaking, haphazz'rdly coming into contact with me. Their own values are, for me, simply utilitarian. I fail to see in them the mystery of creation in which I also am essentially involved. Art, beauty--these are simply esoteric tinsel, luxuries for the functional man. In a way this man is only half a man, and hence only half himself, begrudging those energies of life with which his created and corporeal being is essentially in communion.,x7 It would be almost meaningless to tell such a man that his activities are incarnations of his being, for he has denied any essential involvement in this universe of space and time.xs When I live out of harmony with myself and the deep community of creation in which I am, which 'is my world, my environment, my ontological context, how can I truly give myself to another? Furthermore, how can a com-munity that is out of harmony with creation be worthy of being presented to Yahweh in the Eucharistic assembly as the sign of His pleroma? The famous American painter, Ben Shahn, writes: I have always believed that the character of a society is largely shaped and unified by its great creative works, that a society is molded upon its epics, and that it imagines in terms of its cre-' ated things--its cathedrals, its works of art, its musical treas-ures, its literary and philosophic works. One might say that a public may be so unified because the highly personal experi-ence (of the artist) is held in common by the many individual members of the public. The great moment at which Oedipus in his remorse tears out his eyes is a private moment--one of deepest inward emotion. And yet that emotion, produced by art, and many other such private and profound emotions, ex-periences, and images bound together the Greek people into a great civilization, and bound others all .over the earth to them for all time to come.1D Art brings into play the unifying forces of creation but' at a deeper, more subjective, and thoroughly personal~ a~ Von Balthasar, Science, Religion, and Christianity, p. 45. a~Bernard Haring, C.SS.R., The Law o] Christ, translated by Edwin G. Kaiser, C.PP.S, (Westminster: Newman, 1961), v. 1, p. 87. ag Ben Shahn, Shape o] Content (New York: Vintage Books, 1960), pp. 45-46. level. Lacking a developed and fully shared ecological sys-tem, the religious-community unity depends on other re-lations to our world, activities of creativeness, ingenuity, activities which produce "results," or better, activities in which my being sees fruition in the corporeal world in which I am. The point is that we should not i~eglect the unifying force of art, the union of persons in the beauti-ful, in the shared experience of meaningful incarnation. But the attitude of encounter with the beautiful is not limited to what we call the fine arts. If I pick up a chisel, it is simply a tool which I use to perform some task. Con-sider, however, the difference when a highly skilled artist or carpenter picks up a chisel. His work expresses him-self, gives himself to the community. Here we return to the general theme of these 'pages: df community is to happ.en, I must give mysel[, and not simply offer the other some service which I perform. In art--from garden-ing to the liturgical setting--I give myself, I entrust to the community that deep and personal experience of creativ-ity. In accepting another's art, we "welcome" him. To welcome is active, personal, embracing. I go out of my-self to meet the other, to invite him to feel at home with me. We cannot merely accept the other's art, whatever it may be, as we accept the result of an assembly line. To accept his art, I must reach out and take his work into my own life; and by doing so I take him, too, into my life. And here again we glimpse a moment when com-munity happens. If a community does not accept the beautiful, it neglects an important binding force--a neglect which will tend to re-appear in personal encounters. Without the proper at-titude toward art, even the deep significance of liturgical symbolism and expression will lose some of the vitality which it was meant to have. The community chapel, above all, should be a masterpiece of art, expressing community, proclaiming the fellowship in God which we are. 2. Play. Finally, we should consider more deeply the meaning of play. Perhaps play is not the deepest of the arts, but it is a true creative expression of man.2° Play is of its nature public. "Through play we find ourselves no longer imprisoned and isolated in our own individual-ity.'' 21 Play "is act in its spontaneity, acting in its very activity, the living impulse.''~ As a vital phenomenon or manifestation of human being, play--to be genuine-- demands a man in contact with reality; "only the vital Eugene Fink, "The Ontology of Pla}'," Philosophy Today, v. 4 (1960), pp. 95-109. Ibid., p. 96. Ibid., p. 97. ÷ + ÷ Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 315 4. 4" 4- A~oysius Meh~, 0.$.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS being., can die, work, struggle, love, and play. Only such a being is in touch With surrounding reality and the total environment--the world.''u3 Humanplay . is a creation through the medium of pleasure of a world of imaginary acuv~ty . Play ~s always character, ized by an element of representation (something like the real world and its rules, but never degrading into routine). This element determines its meaning. It then effects a transfigura-tion: life becomes peaceful.~' In our own world, play is apt to be a highly organized, commercial project; and here again its mea'ning tends to become more and more functionalized---I play, not for delight, but in order to preserve physical and psychic health. If we would look for a moment at the primitive world, we would find far more significant contours: In the primitive times, play was not practiced so much as an act in its pleasure-giving aspect as is the case for those isolated individuals or groups who periodically detach themselves from the social group to inhabit their own little isle of passing hap-piness. Originally, play was the strongest unifying force. It founded a community quite different, it is true, from that of the living and the dead, the governing and the governed, and even from that based on the family. The community of play of primitive man included all the forms and structures of com-mon life., and it called forth a reliving of all the elements of life. This reached its high point in the community festival. The ancient feast., was a liturgical spectacle where man ex-perienced the proximity of the gods, heroes, the dead, and where he found himself in the presence of all the beneficent and dreadful powers of the universe . What was represented was nothing less than the whole universe.= Genuine play is extremely important in a religiou:; community. We will develop this point further in Part III where we will see that community recreation should serve as a catechesis of the proper celeb'ration of the~ Eucharistic festival--the Mass. Inter-personal Creativity: Intersub]ectivity Community exercises are significant only in as far as they involve an encounier with the Thou. This is the point, above all others, which we must remember. This is the heart of the matter. Divorced from all genuine en-counter with the Thou, community exercises are mean-ingless. In our very proximity, it is easy for me--because of routine, fatigue, and so forth---to consider my confrere less and less as a person (a Thou) and more and more ;ts an object (an It). An object is contained within itself, something which I can possess and manipulate. A person Ibid. Ibid., pp. 104-105. Ibid., pp. 105-106. is a being to whom I can call out, whom I can invoke, who is able to return my call, and in our response to each other create community. I can say "We." But to approach the other in his own unique being and destiny, in all that makes him himself, I myself must be a presence to him. Self-consciousness atrophies,, encloses me in .myself; we may be with one another physically and temporarily, but we have not yet realized Mitsein, that full union in love and welcome where deep calls out to deep. Without doubt, our lives and our encounters with one another tend to form stereotyped patterns. In accordance with our rule and constitutions,~l meet others at certain determined places and at set times. We are joined to-gether for specific purposes: prayer, recreation, work, in short, every conceivable type of community exercise. In a way there is constant community. I am very little in real solitude whether before God or before men. The students whom I teach in the classroom, the community for whom I cook or for whom I build cabinets, the confreres with whom I watch television--these are certainly beings with whom I exist; and even though I cannot speak of the re-ligious life as being entirely or ~even properly speaking functionalized, yet frequently there is something in the other which I am neglecting. P~r~haps 1 am polite and courteous: I smile at the other and laugh at his jokes; I try to understand his problems and offer him sympathy-- and still; perhaps, we stand more in juxtaposition than in community. But there are moments when this half-face to the 'world breaks down, hours of.grace (kairos.in St. John) in which the possibility of far deeper community is suddenly revealed. It is then that we see individuals in an entirely new perspective and their presence becomes more mean-ingful to us. A time of community crisis can draw us to-gether in this way, and we learn to depend on a confrere as he is, and not just in what he does---or better, what he does incarnates what he is. The world from which our candidates come has been well described as a broken world.20 This factor must be kept in mind while considering, the present-day prob-lems of religigus life. Older forms of unity have been gradually breaking down--the family, for instance, has been to a great extent replaced by the peer group, the gang, the more casual associations. Political and techno-logical unions have become strong~ r, suggesting a growth 'in world unity. But frequently, ~he new unions which have sprung up are on the impersonal plane; technol-ogy, for. example, unites the worlO" because cultural dif- ~ Marcel, The Mystery o! Being, v. 1; pp. 22-47. The title used for this chapter is "A Broken World." ~ 4. 4. 4. Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 317 + Aloysius Mehr, O.S.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 318 ferences do not prevent a person from working a machine; in principle any one at all can learn this operation. But "any one at all," l'on,.das Man, does not exist. What exists are real people, individual, free beings, irreplace-able in the solitude of their liberty. In those moments of human existence in which I some-how transcend the world of mechanisms, I sense another dimension which I know to be more basic, and more real. I sense that there is something in myself and in the self of the other which is immanently private and which does not lend itself to concepts or superficial unifying or binding forces; this is unique subjectivity, the deepest level of per-sonal existence, that which constitutes me as I, the irreduc-ible core of personality, the shrine of what is most serious and authentic in me, the theatre of my eternal commit-ments. It is this dimension of mystery which constitutes the great distinction between persons themselves. Regardless of how close two persons may unite with one another, something of the other's.subjectivity will always evade the other: he may become a Thou for me, we may even speak with full force and meaning the word "We," but the other is always profoundly other than me. The We is precisely for this reason a miracle or the grace that it is. We can never be like two drops of water coming together to form a single drop. I may give myself deeply in love and hope to another, but he will always remain absent from me in some way and this hbsen~e is what makes him uniquely himself. But it is of the essence to note that the other is dis-closed to me in his full contingency only in those situ-ations in which we are genuinely open to one another. I can hardly speak of the mystery of subjectivity--the revelation of the other--without speaking of the mystery of intersubjectivity--the mutual revelation of both ofu~, which includes the gift of the other person to me. Here; we can speak more justly and fully of presence: presencel reveals a human dimension beyond that of proximity or even of sharing an experience, and this is the dimension of full encounter, coesse, of co-presence.~7 Presence is in its deepest reality co-presence. The structure of this situation is one of appeal and response. To meet another', I must call out to him, or welcome his appeal to myself by responding with my whole being, and not simply with a stereotyped, pre-determined response. When I speak to another, the area of mutual concern may be a purely business proposition; but if I welcome him into my life, if there springs up deep sympathy in the basic meaning of that word, we Roger Troisfontaines, S.J., De L'Existence a l'Elre (Louvain: E. Nauwelaerts, 1953), v. 2, p. 21. are to another something more than a billboard which announces the time of a community exercise or an IBM machine that reels off information. The question he asks me implies his faith in my ability to answer--my ability to stand, as it were, in his place and understand his question "from the inside.''2s" ~'The question, anyway, operates as an appeal, a signal that may or may not be received.''29 The appeal reaches me in my freedom. I may respond by being, for all practical purposes, some sort of information machine; yet in t~he course of our conver-sation, he becomes something more than a "somebody." "That is, he participates more a~d more in the absolute which is unrelatedness and we cease more and more to be 'somebody' and 'somebody e!se.' We become simply 'US.' "30 This is not merely a psychol~gical interpretation of emotional experience, for realistically speaking, "I cannot really invoke 'anybody'; I can only 'pretend~ to do so. In other words, it appears as if inv'ocation can only be ef-ficacious where there is communiiy.''al Truly, I can speak the word Thou to another only Where community is re-vealed, and we speak the word We.m This deep dimension of human reality reveals me to m~self; in my.deepest and freest being, I find the mystery Of intersubjectivity, the mystery of our solidarity in the destinies of the human phenomenon and the covenant of'creation. Although the sharpest mani[esthtion of this ontological community of men tends to be the somewhat dramatic events--birth, death, love, and go forth--which break in on our course of existence?3 still intersubjectivity runs in a scale from, for example, the chance smile of a stranger from whom I happened to ask directions in a city I am not familiar with to the union with one another in Ghrist in the Eucharistic assembly. Thi(. is important for com-munity life; by holding myself open to the other, by mak-ing myself available, by my. willingness to welcome him, entirely mechanical situations like asking a routine per-mission from my superior can be illuminated with a bit of the radiance of the truly significant. The deepest moments of intersubjectivity can act perhaps as beacons, reflecting that, unit most clearly and fully. As I enter the religious liie and make my pro-fession, the community kiss of peace manifests beautifully the community which has been created in me. This mo- ~ Gabriel Marcel, Metaphysical Journal, translated by Bernard Wall (London: Rockliff, 1952), p. 21. "Ibid., p. 143. ~ ~a I bIbidid.,, pp. 114761. ~ Ibid., p. 303. a Marcel, The Philosophy o] Existence, pp. 3-4. ÷ ÷ ÷ Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 319 4. Aioysius Mehr, 0.$.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ment, though past, can be kept alive, can remain a presence to me--a moment of deep community to which I bear witness in the day-to-day encounters. I know, deeply within myself, that these encounters, for all their routine, flow forth from the community which we are, the com-munity which must be ever renewed through the passing years in creative fidelity to the situations in which. I am given to myself as one whose life, in the religious com-munity, is a being-with. From this point of view, we can look more closely at the full meaning of the opportunities of our religious com-munity: The closeness in which we live with one another is dangerous if reduced to the level of the functional, but it can just as truly point out to us the heights and depths of intersubjectivity. Social bindings open out into onto-logical community. Religious community life is rooted in social organizations and patterns, but it exists on the level of the human person in his freedom. In conclusion, the activities of our religious life must reflect the deep fact of our community-being, of our being-with one another, sharing a common destiny, united in the bonds of true love in Christ, For the structure of intersubjectivity is in its fullness, the structure of love. But we must be willing to see the levels and the manifestatiom of this love dim from time to time, just as in marriage the union in love has its ups and downs. Nevertheless, I must be aware of my deep responsibility to make my-self what Louis Lavelle calls "accessible" and Gabriel Marcel "disponible" or "availabie" to the other. Marcel equates this accessibility with charity, and quite rightly so.34 This is the fundamental posture or attitude for any fruitful communication between men, a communication which means opening myself to the presence and in-fluence of the other, desiring this presence, and being will-ing to go out into something that is quite different from myself. The self-centered egoist finds it impossible to be accessible and available. He is incapable of sympathiz~ ing with other people or imagining their situation. "He remains shut up in himself, in the petty circle of his private experience, which forms a kind of hard shell round him that he is incapable of breaking through.''3G Handy rules for making encounter possible, while help-ful, cannot be used without the danger of taking up a position outside the encounter itself in order to manipulate both the other and myself.3e I can perhaps ~' Ibid., p. 15. ~ Marcel, The Mystery o/Being, v. 10 p. 201. a Dale Carnegie gives.many of these handy rules in his famous book How to Win Friends and Influence.People (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1936). The value of some of these rules is questionable because of their pharisaical tendencies. be more aware of what I cannot do--in summary, tO treat him as an object, as a somebody, as anyone at all, as a function (whether teacher., farpenter, or any o[ the categories that can substitute for the person). In dis-agreements, I must respect the gift, for the other gives himself to me in his ideas and intdrpretations; in com- ¯ munity we can seek not a Procru~stean compromise but a kind of common expectation so that together we can go on seeking the light of truth. Th~ very things which tear us apart from one another~differences in age, in taste, in talent, in personal history-~zan unite us, not in a collectivity where differences are ignored or frowned upon, but in a community of mu[ual understanding. Creativity and Community Ideals High ideals attract men; the. higher the ideals the greater the attraction. Ideals fire, men with enthusiasm. But ideals cannot be handed physically to me as, for in-stance, a book or the constitutions.' Ideals can be described on paper, but they cannot exist oh paper. They are real-ized only in free creativity at the ~ery depths of being. More particularly, the ideals of. a gommunity must be ideaIs for particular men. They must be possible of fulfill-ment in their unique life and in the unique situation which invites their loyalty andS,, faithfulness to them. Every religious must create, again and again, the tra, di-tions and ideals of his order or congregation .by incarnat-ing them anew in his own life. The passage of ideals to incarnate human life, to act and incarnation in space and time is truly creative, for it ~nvolves a full and personal gift of myself creating meaning. Bu~t this does not happen in a void, but rather in an encounter, or 'a revelation of what I am (in the community that we are) that calls forth my witness and fidelity. An e, ncounter means a call and a response; a gift and a pre~ence of another who confronts me in my uniqueness; a re'alization of the destiny which lies at the heart o[ myselL "In action," writes Teilhard, "I cleave to the creatlve~ power of God; I co-incide with it; I become not only its instrument but its living prolongation.''~7 In the words of Gabriel Marcel: We have to realize that there are modes o[ creation which do not belong to the aesthetic order, and which are within the reach of everybody and it is in so far as he is a creator, at how-ever humble a level, that any man at all can recognize his own freedom.~ In our context, this means that in my freedom I must ~ Teilhard de Chardm, The D:vtne Md~eu, pp. 26-27. m Gabriel Marcel, Man Against Mass Society, translated by G. Fraser (Chicago: Regnery, 1952), p. 16. 4. 4. 4. Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 4. 4. 4. Alo~$ius OM~e.Ch~r., REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS respond to the unique religious vocation, which I have received from God, and that response is the truly creative assumption of the ideals, traditions, customs, and rules of my community. If I am to be a religious, and not merely act like one, I must enter into the living tradition of my community, see clearly the deep relationship be-tween law and reality (law in its deepest meaning in Christianity is the living out of our incorporation in Christ), and sense within myself the dynamism within the community, the promise of the future held in the hands of the present moment, the hour of trlal and grace. By translating the traditional ideals of my particular community into my life, I reach back into the very an. rials of history and, at the same time, proclaim that which is yet to come. I enter into living communion with the past and the future, with all who have professed, or will in the future profess, these ideals. Ideals seen in their' existent,_'al fullness are moments of consecration, joininl~ us with the ever-continuing history of our community. As Hiiring points out, History is to be viewed from the standpoint of the "now" in relation to beginning and end. The historic present reaches out into past and future. The past has its heritage which may be compared to the warp and woof of a rich fabric constantly redesigned into marvelously new and alluring shapes and formsi The treasure.is a summons or invitation, and a challenge as well, to the free will of man in the historic moment of the present.~ My response to this challenge wiaps up the rich her-itage of my order in the dynamism of my unique, per-sonal life, and.hands it as a sacred trust to the community, enriched, for future generations. By thus entering deeply into the We, and sharing together, feeling together in our deepest being the subtle movements and aspirations which translate possibility into act and thus tradition into life, and being into incarnations, I realize existentially arid not only notionally or rationally both the being which I am called to be and the significance of the union of men who have joined their own destinies together in respond-ing to the same ~hallenge. But just as we cannot understand man until we see his marvelous destiny, so we cannot begin to see the beauty and mystery of our community until we view it in its promise, in its dynamic growth and activity towards fullness. The religious community, as we pointed out in the introductory pages of this paper, exists within two wider communities--the community of life and t'J~e community of grace--from which it draws its own vital- The Law o] Christ, v. 1, p. 87. ity and life-thrust. In either Community, our destiny is not encompassed by the immediate projects, particular ends, or temporary goals. Our being plunges back into the dynamisms of created being itself; and in us the world achieves a certain completion of its own dest!ny. We are then a kind of particular and contingent, though nonetheless real, summation or symbol or eikon, image, of the community of all being. But the deepest values of our activity do not only capitulate in us the mystery of creation and the dy-namisms of life. As Teilhard would phrase it, ontogenesis has passed on into Christogenesis. Creation has been caught up, in its deepest dynamisms, into the new cre-ation, which is fulfillment, not destruction (Eph 2:15). As a community within the Church, and indeed its true eihon, its incarnation, we continue the forces of creation through the Incarnation and the New Adam into the promise and pledge of the Parousia (1 Cor 15:24). In this perspective, or better in this divine milieu, lies the true significance of our activities; we are bound together under a common cause which is as wide and deep as the community of men and as transcendent in its promise as the parousial presence in which life and temporality shall be consummated in the supreme en-counter of love. Seen in this light, we must modify our earlier thesi~ about the artificiality of the religious community. Adapt-ing Teilhard's terminology and the vision of St. Paul, we can rightly say that the religious community is an anticipation of a later and final stage of evolution, the unity of all men in Christ, the Omega point of historical being. This higher unity of mankind, which we an-ticipate, involves a center of gravity, a focal point, an axis above and beyond the ecological and physical. And what is this axis of religious community life? It is charity. The religious community must be founded on love of God and neighbor. This new level of mankind, as any leap in evolution, involves a definitive departure, a break from the lower stages even though it is their continuation, ful-fillment, and transformation.4° And yet, as an anticipation we are beginning to create the new within the old; this combination of the old and the new must involve sacrifice and tension--the death of the type as we pass into the era of the antitype, the dis-sipation of shadow as we strive to realize the light. There is tension and strain. Creation groans and is "in the pangs of childbirth" (Rom 8:22). Life is born through death. In our very community, creation is being re-capitulated in Christ. Christ is being born! The Divine Milieu, p. 86. ÷ ÷ ÷ Community Exegcises VOLUME 21, 1962 323 dloysius Mehr, 0~.~. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Part HI: Community in the Word The deepest significance of religious community exer-cises is not found in mere human encou.nter, but in the encounter with men in God. Religious life .is a charism, a localized outpouring of the Spirit of God, who fills the whole .Church, in such an intense and concentrated way as to bear witness to a particular reality which in varying degrees permeates the whole Church. Keligious life is not radically different from Christian life; rather it is the living image, the eikon, the type and inauguration of perfect Christian life. The perfection to which all Christians are called and in which all shall share when the Day of the Lord dawns is incarnately realized in the Church today by the religious life, which can be called the "sacrament" of Christian perfection. The flourishing of religious life in the Church stands an apocalyptical pledge that the things to come will truly come because they have already been realized living type; religious life bears encouraging witness to each generation of Christians that the life of the Gospel can truly be lived to the full now, into the fullness that is to come. Such a witness can only be the fruit of the Spirit outpoured in charismatic plenitude. Once the religious life is seen as charismatic, its sacra-mental and ecclesiological dimensions become apparent and important. Since the religious life is the image of perfect Christian life, the basic structure of religious life must be seen in relation to the strhctural pattern of the Church's life. The possible points of reference here are numerous; we will limit the discussion to two features of Christian life which seem to be most fundamental. First, the Church is a community formed by the word of God. Secondly, the Church is a community of sacramental worship. Community in Covenant The Church of the New Testament, seen in the con-tinuity of sacred history as recorded in the. Scriptures, is the fulfillment of that people of God which was in continual formation down through Old Testament times by the gradually unfolding revelation of the Word of God. After the fall, God's Word appears on the human scene as a call; God called Abraham to leave his people and his father's house for a land of promise in which his descendants would multiply until they became as numer-ous as the sands of the sea (Gen 12:1). When Abraham responded to the initial promptings of God's Word, God spoke again to Abraham to make a covenant with him for a mutual sharing of destiny down through Abraham's posterity, which would come into being as a result of God's Covenant-Word. Abraham's family came into being as the family of God (Gen 15). As the history of the family of God folds back upon it-self, the same pattern emerges in the formation of the Israelite people from the family of Abraham. The Israel-ites were called out of Egypt to hear the Word of God proclaimed on Mount Sinai'(Ex 3:16--17). Another cov-enant resulted from this new proclamation, a covenant which was again creative of the community with whom it was made (Ex 24:8). The Israelites became a spiritual community in becoming the people of God in the Mosaic covefiant. The pattern recurs again as each successive wave of revelation leaves in its wake a fuller, more spiritualized community to whom God's Word is addressed as a call and a covenant. There can be no doubt from the annals of sacred history that when God speaks to man He speaks to man in community. In the dialogue between God and man, God is the I who speaks the creative Thou to the community. In the light of the fall of Adam, this dialogue appears as a healing dialogue. The community of the'human race disintegrated in sin. It appears to be God's plan to build it back up again meticulously in time, .through the gradual revelation of his creative Word in a gradually more perfect community, until these last times in which He speaks to us by a Son (Heb 1:2). He is the perfect Word uttered in the community which in the new Adam already exists but which is still being perfegted. (created) and realized (actualized) in all the members of the new human race by the continued call and proclamation of the new covenant in every life and time. In the realm of salvation, man does not walk alone and he is not free to do whatever he chooses. He is saved in community by the healing Word of God which is spoken to and in the community which it itself creates. The inner structure and dynamism of the Church is to be and to become this community of the Word of God. Let us now look more closely into the religious life in terms of what has already been said. If the religious life is to be the type and the eschatalogical pledge of the life of the Church, it ought to be the flesh-and-blood realiza-tion par excellence of the community of the Word of God. It is here that the progress of sacred history toward the fulfillment of God's plan of perfect community ought to be moving forward to the last day when the perfect community of the cosmos will be reheaded in Christ and God will be all in all (I Cor 15:28). The implications of this reach deeply into the basic attitudes incarnate in the concrete circumstances of re- Eoxme~mc~uen$lty VOLUME 21, 1962 325 Alo~situ Mehr, O.S.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ligious life. If the religious community is to be at all, the breath--the spirit-~of. God's Word must be free to move through and in us. Through baptism and confirmation we received the Spirit unto the building up of the com-munity to the full stature of Christ.4x The religious com-munity must be the community of the Word of God, true to the pattern of sacred history outlined above: call, proclamation of the Word, covenant. 1. (Tall. We are accustomed to the idea of a vocation to the religious life. We must draw this out to its concrete conclusions. First, when God calls man He calls him to community. A vocation to the religious life .is a call to community. Secondly, when God calls man to a religious community, He calls him to be initiated into a particular religious community. This means that the candidate must undergo a true initiation into the concrete life of that community and that he must successfully complete the initiation: he has to prove himself ready and able to renounce anything and everything which stands between him and the ideals of his vocation, to accept deeply in his incarnate being the two-edged sword of the Spirit. The religious pre-novitiate and novitiate training ought to be for the religious community what the catechu-menate was for the primitive Church. It ought to test the authenticity of the call. The community, but also the candidate, must ask the question: Is the Word of God truly at work here? God speaks toman in human language, not in weight-less abstractions. Hence the family background of the candidate must be looked into to see if God's Word came to him through parents genuinely in touch with God by their lives of faith. I[ the indications here are strongly negative, the.stronger influence of less natural channels of God's Word must be evident. Because of the psychology involved in such a situation, the candidate's response to this call must be tested for its supernatural authenticity by a convergence of other factors indicating the working and direction of Providence with adverse circumstances. The following questions must be answered: first, hits the candidate attained at least the minimum strength of character, mental health, and social ability required for successful community life; for the monastery or convent cannot function as a rehabilitation center without in-justice to its other members. Secondly, does the candidate at least show promising signs of being able to respond to maturing influences that will be able to help him to ~ Eph 4:13; see La Saihte Bible de Jerusalem (Paris: Cerf, 1956), p. 1546, note n: "Non pas simplement le chrfitien arriv~ h l'~tat de 'parfait,' mais l'Homme parfait en un sens collectif: soit le Christ lui-m~me., soit mieux encore le Christ total, T~.te. et mere- grow to a greater measure of personal authenticity? If the latter is the case, one must investigate whether or not these maturing influences so much needed are actually present in the community which the candidate wishes to join and whether they will be accessible to him. ~This is only another way of asking whether this person,~who does seem to be called by God, is being called to thig particular community. 2. Proclamation. This has led us to our next point. The community has been called together to hear the Word of God; hence that Word must be. authentically proclaimed in the community. In the Church there are official proclaimers, messengers (kerukes), for this task: the priestly hierarchy. In the religious community, this responsibility rests primarily with the superiors. They must be men of God's Word. The Bible must be familiar ground to them. They ought to be able to breathe the Scriptures. God's Word cannot be spoken with authority except by men who themselves hear the Word of God and keep it. St. Paul's timely words to Timothy, the head of the Ephesus community, point out this obligation: Attend to the public reading of Scripture, to preaching., to teaching. Do not neglect the gift you have, which was g~ven you by prbphetic utterance when the elders laid their hands upon you. Practice these duties, devote yourself to them, so that all may see your progress. Take heed to yourself and your teaching; hold to that, for by so doing you will save both your-self and your hearers (1 Tim 4:15--16; see also Col 3:16). The central time and place for the proclamation of God's Word to the community is the liturgy. Everything within the range of possibility should be done to make this proclamation authentic. The laws of liturgical psy-chology must be understood and incorporated into actual liturgical practice. Also it should be understood that proclaiming God's Word in the liturgy is not confined to the scriptural readings but extends to the homily or sermon delivered in the assembly. It is a mistake to think that because religious do a great deal of spiritual reading they do not need to hear sermons. Faith comes from hearing (Rom 10:17). The Scriptures must be au-thoritatively interpreted in relation to concrete con-temporary events. Here the jurisdictional power of su-periors can be seen to be more than a matter of legality. Theirs is the charism to preach authoritatively and to recognize the authentic prophetic spirit in those whom they delegate to preach. In general, there ought to be within the community a real atmosphere of reverence to the Bible. This is mani-fested, for instance, in the handling of the sacred books. Dilapidated Missals ought not be found on the altar. Out-side of the liturgical assembly, the Missal should not be ÷ ÷ Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 AIoysi~s Mehr, O&C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS carelessly thrown in the corner of the sacristry but re-served in a place of honor, like the Blessed Sacrament and the Holy Oils. The same can be said for the Bible used for community reading during the meal, and to a lesser extent for the copy of the Bible kept by individuals in their rooms. Private Bible reading ought to be en. couraged within the spiritual reading program; but this entails some instruction in how to read the Bible, es-pecially for those who do not have the benefit of an in-tensive Scripture course. All these things are only ex. amples, but they indicate a direction .of attitude which must be fostered if the seed of God's Word is to find good ground to grow into a community. 3. Covenant. The proclamation of the Word of God in the community climaxes in covenant, an intimate I. Thou relationship of God with the community. Itshall be a continual burnt offering throughout your genera-tions at the door of the tent of meeting before the Lord; where I will meet with you, to speak there with you . And I will dwell among the people of Israeli and will be their God. And they shall know that I am the Lord their God, who brought them lorth out o] the land oI Egypt that I might dwell among them: I am the Lord their God (Ex 29:42-46). The intimacy of the covenant is best expressed in the Scriptures by the idea of a sacred meal with God at the time of the covenant. "Then Moses and Aaron and Nadab, and Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel went up and they saw the God of Israel . they beheld God and ate and drank" (Ex 24:9-11). The sacred meal will be discussed later. What is of moment here is that God addresses the community as Thou. He covenants with the community. He shares the destiny of the community, and in this way alone does the community become God's people, heir to the promises. "I will be your God and you will be my people" (Jet 32:38)~ The community has in fact been established by the progressive call of God through both Testaments. Or, to put it more critically, the concrete possibility has been established for the authentically Christian community to become to be, to grow in creative fidelity into being fully what it already is in the reality of infallible promise. Nor is the creative, call merely the point of origin; the call is repeated through and in the community of the Church to each generation for the divinization of every era. We are in fact inserted into this order of the Spirit; and by this very reality bear the serious responsibility of. hastening the Parousia (2 Pet 3:12) by a total effort to build community, to respond to the creative call ad- dressed to us, to assure that there will be in us a Thou for the moment when God speaks his "I." There must be real communion of persons who have an authentic, conscious, un-egocentric participation in the human nature and creatureliness they share in their com-mon flesh from the loins of Adam. There must be com-munity in which Christ is progressively becoming in-carnated and given being-in-the-world, caught up, as it were, by the Spirit and created time and time again in authentic response (possible only in community) to the liturgical Word. proclaimed now, as in times past, in liturgical community. Then the great Passover of Jesus from the Cross into the glory of His Resurrection~ Ascen-sion, and Enthronement can take root- in the world and create from our community authentic and supernatural Christian community, the Body of the Lord. For a man to enter the We :of the community, certain things must happen to him. For one thing~ he must have experienced encounter with other persons in the com-munity. This occurs on various interpenetrating levels. On the sacramental level, the encounter begins with his initiation into the Church through baptism and confirma-tion which are an encounter with the concrete Church community. In the religious life a further sacramental encounter is the act of religious profession. Think of the handclasp, the Amen of the community, and the kiss of peace. , Through baptism, confirmation, and profession, the religious has already met the members ofthe community on the sacramental level, the. authenticity of which meet-ing will depend on the authenticity of the ritual. This also means that he is ontologically structured for and pledged to this encounter in all its dimensions. Other levels of encounter which are basic to the we experience are the father-son relationship between su-perior and subject, the brother relationship between con-freres, the teacher-student relationship, and the more in-timate encounter of true religious friendship. A parish community is as strong as the basic I-Thou relationship between the husband and wife in the families of the pa.rish, since marriage is the effective sign of the Church. similarly a promotion of genuine I-Thou relationships within the community builds up the great We of the I. Thou relationship with God, as the.se experiences open the personalities of the religious to that common human nature and creatureliness which would otherwise be hoarded up individualistically by each selbcenter. The human nature and creatureliness which we share is a concrete human nature and creatureliness incarnate in the human beings around us, and it is there where it must ÷ Community VOLUME 21, 1962 32g ÷ ÷ REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS be met. Here we have the sensible, real basis, the sign, of the Body of Christ which is realized in sacrament. Another experience which conditions for and builds up the great We is the common sharing of a rich ex-perience, a going through something together, a com-mon passover. God made his covenant with Israel after the Exodus experience, after the people had passed through the Red Sea together. This experience involves the elements of crisis, judgment, and victorious issue. Once again, on the sacramental level, this is accomplished through the catechumenate and initiation sacraments of baptism and confirmation in which the candidate shares the Christian community's experience of the Exodus, of the Passover from the Egypt of sin through the Red Sea of baptism to the new life of the people of God. In the religious life a further sacramental or ritual sharing of crisis-victory is embodied in profession, the passover into the state of perfection. But this sacramental ontology of community on the basis of shared experience becomes incarnate in and is the fulfillment of numerous experiences undergone on other levels of life. Religious life can provide many ex-cellent experiences of solidarity through crises and vic-tories. As examples can be mentioned: working out phil-osophical and theological problems; a difficult community project such as the continued and successful support of a mission; a common experience of joy such as might be expected at ordinations and professions; the death of a member of the community; in short, any event which deeply affects the community. This solidarity in experience is not limited to events. What may be more important is the common experience of the presence of great persons. Just as the Israelite community was somehow bound up in the persons of Moses, Josue, and Aaron, and just as the Church is bound up in the persons of Christ, the Apostles, and the Virgin Mary, so the religious community is bound up in the per-sons of its superiors and leading figures. The superior must be a deep, spiritually mature person who is in personal contact with his community so that the members of the community actually have a chance to experience him and feel a solidarity in this experience. As fdr the other leading figures in the community, the more deep personalities God has given to a community, so much richer will that community life be as the solidarity in this experience broadens the horizons of the com-munlty. It is a corruption of a precious gift for a com-munity to consider its outstanding members as divisive forces or to make them feel like isolated individualists. Sharing the experience of encounter with a great man is one of the strongest bonds of unity there is between man and man. We have discussed some factors in the formation of the community We which becomes the Thou whom God addresses in his covenant dialogue. There is one other element of covenant that should be mentioned, and it is the sharing of destiny. God becomes involved in the community's destiny and the community is caught up into God's great mystery of salvation, the secret hidden from the ages and revealed fully in his Son, the movement of salvation history (Col 1:26-27). There is a movement toward fulfillment, toward Pleroma. Christ has already been established as the Head of new order in heaven, but his Body is still undergoing construction upon earth. The completion of Christ's Body is being realized little by little. It is a steady growth until the full measure of the perfect Man is attained. This fullness, Pleroma, means that in Christ harmony has been established among all things, that the universe is "filled b~ the creative presence of God."42 When this day shall arrive, the Church will contain Christ in his fullness. The Church will reach the stature of the perfect man (Eph 1:23), The movement .of salvation history, however, is not inevitable. God is faithful and will accomplish His pur-pose, but His people do not always respond with like fidelity, and He will not use force. If the Day of the Lord is to come, it is the Christian community, we, who must hasten it (2 Pet 3:12), we who must move ahead; and we are free to contribute to this forward movement or to hold it it check. If we should choose the latter, we would become like the Thessalonians who sat around and waited for the Parousia and who were upbraided for their pre-sumption (2 Th). The religious community ought to be an advance guard unit in this forward march, for it is by definition a place of perfection and fulfillment. This again points up the necessity for the proclamation of the Word of God in the community. The history of salvation is contained in the Scriptures. God's plan is there, and only those who are familiar with its patterns are capable of reliable frontier work on the boundaries of sacred history. Ful-fillment does not mean reckless lunging out in any direc-tion. Yet neither i~ it all mapped out in detail. Here the living tradition of the Scriptures assumes its rightful im-portance. The leaders of the community must be men who walk in the way of the Lord and meditate on His law. If we may say so, they must have a scriptural instinct, a Pierre Benoit, O.P., "Corps, t~te et pl~r6me darts les Rpitres de lacaptivit~," Revue Biblique, v. 63 (1956), pp. 5-44. ÷ ÷ ÷ Community VOLUME 21, 1962 .331 ÷ Aloysius OM.Se.hCr., REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS a feel for the way God does things, and a contact with the currents of life in the Church. They must be attentive to the voice of higher authority and at the same time be aware of the prophetic movements within their own com-munity. They literally have to know which way the Wind --the Holy Spirit--is blowing. Community in Worship At this point lines of thought begin to converge: the Word of God, community, covenant, sacred history; and their point of convergence is worship. We may say that the community called into being by the Word of God in the context of sacred history through the intimacy of the covenant is primarily a worshiping community. What happens in Christian sacramental rituals? The Word of God, spoken once definitively in Jesus Christ, is spoken now in the Church community which is the Body of Christ, the real, glorified soma tou Christou, which is building up to completion. Ritual makes possible.through its pneumatic bodiliness, its symbolic or sacramental na-ture, the entrance by the commUnity here and now into the great sacramental moment, the primordial time, Christ's great Resurrection Passover, which stands at a particular moment of history yet transcends it, catches up within itself the vitality of all history, its direction and its completion. Here the Christian community whose task it is to move sacred history ahead, to build up the Body of Christ, is in contact with the vital source of the upward thrust of sacred history: the leap of the crucified Jesus up into the life of the Christos-pneuma. Covenant intimacy with God becomes possible in ritual: the I-Thou rela-tionship between the Father and the community comes into being in the spoken word and the meal ritual (or other symbolic act), in both of which, taken together, the risen Christ in whom we meet the Father is present through the working of the Spirit. By hearing the ef-fective Word together and eating the sacred meal to-gether (or doing the ritual action of the other sacraments), the members of the community pass together through the greatest of all experiences: the Passover of Christ, the primordial passage of non-being into being, of what is away from God to what is in God, of what is dead: sarx, to what is alive: pneuma. 1. Mass. In this context, the Mass, as the supreme Passover ritual, becomes for the Church and the religious community the supreme moment of covenant communion with the Father and with one another. The place of meet-ing with God is the place of.assembly and formation of the people of God. The people of God were formed to the Qehal Yahweh by communication with God himself. The community entered a covenant with God, and the effec- tive token of this covenant was the paschal meal. This reaches its fulfillment in the Eucharist where we become one people of God by sitting at table with God. For the community, the Mass is not just one of the de-votional exercises of the day, nor merely one of the "means" used by a group 0f3ndividuals for accumulating personal merits. It is first of all a gathering, an assembly of Christians, those who are of Christ. Secondly, it is not an hour of community meditation, but an hour of com-munity action, an event, a celebration. The act of cele-bration is important, for the event is Christ's event (here we have the true meaning of ex opere operato), and the community enters into the mystery of Christ by their ritual transposition of the action of Christ. The event is the Resurrection Passover of Christ which He Himself rit-ually transposed in the sacramental moment of the Last Supper and ordered to be clone in commemoration of Him. Let us examine these two interrelat'ed realities: com-munity and event. The worshiping community is not a priori, not an automatically given thing with which to work out the problem of celebrating Mass. Nor can the community be improvised haphazardly. It must be .built up by active and intelligent effort; it demand~ active con-cern and reverence for the laws of human acting. In fact, if the sacramental reality is to be accomplished, if com-munity is to be created on the supernatural level, the sacramental signs must be authentic. As St. Thomas has told us: the sacraments signify what they cause and cause only insofar as they signify,aa This highlights the necessity for catechesis: instruction, explanation, acclimatization--initiation into the reality of the community and the event. Catechesis is a psy-chological necessity because words and actions must be significant. The Bible and the ritual must be understood by the community. Cathechesis is accomplished both by systematic instruc-tion and by the actual celebration authentically done. We have already spoken of some things that can be done out-side the celebration regarding the catechesis of the Bible. A suggestion or two concerning the cathechesis of the ritual outside the celebration may slip into what fol-lows by an occasional convenient parenthesis, but what we are primarily interested in here is .the ca-thechesis that occurs within the celebration of Mass itself. No matter how much formal instruction we have about the Mass, we can come to learn the Mass only by doing the Mass. Actions must be learned from within, by doing. No matter how many books we read about how Summa Theologiae, 3, q. 62, a. 1, ad I. + + + ommunit~ Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 ÷ ÷ ÷ Aloysius Meh¢, O.S.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS ,334 to study or how to play tennis, we will never really have learned these activities until we have entered into them. Catechesis must adapt the celebration of the Mass to the psychological climate of the assembly. This, of course, must be done within the limit of the laws of the Church. We do not, for instafice, simply "adapt" our celebration into the vernacular, despite the fact that this might be an excellent cathechetical move, one to be hoped, prayed and worked for through legitimate channels. But there is much to be done within the limits of the present rubrical framework. Let us begin with the community itseff. We can talk the idea of community to people until the Parousia, and it will not create community. A Christian community has to be built up by the celebration of Mass itself. The daily conventual Mass is a summons to enter deeply into com-munity. The community must experience community. Community is indeed where community happens. In the primitive Church there were at first no Catholic schools to teach the idea of community. Community was built up through worship, a worship that took into account the concrete conditions of the lives of the faithful. One of these basic concrete conditions is the bodiliness of men. Body is intrinsic to human personality. Man not only has a body, but also is a body. As we have already seen, man is a spirit incarnate in a body which is its epiphany, its revelation, its sign. And to come to the point here, it is through his body that man is part of the community of the race of Adam 'and through his body that he enters into conscious contact with the community. It is the role of good catechesis to create a sensible at-mosphere of community. It is especially when brethren gather around the altar that they ought to get that ecce quara bonum feeling. What can be done toward this? First of all, there have to be people there. And they ought to be there for the Mass. If I sit down to eat a meal with someone and he insists on reading the paper, I do not feel that he is really with me. Likewise, if the man next to me at Mass is "getting his meditation in" or "getting through his Office," the sense of community i~ being broken down. This does not mean that everyone at Mass has to be doing the same thing, for there are many liturgies or works to be done at the one great liturgy: the celebrant, the choir, the schola, the altar ministers, the organist, the choir director--all have their own work to contribute to th~ whole. But there must be that sense of the whole to which all are contributing. All present must feel that "we came here to do the Mass." The importance of this, I think, is felt instinctively even by those who close themselves up in a meditation book at Mass: they stand, sit, and kneel with the community. This at least is better than nothing, but it is for from the ideal. Akin to this is the practice of having "a Mass going on" in church when the community has come there to do something else. One picks up the habit of not becoming distracted by the Mass. Not only does this dull ofie's abil-ity to participate at other times when he is supposed to, but such a psychologically unsound practice of not doing what you are doing, on the basic religious level, has a disintegrating effect on the total personality and shows up in other activities. The desire to "get in an extra Mass" may proceed from sincere devotion, but it some-what misses the point. Whenever the Mass is used as a background or as something that is secondary, its signifi-cance (which is of prime importance in the sacramental realm) is greatly lessened (I do not say completely ab-sent); this lessening of significance breaks down the au-then. ticity of the ritual, hence its effectiveness. But in the Mass-and-something-else situation, it is not only the Mass that suffers. When two community exercises which de-mand full attention are combined, neither is able to have any depth. The sense of community at Mass is also built up by the alertness and freshness of the presence of the participants. This means that those who plan to attend Mass in the morning ought io feel it their responsibility to get enough sleep the night before to enable them to be attentive to one another and to the sacred actions. It also means that Mass should not be scheduled to be done after a marathon of spiritual exercises has just about exhausted the normal capabilities of a man to do the intensive work which good praying demands. Another important contribution to the sense of com-munity is the very structure of the church building. People at Mass ought to be able to see the altar and to see each other. They must be able to feel close to one another and not to feel oppressed by one another. Their place in church ought to be related to their role at the Mass. They ought to be able to feel together in the pres-ence of God. These problems have to be worked out on the architectural level by those competent in the field. The furnishings of a church must be such as not to distract from the main purpose of the building. The com-munity ought not to be pulled in all directions by a penny arcade of devotional concession stands. This does not mean elimination of statues from the church, but it does mean an integration of all furnishings into the main-stream of attention. This must be done by the planning of skillful designers, not by a mere process of accumula-tion. ÷ ÷ ommunlty Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 335 4. ÷ 4. Aloy~ius Mehr, 0.$.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 336 The celebrant, too, has his role to play in creating a sense of community. He must realize his role as the leader of the community, as one who acts in their name, and must by his very actions sweep up the community .into participation with him. Hemust understandthat not all parts of thd Mass are equally important, and he must learn how to emphasize the important parts with the proper gestures and tone of voice, and not to monopolize the attention of the community when what he is doing is not the main thing going on, especially when the choir is singing. His gestures must be authentic. When he greets the people, there should be contact, and he should wait for their response. When he proclaims the Word of God, he should do so loudly, clearly, and expressively. During the great presidential, prayer, the anaphora, from the pre-face to the doxology, he should invite the silent attention of the community to what he is doing by his own sense of presence, by his poise and serenity. His whole bodily attitude must be expressive of praise and thanksgiving, His priestly vestments ought to mark him as a man of dis-tinction. In short, he must look and sound like a leader, and to do this he has to feel like one. He is not to be esoteric or insert idiosyncracies into the celebration, yet his action must be personal action flowing expressively from his total personality which on the deepest level is priestly. Finally, the two .very important factors in building up the sense of community are music and movement. People experience real togetherness by mutual singing and mu-tual movement. Every conventual Mass should be a com-munity sing. But again this does not mean that everyone has to sing everything. Some of the prescribed chants are too difficult to be enjoyable for those who are not trained to sing them. The obvious answer is to let the trained schola sing those parts, while the rest of the community listens attentively--at that moment their liturgy is med-itative listening together. Beyond this, there is need for the composition of good music which is singable by the real communities that actuall~ exist. °The ability to sing must be built up, but we have to start where people are and help them experience their own way into better things. The most familiar mutual movements at Mass are the changes of posture: standing, sitting, kneeling, and bow-ing. These movements ought to be expressive and forma-tive of community. This means that all should rise, bow, and so forth, together because community actions are not fully authentic unless every member makes his contribn-tion to the communal movement. These movements, as well as all the ceremonies during any liturgical function, should be expressive of two things: first, the gravity of what is being done, and secondly, the anirna una et cor unum of the community. Beyond the familiar change~ of posture, there are three great movements of the .people of God at Mass--the En-trance Procession, the Offertory Procession, and the Com-munion Procession~during which the community is sing-ing together. There are practical difficulties in restoring the movement features of the first two processions which have been reduced to the singing of the Introit and Of-fertory Antiphons. The difficulties are not insurmount-able, but they are more formidable than the difficulty it would entail to reintroduce the singing feature of the Commun, ion Procession. There are few experiences of community which can match walking in a group of your confreres in joyful song on the way to and fron~ the table of the Lord where you share the .one Bread. Let Us now make a few observations about the cat-echesis of the Mass as an event. The Mass is not an ordi-nary dialogue, nor an ordinary meal. It is a festive speak-ing of God and a festive eating with God. It involves a longing for happiness and salvation, for every feast" has the atmosphere of expectation and liberation from rou-tine. This is the eschatological dimension of the Mass. The early Christian found it easier to feel the festivity of the Mass because he found it easier to see the Mass as a cel-ebration of the coming of the risen Lord, a pledge of His final coming. For the early Christian Christ was present in the Church, especially in the actual liturgical assembly gathered together in His name: as the community cam~ together, Christ came among them. When those who love come together the tone is one of festivity. The Mass must, then, become a real celebration, as its interpenetrating rhythm of dialogue and meal indicate it is meant to be. At a celebration people talk and sing and move around. There is real, free communication. Mass is a dialogue between God and His people through the mediatorship of the priest. The priest talks to God in the name of the people and to the people in the name of God. When people really come together in a festival setting to talk with one another, they bring their interests, their work, their experiences, and their whole personality which transcends these experiences. Here one can see the role that community recreation and community meals can play as a catechesis of the proper celebration of Mass. It is not stretching a point to see community recreation as the extension and fruit of the festive dialogue of the Mass; in itself it has something of the nature of a ritual and might indeed be considered a sacramental for community. Play is sacred. When the Bible says the people rose up ÷ ÷ + Community Exercises VOLUME 21o 1962 337 ÷ ÷ Aloysius Mehr, O.~.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 338 to play while Moses was conversing with God on Mount Sinai, it speaks condemningly of the event, including its sexual misbehavior, precisely because it was an act of false worship (Ex 32:1-6). Later in Israelite history we know that David leapt and danced before the Ark of the Covenant (2 S 6:14). Play is an expression of joy and freedom--like the Sabbath day of rest. The idea of worship and the free-dom from the drudgery of work belong together. The need to break routine is rooted in man's desire for the freedom of salvation. Play is free dialogue, whether it be in the form of relaxed conversation, or a contest in which make-believe competition is manufactured, or the sharing of some unroutinized activity just "for the fun of it." Play keeps a man from b~ecoming a slave to his work; it keeps him from confining himself to the world of I-It. We take a game seriously to a point. We must take it that far, for playing is literally "making fun" of work. The religious significance of this is deep. One can take his life's work seriously only to a point; from there he must "make fun" of it in the sight of God and man as David made fun before the Ark and the people. Other-wise he will become proud and self-sufficient. The world of I-It is not to be despised, but it must lead up to the world of I-Thou, of dialogue between man and man and between man and God. Community recreation ought to be fun, but it must never be dissipation or aesthetically squalid, or the whole meaning of it is destroyed. It is the bringing of the real necessity of one's work to the level of free personal dialogue with God and man. A person-alized celebration of community recreation is a great help to a personalized celebration of Mass. The festivities of" the Mass reach their climax in the meal celebration. Food and drink are an essential part of a celebration. The Mass is a holy eating together, a sacred banquet in which we are filled with the bread of life and drink of the cup of gladness. The symbolism of wine especially provides the atmosphere of festivity. The feeling tone of the Mass is that of a celebration of people who are spiritually well fed and well drunk, who feel the spiritual fullness from the rich bread and the spiritual freedom from the intoxicating wine. Here we might note that the regular community meals can be a real catechesis of the Mass, since they are in fact a sacramental extension of the meal aspect of the Mass through the ritual prayers surrounding them. Human eating is of its nature a sacred and communal act. It is not a mere refueling for another round of work. God is present at every meal in his gifts of food and drink and in the fellowship around the table. The prayers before and after meals set the tone of the meal. They are mos~tly i, excerpts from the Psalms, breathing the spirit of the anawim, the spirit of joy, thanksgiving, appreciation, de-pendence on God, praise, awareness of God's presence, simplicity. The meals themselves should reflect all this. The food should be simple fare, b,ut good. It ought, t.o be eaten in an atmosphere of calm enjoyment, not of frantic dumping from platter to plate to palate. There ought to be a real spirit of fellowship at the table. But besides fellowship at table, we should also be aware of how community meals tie in with the Mass. Father Godfrey Van Lit, O.S.C., describes the intimate relation-ship between the refectory and the ~ chapel, community meals and the Mass.4. The Christian dining room table is a symbol of the Eucharistic table, the altar, and hence the refectory used to be decorated with a large, artistic painting of the Last Supper. As we have silence of place in the chapel, so we also observe silence of place in the refectory, And as in the community Mass the leader pro-claims to us the Good News, so also during our commu-nity meals a lector acquaints us with the consequences of the Gospel narrative. Both at Mass and at table, we are reminded that "not by bread alone does man live, but by every word that comes forth from. the mouth of God" (Mr 4:4). Both the Mass and the community meals ought to par-take of the spirit of the Passover and Chaburah meals of the Old Testament. The pervading tone here is that of a family meal. The community superior presides in the place of honor at the table as the father of the family who provides the good gifts. In so doing he is the epiphany of our heavenly Father who provides us with all good things, and the assurance of His presence among us. "He who has seen me has seen the Father" (Jn 14:9). The hebclomadarius who leads the community both at Mass and at the meal prayers must be seen as the delegate of the father of the community, just as every priest stands at the altar as the delegate of the bishop. So simple a thing as the custom of not starting the prayers until the superior "knocks of[" in chapel or rings the bell in the refectory helps to keep this family awareness. At the com-munity table one ought not to feel that he is just one nameless stop along the long line of the gravy train, but that he is among the little group of his brothers with whom he is at home. We are one "b~cause the bread is one" (1 Cor 10:17). The event aspect of the Mass also demands that the ritual transposition of the sacramental moment should be ~ Lucerna Splendens super Candelabrum Sanctum, Id Est, Solida ac Dilucida Explanatio Constitutionum Sairi ac Canoni¢i Ordinis Fratium Sanctae Crucis (Coloniae Agrippinae: apud Antonii Boet-zeri Heredes, 1632), pp. 45-58; 87. ÷ ÷ ÷ ECxo~mrmcisuensity VOLUME 21, transparent; the celebration must be a revelation of the event itself. The main event is the Easter Passover, but there are other sacramental moments in sacred history which unfold in the course of the Church year as incip-ient or concluding stages of the Passover, from the In-carnation to the Mission of the Spirit. The sacramental moments are themselves revelations, openings into the Passover mystery, which pervades the whole Church in her sacramental ritual. A final note on the Mass concerns the apostolate. Cult is formative of missionaries. Worship is the school of the very Christian experience which the apostle seeks to com-municate to others. Here we must remember that there is no. effective activity without sanctity; there is no sanc-tity which does not radiate in the Church; there is no grace which does not come from the Head, and there is none which does not flow from the member back over the entire Body.~ + + lloysim Mehr, O.S.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 34O A religious who neglects his personal sanctity in order to intensify his activity, paralyzes it. The gift of the Spirit is the sacramental basis for com-munity in work. When a man works to bring forth the fruits of the earth as a Christian, he brings these temporal things into the sphere of the Spirit by doing the very best job he can to make his farming or his teaching, and so forth, as perfect as possible within the total context of human life, of community. He is working with the crea-tive force of the Spirit who hovered over the waters and brought order, harmony, and completion out of chao:; and who is now at work in the community. He brings; creation into his Passover experience. He is using the totality of his mind and energies and spirit, which totality exists only within the community, 'to bring creatures to perfection, to fill up the glory ofGod which will come in its fullness at the Parousia. 2. Penance. We are not accustomed to thinking of the sacrament of penance in terms of the community, and in this we have missed much of its meaning. The weekly confession of devotion can easily become for religious a routinized ticking off of peccadillos which one "gets rid' of" by inserting his penitential coins in the laundromat at the back of Church. The sacrament of penance is a re-penetration of our ex-istence into Christ's healing death and Resurrection. Re-penetration implies that something preceded. Through baptism man is ontologically structured into the commu-nity of the holy--holy persons and holy things which they share. Sin 'is something abnormal for man in Christ Jesus '~Jules Lebreton, S.J., The Spiritual Teaching o! the New Testament (Westminster: Newman, 1960), p. 375. (Rom 6:2). By sin man withdraws from the Body of Christ and sides with the world. The sacrament of penance is reconciliation with the Church. It is the Church that listens to his confession, prays for him, and gives him absolution. Here we see the Body of Christ, wounded by'sih, festoring itself t~0 health. For us, a return to God is always, first of all, a return to the Church. Forgiveness is not so much something which the Church brings us, but rather a belonging to the Church outside of which there is no salvation. The importance of the local Church community must be emphasized here. When a sinner is forgiven, he is for-given through the forgiveness of the local community. This was more evident in the earlier forms of the sacra-ment of penance when the sinner was received publicly back into the assembly. He was assured of God's forgive-ness by the concrete forgiving spirit manifested to' him by the community. The power to absolve is vested in those with hierarchical authority, but they absolve in the name of the community of the faithful; hence the?e is a more fruitful and creative spiritual power at work in the con-fessional of a community'where there is a strong spiri't of mutual forbearancb and forgiveness, where the '~'as we forgive those who trespass against us" is prayed with awareness and sincerity, where the offensive person is ac-cepted in patience, understanding, and ultimate trust in what in him lies beyond his offences: his Christian per-sonality. The sacrament of penance can also be made more fruit-ful if the sacramentals of penance in the community life are appreciated. Two important ones. come to mind: Compline confession of sins and the chapter of faults. Let it be remembered that by the institution of the Church these rites are sacramentals, and if approached in a spirit of contrition they accomplish forgiveness of sin. The Compline confession of sin is the best catechesis for the sacrament of penance for it clearly embodies .its essential elements: contrition, confession of sin in the community and to the community, including the whole community of saints in heaven as well as those present; absolution is given by the presiding priest; and everybody prays together for the effectiveness of the forgiveness. The chapter of faults is also well constructed to pro-mote the communal atmosphere of penance, but it needs to be approached in a genuine spirit of sorrow. The pub-lic confession of our faults in the presence of the com-munity helps to make us realize that by our transgres-sions, by our indifference, lack of interest, fulfillment of purely personal inclinations, and non-participation in the community as such, we cut ourselves off, in fact we deny, the ontological status or nature of our very calling. ÷ ÷ ÷ F~oxmermcisuens ity 4. .4. Aloysius Mehr, REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS Worse yet, we hold back the community, we retard its growth. This seems to be the point of the chapter of faults: we confess that we have not been completely faith-ful to the ideals to which we vowed creative fidelity. 3. Holy Orders. In clerical religious communities, the whole idea of community life is intimately bound up in the sacrament of holy orders. Some observations on the place of the priesthood in the Church are necessary to clear the ground. It has often been said recently that the Church is not the clergy, despite the impression that has long been given to the contrary. The community is the first inten-tion. The priesthood exists for and in and fromthe com-munity through the apostolic succession. The priesthood is a charism, a mode of being in the Church, for the com-munity, not for itself. It expresses and makes possible and matures the general priesthood of the faithful in its three-fold dimension of worship, kingship, and prophethood. These are the Messianic goods, and they have been placed within the community in the gift of the Holy Spirit. In this context the Church itself is the Ur-Sat~rament con-taining the fullness of the Spirit, which is worked out through many diverse gifts. The priesthood is a charism for the building up of the Church (Eph 4:11-14). Ordination is the,gift of the Holy Spirit by the laying on of hands in the Church for the community. The priest is filled personally by the Holy Spirit to be his minister. No man takes the office to him-self-- or for himself. The fullness of the priesthood is only in the bishop. He is the sign of the full presence of Christ on earth, the organ of unity within the local Church community. He is one with Christ and one with his people. His faith is the norm for the faith of his flock. St. Cyprian defines the . Church as the people united to its priest, the flock stick-ing with its shepherd. The 'bishop is the nucleus of the community because he is the link with Christ through the imposition of hands through which the continuum of the soma tou Christou is maintained. The presbyterate is only a share in the bishop's priest-hood, a subsidiary priesthood under the bishop. As the ordination rite explicitly states, the presbyter is a "sec-ond- rate" priest: secundi meriti. In this light, every priest is a diocesan priest, and, exempt or not, when he works as a priest in a diocese, he works there as the helper of the bishop. By his ordination he is ontologically struc-tured for this work. He is called from the depths of his being to be a helper to the bishop of the diocese in which he lives. Here one can see what a deordination it is for religious priests not to be on good terms with the local ordinary. These good relations should also exist with the rest of the local clergy since the presbyterate is not merely an in-dividualistic but a collegiate institution. The architecture of early churches and the episcopal liturgy indicate this by placing the corona presbyterorum on the bema round the bishop. We still put the clergy together in the sanc-tuary. When a presbyter is ordained he joins the ordo foresbyterovum. This is eloquently obvious in the ordina-tion rite when the "college of presbyters" encircles the ordinands and joins the bishop in the imposition of hands. Priestly fellowship is rooted in the sacramental re-ality, and this sacramental reality is also what makes com-munity life a natural thing for priests. The unity in an order of canons draws its essential vitality from the sacra-ment of holy orders. In this context, the naturally prominent position of the Divine Office and liturgical exercises in many of the cler-ica. I religious communities becomes evident. The Divine Office is, as defined by Pope Pius XII, ~he perennial prayer of the Church, offered to God in the name and on behalf of all Christians, by those who have been deputed for this. It is the hymn of the Divine Word who has united to Him-self the entire human race, and the hymn which He sings is the hymn of praise which is sung in heaven continu-ously. St. Augustine is correct in saying that in the Divine Office "Christ prays for us. as our Priest; he prays in us as our Head; we pray to him as our God . We recognize Our voice in him and his voice in us.''4~ It is the Church praying. But we should go one step further. When a community of canons regular is called into existence by the Holy Spirit and officially approved by the Church, it is by its very nature entrusted with the solemn and communal celebration of the sacred liturgy, especially the Divine Office and the conventual Mass. If any religious body has the right to say that the liturgical life is its ideal, it is the canons regular.47 They above all should lead the way in the liturgical revival of Christian life. The proper chanting of the Divine Office in common is formative of community. But, in order to be formative of community, it presupposes first of all that the community understands the dignity of the Church's prayer, secondly, that the choir members are able to read the text of the prayer intelligently, and, finally, that they adopt as their own the sentiments expressed in these prayers. ,e Mediator Dei, nn. 142-144. ,TDom Germain Morin, O.S.B., The Ideal o] the Monastic Life Found in the Apostolic Age (Westminster: Newman, 1950), p. 105: "If any Order has the right to boast of this it is the Canons Regular, rather than ourselves." See also the article "Canons Regular and the Breviary" by Roger Capel, Orate Frates, v. 23 (1948-49), pp. 246-251. ÷ ÷ + ECxoemrdmsuesnity VOLUME 21. 1962 343 ÷ ÷ ÷ Aloysius Mehr, O$.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS It is not merely a question of recitatk;n or of singing which, however perfect according to the norms of music and sacred rites, onl)t reaches the ear, but it is especially a question of the ascent ot the mind and heart to God' so that, united with Christ, we may completely dedicate ourselves and all our ac-tions to him.'s Whenever the Divine Office is chanted "worthily, with attention and devotion," it is prayer in the fullest sense of the term, and every genuine prayer cements together the members of a community. "Our deepest contacts with one another can be made only through God.''49 It is only in the depths of prayer that, in the fullest sense of the term, deep calls out to deep, and the soul gives itself to God. In this sense, every genuine prayer is a renewal of religious profession, the leaving of all things and following He-who- is. If the religious community is to blossom forth into a true community of worship and love, it must be able, at all times, to call upon this interior gift to God.5° The central portion of the Divine Office is the Psalter: the Word of God. The best way for men to pray together is to speak with God in God's own words, for the Word of God is formative and expressive of the community. The common chanting of the Psalter is, by and large, a meditar tive re-experiencing together of the great events of sacred history--again a community-forming factor.5x The Psalter is redolent with man's proper responses to God and his works: the spirit of the anawira, the poor in spirit, God's lowly ones through whom sacred history is accomplished. By a continual singing of these prayers day after day for many .years, these attitudes of heart sink into those who give themselves to this prayer with their minds and hearts and bodies. Through the ritual action, the attitudes and events are effectively experienced by the total personality in community; by all the rules of psychology such prayer is extremely capable of transforming one's life as an aLt-thentic individual in the community. A final note on the Divine Office concerns the non-choir members and every other member of the community who has been assigned work incompatible with regular attend-ance at choir. Here it is important to remember that the choir is a community obligation'. In a living community there are many members "just as in one body we have many members, yet all the members have not the same function" (Rom 12:4). Some are sent out as missionaries, others do the cooking, others are engaged in social work--- ~s Mediator Dei, n. 145. ~9 R. W. Gleason, S.J., To Live is Christ (New York: Sheed anti Ward, 1961), p. 11. ~ T. de Ruiter, O.F.M., Her Mysterie van de Kloostergemeenschap (Mechelen: St. Franciskusdrukkerij, 1958), p. 131. ~ Mediator Dei, n. 148. each according to the grace that has been given to him (Rom 12:6). And then there are also those who are not excused and who have the responsibility to be in choir. In each case it is the community at work or at prayer. Whether we are in the choir or legitimately excused, we are all working together in the name of the omhaunity, fulfilling our role in the completion of the cosmic task. 4. Extreme Unction. The communal dimension of ex-treme unction must be viewed from the Christian stand-point on death. The creation of Adam in flesh is the man-ifestation of the mystery of contingency which attends the existence of all things outside of God. Only God is in Himself and by Himself. All other beings tend to fuller being, which implies nonbeing. Death is the natural con-sequence of man's fleshy nature. Since the human race is a community in flesh it is also a community in death. Adam, however, did not accept his contingency. He failed to project beyond the dissolution of flesh to fuller life. He revolted against being the creature who dies, and death became a punishment for this sin. since the human race is a community in sin, it is a community in the pun-ishment of death (Rom 5:12). Christ, the New Adam, humbled himself: took on con-tingency. He submitted, as the suffering Servant, to be the creature who dies, and death became a redemption, a passage into the eternal life for which Adam revolted in vain (Rom 5:15-19; 1 Cot 15:21). Since the Church is a community in redemption, it is a community in triumph over death. Through the Church's sacraments of death and disso-lution, Viaticum and extreme unction, all human suffer-ing. and death is taken into the redemptive sufferings of Christ. The falling apart involved in suffering and death becomes the creative mustering of forces for the upward thrust to a higher level of life. The death of the Christian is his final experience of the Passover of Christ. Without Christ, death is complete loneliness. One leaves the community of his loved ones to go alone into nothing-ness. Christian death conquers this ultimate loneliness. The highpoint of the ritual for the dying is the admin-istration of Holy Viaticum. The Christian does not go alone into death: the Lord comes to take his faithful serv-ant up into his triumphant Passover. The Lord is able to come in Viaticum because the community has celebrated the Eucharistic Passover. Much of the loneliness of death comes from the effect of sin, by which man cuts himself off from the community. In the prayers and anointing for sickness unto death, the healing Lord approaches in the person of the priest to cure the wounds of severance from the community, to re-store the peace of mind that can come only from c6mplete + + + Community Exercises VOLUME 21, 1962 345 4. 4. 4. Aloysius Mehr, O$.C. REVIEW FOR RELIGIOUS 346 reconciliation with the Church. Again, the priest is acting in the name of the community. The death of a Christian is a deep experience for the community in which it occurs. When at all possible, the religious community should be present at the administra-tion of the last sacraments to the dying members of the community, and they should pa.rticipate in the expressive prayers of the ritual. Such a death is a witness to the reality of the triumph of Christ, a real martyrdom. The joyful and peaceful suffering and death of one with whom we live in intimacy is a striking pledge of the reality of Christ's Resurrection and the certainty of the Parousia. Here we have the reason for a quite joyful celebration of a funeral. What is said of death extends also to the sufferings of illness, disease, and serious injury, as well as of old age. Here there is the same factor of dissolution and contin-gency which is at work in death. Illness and death are times of crisis that naturally draw the community together to struggle against the loneliness which has set into our flesh as a result of sin. The serious sufferings of a member of the community are a community experience and ought to be entered into by the community. This involves a patient care and con-cern for the aged and the sick and keeping the community informed of their condition. It means visiting the sick. It would also be good to make use of the magnificent ritual for the visitation of the sick: let the community gather occasionally in the sick room to join in these moving and consoling prayers led by the superior. In the communal carrying out of this sacramental, the healing Lord will be present, and the patient endurance of suffering in the true Christian spirit will again be a witness to the community of the reality of Christ's presence and the certainty of his coming. Epilogue: The Dynamism of the Sacramental Com-munity There is an inherent tension in the very being of a sac-ramental dispensation or system: the tension, inherent in the nature of a sign, toward the fullness of that reality which is less than fully present in the sign. This underlies the call, covenant, and passover aspect of the sacraments and gives them their "obligatory" dimension, their ex-istential imperative. In Christian life this tension is the cosmic covenant: the Christian community's responsibil-ity for the entire cosmos which needs redemption and building up. This means authentic community work. Religious life is Christian response lived to the full in the working out of salvation history. It is charged with the building up of the Church unto the Pleroma, with the hastening of the day of the coming of the Lord (Ac 3:20; 2 Pt 3:11-12
AbstractProspective educators who completed a course about social work with disabilities were participants in a study that investigated whether attitudes toward individuals with mental retardation (MR) would be enhanced by the information provided in the course. The quasi‐experimental design of the study involved a control group together with a pretest and a posttest, and several demographic and experiential variables. The study used a version of the Mental Retardation Attitude Inventory‐Revised that Kandari and Salih (in press) adapted for the Kuwaiti culture. Results revealed that the course did not influence students' attitudes toward individuals with MR. The authors discussed the findings in relation to determining the changes needed in the course's curriculum and evaluating the information provided for prospective educators in order for them to support the integration of individuals with MR into mainstream society.Throughout history, society's attitude towards individuals with Mental Retardation (MR) has been predominantly negative. Society has created an 'out‐group' of people who may be seen as less than human because they are disadvantaged in terms of some abilities and characteristics such as intelligence, self‐consciousness, and the ability to have human relationship that the majority of its citizens possess. The history of segregation of individuals with MR has reinforced this notion by adopting the term 'handicap' or 'disability,' which signifies the presence of an inherent difference between them and other people. Such segregation can negate the fact that one is a human being; depriving him\her of enjoying the benefits afforded to those without disabilities (Philip, 1992).Smith (1981) provides an example of the danger of society's beliefs about individuals with MR as being less than human. He brings to attention that fetuses with Downs syndrome are usually aborted because, when they are born, they would not meet certain minimum requirements for being human. They would be severely mentally retarded and uneducable, and would thus be a burden on their families and society. The danger of such beliefs is that individuals with MR may begin to internalize these inaccurate assumptions and thus tend to fulfill the society's expectations (Phillip, 1992).Over the last few decades, a strong movement in special education and related human services fields toward 'normalization' has given people with MR more opportunities to participate in various activities with people without disabilities. Changes in the provision of services to persons with disabilities have focused on increased inclusion in educational, employment, and social arenas (Antonak & Livneh, 1988). However, barriers, including the attitudes of educators, employers, co‐workers, and others, still stand between persons with MR and full inclusion (Geskie & Salesk, 1988).In Kuwait, the law of the disabled (13\96) assures the right of persons with disabilities to be included in different settings (e.g., schools, workplace, social activities, and wider community). Although Kuwaiti government has shown growing interest in the integration of individuals with MR, the chances of these individuals to integrate into mainstream society would depend on the attitudes of others (e.g. students, prospective educators, teachers, co‐workers, social workers, professionals) toward them. These attitudes, as found in many Western studies (e.g. Antonak & Harth, 1994; Gordon, Tantillo, Feldman & Perrone, 2004) are for the most part negative, which may contribute to negative outcomes on the part of individuals with MR (Byon, 2000, Special Olympics, 2003). For example, Parent, Hill and Wehman (1989) found that non‐disabled co‐workers focused on the disabled personal characteristics rather than specific job competencies. The impact of these negative attitudes may have significant consequences for both social and vocational lives of persons with MR. Mest (1988) have found that negative attitude leads to self‐isolation of persons with MR. Rusch, Hughes, Johnson and Minch (1991) found that stigma negatively affected social relationships between workers with MR and their peers without MR.As literature has shown, the provision of educational and social opportunities for individuals with disabilities can be legislated, but acceptance from other people cannot be ensured. Experts agree that complete integration and acceptance of individuals with disabilities might happen following long‐term changes in attitudes (Beattie, Anderson & Antonak, 1997). According to Langer's (1989) theory of 'mindfulness', changing people's attitude depends on providing enough information relevant to the problem of interest. People change their understanding of concepts based on their becoming mindful of them. Taba (1966) suggests that concepts' formation involves three stages: (1) Identifying information relevant to a problem, (2) grouping information on the basis of some similarity, and (3) developing categories and labels for the groups (Taba, 1966). With regard to MR, people might change their attitudes if they are encouraged to identify the construct of MR and then group subsequent information with enough details to form groups of categories without simply stereotyping. This is because people usually stereotype others and judge them without enough information and reflection (Langer, 1989).Thus, only continued mindfulness toward individuals with MR can eliminate stereotypical thinking and lead to their acceptance as fellow human beings in various settings. Gordon, Feldman, Tantillo, and Perrone (2004) suggested that greater awareness of disability issues results in improving social attitudes about disabilities and helps in removing attitudinal barriers. Henry, Keys, Balcazar, and Jopp (1996) also found evidence that training in inclusion philosophy increases awareness associated with positive inclusion's attitudes among staff members who work in mental disability settings, when compared to general population.There is some evidence showing that as they gain more information about individuals with MR and their conditions, their attitudes become more positive (Lawrence, Glidden & M‐Jobe, 2006; Sadek & Sadek, 2000). Conaster and Block (2001) found that instructors who taught aquatics classes to students with disabilities felt able to handle their academic coursework and experiences during the academic year. Teachers who felt competent had also more favorable beliefs and positive attitudes toward individuals with disabilities. In a related finding, Irish physical educators showed significant positive attitudes related to their previous experiences in teaching students with mild‐moderate MR (Meegan & Macphail, 2006). Folsom‐Meek and Rizzo (2002) claimed that educational preparation helps to enhance attitudes toward working with individuals with disabilities. Castoria (1986) found that understanding of the intent and concept of mainstreaming, and adequate‐to‐good training emerged as positive factors that influenced elementary and junior high school teachers' attitudes toward youngsters with special‐needs.Based on the above arguments, perceptions and attitudes of prospective educators can be enhanced by the provision of appropriate coursework related to disabilities. Otherwise, prospective educators would continue, like many people, to believe that individuals with MR are not capable of dealing with the everyday facets of life (Hunt, 2004). More seriously, educators may feel uncomfortable dealing with students with MR who happen to enroll in their classes. A study of community attitudes in one state of Australia found that up to 86% of respondents reported feeling 'uncomfortable' when interacting with individuals with disabilities (Enhance Management, 1999). Another study (European Commission, 2001) found that 40% of Europeans reported feeling 'uneasy' in the presence of people with disabilities.The coursework would thus help to increase prospective educators' willingness to work with individuals with MR, interact with them, and support their integration into society (Horne, 1985). Lack of interest and negative attitudes on the part of prospective educators may directly influence their abilities to interact with individuals with MR in a disability‐related job (Schlachter & Duckitt, 2002). Hatton, Emerson, Rivers, Mason, Swarbrick and Mason (2001) claimed that lack of interest in MR by staff members (e.g., social workers, counselors) usually discourages them from dealing with individuals with MR, and may result in their leaving the job. Although researchers (e.g. Hatton, Emerson, Rivers, Mason, Swarbrick and Mason, 2001; Larson and Lakin, 1999) found that low salary and high job stress can lead staff members to leave their jobs, Osborne and Williams (1982) indicated that lack of interest in MR was the major reason of leaving the job among social workers.Providing coursework related to disabilities increases prospective educators' awareness of disability. Gaining this awareness, they can identify and counter inequality of opportunities for individuals with MR, inaccessibility of resources, and other environmental influences that add to their powerlessness. Prospective educators usually play an active role in social change and in changing public opinion. The awareness of the disability would help them to change society's response to persons with MR, as it is affected less by public policy and more by the prevailing societal attitudes. Myers, Ager, Kerr, and Myles (1998) suggested that increasing people's awareness of individuals with disabilities would present them as having worth and value as human beings no matter how they may differ from what society considered the "norm".Prospective educators need to become aware of handicapist language, stereotypes, and prejudices that exist in literature so that they might better promote understanding and appreciation of people with disabilities. A course dealing with disabilities would be helpful for educators to encourage understanding by accurately and respectfully portraying well‐adjusted and productive individuals with MR, due to the fact that most literature presents and reinforces prejudicial and stereotypical images of characters with MR (Catlett, Martin, and Craig, 1993; Marsh, 2003).As part of the graduation requirements, Kuwait University requires prospective educators in the Social Work Department to take courses that focus on provision of educational, social and health services to special needs groups, such as the Social Work With Disabilities (SWWD) course which has two broad goals: (a) To increase prospective educators' knowledge of individuals with disabilities, and (b) to improve prospective educators' skills to deal with individuals with disabilities in the jobsites. These goals are accomplished through a combination of presenting information, guest speakers and direct contact with the instructor.Although the course deals with different types of disabilities (learning disabilities, MR, behavior and emotional disorders, and physical disability), the present study focuses on MR and students' attitudes toward them. In a study of Ahmad (2004) in Kuwait, findings showed that 40% of respondents in 15 workplaces related to mental disabilities reported a shortage of Kuwaiti professionals (social workers, counselors, psychologists) who work with the individuals with MR, and 46.7% of them reported lack of volunteers who are in direct contact with those individuals.Most research on attitudes toward MR in educational settings has focused on assessing attitudes of individuals (e.g., Lyons & Hayes, 1993; Corrigan, Green, Lundin, Kubiak, & Penn, 2001), with little attention given to effective strategies to promote positive attitudes toward individuals with MR. The assessment of attitude of prospective educators and whether it is affected by the SWWD course is important for several reasons. First, as educators, we have the opportunity to evaluate the course with regard to an important learning outcome. This evaluation could lead to a deeper analysis of the students' learning needs, and modification of the course's performance objectives, instructional materials, instructional strategies, and assessment strategies (Miller, 1996).Second, knowing whether the course has an effect on changing students' attitude would thus help professionals and social service providers to know whether educators would have the potential to contribute to or hinder the independence of persons with MR (Antonak & Livneh, 1988). Third, as the service model in Kuwait begins to emphasize the role of persons with MR in designing and requesting services that foster independency, the role of prospective educators in this process is likely to be affected by their attitudes as an intervening variable or variable that might indirectly influences behavior (Miller, 1996). Negative attitudes, as an intervening variable, might not directly cause negative behavior toward individuals with MR, but is likely to affect behavior in an indirect way, and hence affect the opportunity for inclusion in the lives of persons with MR. Attitude can motivate behavior in either a dynamic or directive manner (Miller, 1996).The broad question of the present study was: Would teaching the SWWD course improve prospective educators' attitudes toward individuals with MR? The present study investigated this question by assessing the attitudes of prospective educators (experimental group) toward individuals with MR before and after studying the course. The study also assessed the attitudes of another group of students (control group) who were, at the same time, taking another course. The present study anticipated that the attitudes of prospective educators toward individuals with MR would become positively different, as they gain more information about MR during the course of study. We thus hypothesized that taking the SWWD would improve attitude of a prospective educator toward people with MR.