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In this review, we provide a framework for understanding both the predictors and approaches of CPA that firms undertake to achieve their objectives. We identify the predictors of CPA and classify them into two distinct categories: internal and external. In addition, we suggest that CPA approaches will vary depending on the firm's goal to either manage or mitigate regulation and legislation as compared to attempting to pass new bills into law. We conclude by suggesting several future CPA research directions for management scholars.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to explore the cultural dimensions of corporate political activity (CPA).Design/methodology/approachThe study uses a qualitative research design. Data collected from interviews conducted with the Brussels‐based Government Affairs Managers of French and British firms are analysed to examine the impact of national culture on their objectives and preferred political strategies.FindingsThe findings suggest possible relationships between the cultural dimensions elaborated by Hofstede and the different components of corporate political action: uncertainty avoidance can help explain managers' objectives when becoming politically active; the long‐term vs short‐term dimension can account for their general approaches to political activity; their level of participation in the political process can be explained by the individualism vs collectivism dimension; and their choices of specific lobbying tactics and techniques can be explained in terms of power distance.Practical implicationsAs firms increasingly interact with foreign rivals when seeking to influence policy outcomes, knowing that corporate political strategies are in part culturally grounded can help Government Affairs Managers to anticipate, respond to and act on the strategies pursued by firms socialised in other national cultures.Originality/valueWhile previous mainstream research into CPA is based largely on universal theories, the primary contribution of the paper is to introduce national culture as a variable to explain cross‐country differences in the types and processes of firms' political activities.

In their pursuit of competitive advantage, firms will sometimes engage in politics. In this dissertation, I build on a resource-dependence understanding of business-government relations to answer the following questions: (1) what are the antecedents of corporate political activity (CPA)?

POLITICAL TERRORISM HAS BEEN DESCRIBED AS VIOLENT POLITICAL BEHAVIOR PRIMARILY DESIGNED TO GENERATE FEAR IN THE COMMUNITY, OR A SUBSTANTIAL PART OF IT, FOR POLITICAL PURPOSES.1 POLITICAL TERRORISM IS DISTINGUISHED FROM REVOLUTION IN THAT THE IMMEDIATE OBJECTIVE OF TERRORIST ACTS IS INTIMIDATION RATHER THAN THE OVERTHROW OF THE EXISTING GOVERNMENT. TERRORISM IS A FORM OF POLITICAL EXTORTION. POSITIVE THEORIES OF CRIME2 AND EXTORTION3 ASSUME THAT INDIVIDUALS WILL ACT TO MAXIMIZE SOME OBJECTIVE FUNCTION SUBJECT TO EXISTING SOCIAL OR LEGAL CONSTRAINTS. HOWEVER, THERE IS NO PARALLEL TO THESE POSITIVE APPROACHES AIMED DIRECTLY AT THE SUBJECT OF POLITICAL TERRORISM.

This article examines the emergence of broad-based organizing in the UK and the importance given to political activity within community development. Popularly associated with Saul Alinsky and the work of the Industrial Areas Foundation, the translation from the USA has been problematic. With the emergence and sustained growth of 'London Citizens', now one of the largest citizen-based organizations in the country, a firmer foothold has been established. The article examines the central concepts underpinning the political and philosophical basis of broad-based organizing and explores some of the challenges involved in developing and sustaining an approach that is overtly political and utilizes conflict and direct action to engage and negotiate with established power. At a time when the neo-liberal agenda has had a depoliticizing effect upon community development, this provides a model that challenges current orthodoxy associated with 'partnership' and 'empowerment' and reasserts the centrality of power and politics in promoting change and social reform.

The article focuses on the analysis of political activity of the outstanding theologian Anton Kartashev during the Russian Civil War. Being a member of the Central Committee of the Constitutional Democratic Party and an active member of the All-Russian National Center, he played a significant role in the organization of the White movement in Northwestern Russia. The article covers in detail his activities in the Political Conference under General Nikolai Yudenich and reveals his role in the recognition of independence of Finland and Estonia. The author considers A. Kartashev's personal qualities which prevented him from becoming a true leader of the antiBolshevik movement. Defending the principle of military dictatorship, during the Civil War Anton Kartashev evolved from Christian liberalism into Orthodox conservative beliefs.

AbstractPast research shows that religious beliefs can shape political activity. Yet current literature leaves open many questions about the mechanisms at work. I point to the key role of a particular religious belief found across denominations: providentiality, or the belief that God has a plan that humans can further. When these beliefs are connected to politics, providential believers are likely to be active and dedicated participators. I test this notion using survey data collected during the 2012 election campaign from congregants in Little Rock, Arkansas. In general, providential believers are less likely than their non-providential counterparts to participate in politics. However, when providential believers report hearing political sermons from their clergy, they are significantly more likely to participate. These findings illustrate one pathway by which religious beliefs can influence politics: through a cue that links providentiality and politics.

Introduction. This paper presents a hierarchical model of socio-political activity of contemporary youth based on the system-diachronic approach. The author developed and tested a new diagnostic tool for measuring the degree of activity, intentionality, and destructiveness in subjects of social, public, and political life – a questionnaire on young people's socio-political activity. Methods. The study employed qualitative and quantitative data collection methods, standardized questionnaires, and inventories. The data collected were processed using content analysis and secondary mathematical and statistical analysis. Results. Age, income, education level, professional activity, patriotic consciousness, absence of political infantilism, absence of achievement and power motivations, satisfaction with living conditions, dissatisfaction with leisure sphere and partner relationships, and focusing on emotions together determine the transition from socio-political passivity to socio-political activity. The transition from a destructive form of socio-political activity to a constructive one is determined by dominance of values of individualism and individualistic orientation, consumption in leisure, low confidence in authorities, high power motivation, absence of affiliation motivation, high satisfaction with education and professional activity, emotional stress caused by living conditions and social climate, and certain behavioral strategies, including repression, suppression, and use of sedatives. The transition from an unintentional socio-political activity to an intentional one is associated with reflection, socio-political competence, political socialization, high achievement and power motivations, dissatisfaction with leisure sphere and professional activity in the absence of emotional stress caused by living conditions, and a high propensity to plan. Discussion. Various combinations of determinants form the types of subjects of socio-political activity who are characterized by different correlations among the degree of activity, intentionality, and of the constructiveness of its manifestations. This thesis enabled the author to describe characteristics of different types of young people's socio-political activity. ; Введение. Новизна исследования обусловлена тем, что на основе системно-диахронического подхода предложена многоуровневая модель социально-политической активности молодежи. Разработан и применен новый методический инструментарий в виде опросника социально-политической активности молодежи, измеряющего степень активности, преднамеренности и деструктивности в социально-политической жизни общества. Методы. Использовались качественные и количественные методы сбора данных, анкеты и стандартизированные опросники. Данные обрабатывались с помощью контент-анализа и вторичной математико-статистической обработки. Результаты и их обсуждение. Переход от уровня социально-политической пассивности к уровню социально-политической активности детерминирован: возрастом, уровнем образования и дохода, профессиональной деятельностью, сформированностью патриотического сознания, отсутствием политического инфантилизма и мотивации к достижению успеха и власти, отсутствием напряжения в жилищно-бытовых условиях, неудовлетворенностью сферой досуга и супружескими взаимоотношениями, а также повышенной концентрацией на эмоциях. Переход от деструктивной к конструктивной форме социально-политической активности обусловлен: доминированием ценности индивидуализма и индивидуалистической ориентацией, потребительским характером организации досуга и низким уровнем доверия по отношению к власти, выраженной мотивацией к власти и отсутствием мотивации к аффилиации, высоким уровнем удовлетворенности образованием и содержанием профессиональной деятельности, эмоциональным напряжением в сфере жилищно-бытовых условий и обстановки в обществе, а также такими поведенческими стратегиями, как сдерживание, подавление и употребление успокоительных средств. Переход от непреднамеренной к преднамеренной социально-политической активности осуществляется с развитием рефлексии, социально-политической компетентности, политической социализацией в целом, а также выраженной мотивацией к власти и успеху, неудовлетворенностью условиями проведения досуга и содержанием работы, но при этом отсутствием напряжения в жилищно-бытовых условиях и склонностью к планированию. Разное сочетание детерминант порождает вариации субъектов социально-политической активности диапазон которых представлен соотношением степени активности, преднамеренности и конструктивности ее проявлений. На основе данного положения представлена характеристика разных типов социально-политической активности молодого поколения.

The accession of Derbent to the Russian Empire as a result of the Persian campaign of Peter the Great and being the part of it until 1735 is one of the important milestones in the centuries-old history of Derbent. The peaceful process of joining the city to the empire was greatly facilitated by the political position and activities of the city ruler in the person of Naib Imam Kuli-bek, who decided not to resist the imperial troops and peacefully surrender the city to Tsar Peter the Great. Being approved by Peter I in the same position, Naib developed an active political activity with the imperial authorities, demonstrated timely concern for protecting the city from attacks by mountaineers and providing food for the townspeople, shared managerial and judicial functions with the Russian commandant A.T. Junger. The study of the political activities of Naib Imam Kuli-bek, the nature of his relationship with the Russian central and regional authorities makes it possible to deepen and expand historical knowledge about the events in Derbent, and in the Eastern Caucasus as a whole, related to imperial policy in the region in the first third of the 18th century. However, a special study of the activities of Naib Imam Kuli-bek in domestic historiography has not yet been undertaken, which is the reason for the relevance of the present study. The article aims to analyze the activities of the Naib in building relations with the new imperial government, integrating Derbent into the political, legal and economic space of the Russian Empire; show cases demonstrating loyalty (loyal speech, offering a key, honoring the monarch, a visit to the imperial court) on the part of the Naib, and power and favor (approval in office, rank, gifts, awards) on the part of sovereigns. The study has been prepared on the basis of an analysis of available works and a wide range of documentary data from the collections of federal and regional archives, a significant part of which is being introduced into science for the first time.

Are people more likely to become more politically active through social media when they observe that their friends are active? Previous research has shown that an individual's likelihood of engaging politically is influenced by observations of how friends act through social media, but relatively little is known about how such social influence through social media interacts with personality features. We argue that individuals with high belongingness needs will engage in political activity if they believe that this is expected from the social groups they belong to. To evaluate this hypothesis, a survey experiment was designed (n = 289) in Qualtrics. We had two experimental conditions (friends or extended network) in which we informed participants that the most shared or "liked" online material among their friends or extended network on Facebook was a specific petition. In a control condition, they were informed that they were shown a random petition. To increase the credibility of the manipulation, we asked participants to log into a fictive app that supposedly downloaded their Facebook data. We show that individuals are more likely to engage politically if they observe that their friends have been politically active on Facebook, but only if they have high belongingness needs.

The coronation of King Janusz Kwiek, which took place in 1937, was meant to integrate the Romani elite in the interwar sociopolitical life of Poland. Unfortunately, the creation of a homogeneous and centralized Romani representation through the royal institution ended in a fiasco. Firstly, the centralized model of power was in conflict with the Romani nomadic system in Poland, which was based on a multitude of leaders, including women whose power resulted from hierarchical dependence. Secondly, it quickly became clear that from the mid-1920s onward, when the presence of Polish Romani in mainstream social life crystallized, there has been no bottom–up social initiatives promoting King Janusz Kwiek's attempts towards sociopolitical reform. Therefore, the Romani population was not prepared for changes and no effective state coercive measures were created to enforce the introduction of the postulated changes. Thus, although the activities of both actors—the Kwieks and the Polish authorities—often had a facade character, consisting in more or less weak 'governance' of the Romani minority, their joint activity favored the political maturation of the Romani elite and its comprehensive development. This was despite of the many shortcomings of the close relationship between the Romani people and the Polish administration, as a result from the dictatorial rule in Poland at the time.