Suchergebnisse

Treaties — Power to conclude — European Economic Community — Treaty-making powers of the Community and its Member States — Community possessing power to adopt internal legislation on subject — Parallel power to conclude international agreements — Common commercial policy — Agreements falling within the scope of common commercial policy — Not confined to traditional trade and tariff agreements — Agreement for creation of an international organization to regulate the market in natural rubber — Whether Community competent to become party to the agreement — Whether Community powers exclusive of Member States — 323Agreement also dealing with commodity prices and availability of strategic product — Development aid aspects — Agreement applicable to certain dependent territories outside Community — Whether sufficient to remove agreement from scope of Community competence — Financial burden to be borne by Member States — Whether preventing Community competence becoming exclusive — Mixed agreementsInternational organizations — Establishment and membership — Proposal to create international rubber organization — Whether European Economic Community able to participate — Whether Member States of Community able to participate concurrentlyEconomics, trade and finance — Commodity agreements — Draft agreement to regulate market in natural rubber — Use of buffer stock — Financing of buffer stock — Participation of European Economic Community — Whether part of common commercial policy of Community — The law of the European Economic Community

В статье анализируется состояние отношений между Китаем и Тибетом, которому была отведена роль «буферной территории» в рамках империи Цин. Неханьские народы на севере, северо-западе и западе империи («внутренние варвары») управлялись собственной администрацией, но при наличии там цинских наместников и гарнизонов. На протяжении полувека (17931844 гг.) Тибет не причинял особых хлопот Пекину. Однако спокойствие в Стране снегов было обманчивым: влияние династии Цин падало, а самостоятельность местной администрации росла. Это привело к смещению слишком сильного регента и формальному ограничению самостоятельности местных лидеров («28 дополнительных статей» Ци Шаня). Пекин мог еще опираться на группировку процинских деятелей, но общее ослабление империи благоприятствовало развитию освободительных тенденций в Тибете. ; The article analyses the state of the relations between China and Tibet, which played the part of «buffer territory» in the bounds of the Qing Empire. Non-Han peoples in the north, north-west and west of the Empire («inner barbarians») were governed by their own administration, but in the presence of Qing deputies and garrisons. During the period of fifty years (from 1793 to 1844) Tibet didnt trouble Peking so much. However, the calmness in the Land of Snow was deceptive: the influence of the Qing Dynasty was declining, but the independence of the local government was increasing. It resulted in the removal of the too strong regent and formal restriction of the independence of local leaders («28 additional articles» Chi Shan). Peking still could be supported by a grouping of pro-Qing activists, but the general weakening of the Empire favoured the development of liberation tendencies in Tibet.

no.1 The Railroad question. 1919?--no.2 Labor and reconstruction. 1919?--no.3 Education. 1919?--no.4 Buffer employment, land, housing. 1919?--no.5 New marketing systems, the farmer and reconstruction. 1919?--no.6 International. 1919?--no.7 Popular government. 1919?--no.8 Kent, William. Democracy and efficiency. 1913.--no.9 King, Judson. The state-wide initiative and referendum. 1917.--no.10 Vrooman, C.S. Initiative and referendum in Switzerland. 1913.--no.11 Haynes, J.R. Direct government in California. 1917.--no.12 Lewis, W.D. Recall of judicial decisions in state constitutional question.--no.13 American federation of labor. Executive council. Initiative, referendum and recall. [1913?]--no. 14 Thieme, T.F. A new state constitution for Indiana. 1914?--no.15 Montague, R.W. The Oregon system at work. 1914?--no. 16 Committee to inquire into the status of democracy. [1910?]--no. 17 National popular government league, Washington, D.C. The first year and a look ahead. 1915?--no. 18 Committee to inquire into the status of democracy. The confusion of property with privilege. [1910]--no. 19 United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on privileges and elections. Publicity and control of campaign contributions and disbursements. [1917]--no. 20 Bettman, Alfred and Hale, Swinburne. Do we need more sedition laws? [1902]--no. 21 Johnson, L.J. The preferential ballot as a substitute for the direct primary. 1915. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Since Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, Northern Europe has increasingly aligned its national defence arrangements with the United States and NATO. This contrasts with the Cold War period, when Sweden and Finland were neutral, and Norway and Denmark put self-imposed restraints on their NATO memberships. Providing Northern Europe with a stable "buffer" between East and West, this so-called Nordic balance kept the United States and Soviet Union at an arm's length. Since 2014 however, Northern Europe has de facto slid from "buffer" to "springboard" for US forces. This slide may counter Russian assertiveness, but there is also reason to argue that it may increase regional tension and unpredictability. If so, this may leave the entire region with less rather than more security. Using the case of Norway, it is argued that too close an alignment with NATO may have accelerated Norway's role as a "springboard" for US forces. This is because cost-intensive reforms needed to accommodate US expectations abroad have also exacerbated critical vulnerabilities at home. Increased dependency on US forces thereby makes difficult the balance between deterrence and restraint vis-à-vis Russia.

This research is motivated by the use of state forest areas in the buffer zone of Siberut National Park by the Matotonan Indigenous People. In fact, the Mentawai Islands Regency consists of 82% of the state forest area and only 18% of the Other Use Areas are space for the community, placing the country in a dominant regulation on the use of forests in Mentawai. But until 2016, 79% of the forest area on Siberut Island was controlled and utilized by indigenous peoples. The Matotonan indigenous people utilize state forest areas more dominantly as spiritual needs rather than as economic needs. With the belief that indigenous peoples are experts in preserving forests, the government provides space for indigenous peoples to utilize state forest areas with the issuance of regional regulations on the recognition and protection of Uma as a customary law community unit. Thus, when the state views forest use in accordance with its interests and objectives, the government responds positively to the use of state forest areas by indigenous peoples.

This working paper illustrates the process of territorial transformation in time and space. From the period of Silk Road networks to imperial designs for spatial control in Crossroads Asia, external interests for local and regional resources were the driving forces for superpower confrontation. The Great Game is the 19th century highpoint of confrontation leading to boundary-making and restricted trade relations. Decisions taken in faraway locations – capitals of superpowers of their time – had significant effects on the most remote corners of Crossroads Asia, from participation excluded communities and populations that were forced to adapt to changing circumstances, political affiliation, contested loyalties and power relations. The border regimes – in terms of communication, mobility and trade – highlight the effects of diplomatic negotiations, forceful encounters and manoeuvring in niches and spaces of neglect. Exchange across boundaries came to a stand-still with the commencement of the Cold War. In this paper constraining factors from geopolitics and internal developments within and between nation-states are presented in order to discuss the development gap with which we are confronted in this high mountainous and remote region of Crossroads Asia. Taking the establishment of ethnonymous Central Asian republics within the Soviet Union as a starting point, the long-lasting consequences for the now independent states of Central Asia are discussed. The concepts of autonomy and national segregation led to the configuration of republics without historical antecedents. The independent nation-states of Middle Asia are now faced with numerous border disputes, severe communication and exchange constraints and insufficient traffic infrastructures, which were originally established for a larger union and do not comply with the needs of sovereign states of smaller size. Tajikistan's border impasse with the People's Republic of China represents a case of communication and trade gaps. Afghanistan is a case in point for external interests and shaping of a nation-state regardless of ethnic and historical considerations. The factors leading to buffer state development and the consequences resulting from imperial domination are discussed on different levels and illustrated with examples from Badakhshan. The Pashtunistan dispute led to a form of irredentism that has affected Afghan-Pakistan relations until today. Pakistan in itself devotes bitterly needed funds for rural development to border disputes, of which the Kashmir stalemate with India is the most costly. The importance of reconciliation for future mutual understanding, improved exchange relations, infrastructure development, and bi- and multi-lateral cooperation is underpinned by this scrutiny and investigation in past developments. The foundation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) might be a first step leading to more reconciliation in border disputes and enhanced trust and exchange among neighbouring states. Physically feasible and recognizable is the extension of the road network linking and bridging neighbours and the region.

Due to their strategic position, the Baltic states, throughout their history, have always been a kind of buffer zone, which has to a large extent affected their development. In the new European environment, the Baltic region is today somewhat marginalized, but because of its proximity to Russia, it has an important strategic position. The Baltic states want to join NATO & the EU because they in this see a guarantee of their security & stability. This may also be an opportunity for solving the very delicate relationship with Russia, still an important actor influencing the Baltic states. 15 References. Adapted from the source document.

In recent times there have been numerous arrivals to the European Union in search of refuge, especially in 2015 when an unprecedented humanitarian crisis began and applications for international protection in the EU exceeded one million. Faced with the massive arrival of applicants for protection in the EU, there is a commitment to the creation of regulatory instruments aimed at controlling and blocking borders. An example of this ineffective protection of the rights of refugees was the creation of the Turkey-EU Agreement of 2016, now repealed, which was to act as a buffer state preventing them from reaching EU territory. Despite existing refugee law and the recent New Deal on Migration and Asylum of 23 September 2020, certain social and political trends repeatedly forget the international obligation to guarantee refugee rights. For this reason, an in-depth analysis is needed of the application of restrictive policies that are committed to border shielding focused on control and security and that violate the principles of the 1951 Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees. ; En los últimos tiempos se han producido numerosas llegadas a la Unión Europea en búsqueda de refugio, especialmente en el año 2015 cuando comienza una crisis humanitaria sin precedentes y las solicitudes de protección internacional en la UE superan más de un millón. Ante la llegada masiva de solicitantes de protección a la UE, se apuesta por la creación de instrumentos normativos destinados al control y bloqueo de las fronteras. Como ejemplo de esta ineficaz protección de los derechos de los refugiados podemos mencionar la creación del Acuerdo de Turquía-UE de 2016, actualmente derogado, que debía de actuar como Estado-tapón impidiendo alcanzar territorio de la UE. A pesar de la normativa existente en materia de refugio y del reciente Nuevo Pacto sobre Migración y Asilo de 23 de septiembre de 2020, determinadas tendencias sociales y políticas olvidan de forma reiterada la obligación internacional de garantizar los derechos de los refugiados. Por ello, es necesario un análisis en profundidad sobre la aplicación de políticas restrictivas que apuestan por un blindaje de fronteras centradas en el control y seguridad y que vulneran los principios de la Convención sobre el Estatuto de los Refugiados de 1951.

Summary of a project to compare governmental and health care system responses of Costa Rica and the U.S. to the 2016 Zika outbreak. ; Michael Vesely, JD, and Trudy Henson, JD, MA, of the Maryland Francis King Carey School Law led the project. Student participants included Elena Buff (Pharmacy), Amy Nelson (Nursing), Rachel Laufer (Public Health), Karly Lebherz (Medicine), Sarah Litts (Nursing), and Matthew Miller (Medicine) ; Full Text

The Canadian Foreign Service, though close in background to that of the United States, is handled far differently. Due to a more French-influenced background, the Canadians do not want to be thought of as similar to their American neighbors and often think of themselves as superior, even in the Foreign Service. The author covers the diplomatic and structural differences between the two countries regarding the Foreign Service as well as the training that is involved to buffer any sensitivity issues between them. Also included is a history of the Canadian Foreign Service and a look ahead at their future.

For many years, Germany not merely claimed the role of a butler between the European Union and Russia, the post-Soviet space and Eurasia--it was the buffer. Berlin skillfully diversified its political and economic ambitions in China, Asia and the Middle East; it was treated as an independent power which came third after the US and China where its share in world economy was concerned. Berlin's recent interest in possible contacts with the BRICS countries caused a lot of concern in the White House. Here, Oganesyan comments that no matter how strange it looks today, Ukraine would have been an ideal platform of a new type of cooperation between Germany and Russia and other CIS countries. Adapted from the source document.

Анализ обстоятельств первого раздела Польши и содержания Петербургских конвенций1772 г. дан в свете событий европейской и отечественной политической истории XVII-XVIII вв. и расстановки сил в регионе после Семилетней войны. Обсуждена связь польского и восточного (турецкого) вопросов для России, Австрии и Пруссии. ; The Westphalian system introduced the principle of the counterbalancing of powers in Europe, and from its outset demonstrates the impracticality of radical, one-sided solutions for military-political conflicts favouring just one of the geopolitical rivals. This created conditions for weak coalitions, inconsistency in the positions of their members, and drawn out diplomatic conflicts and military campaigns, producing equal risks from Austrian, Prussian and Russian perspectives. These arose from the development of the French-led 'Eastern buffer zone' composed of Sweden, Poland and the Ottoman Empire. Moreover the electoral system for Polish kings intensified the competition between the European powers for domination over this buffer zone which extended from the Baltic Sea to the Ottoman Empire, forming a natural border between West and East Europe. The geopolitical interests of Prussia, the Austrian and Russian Empires had induced Berlin, Vienna and St. Petersburg to seek a solution to border security through destruction of the buffer zone, a task accomplished through the Polish-Lithuanian State undergoing a serious crisis in its political system. The authors analyse in detail the alignment of powers which prevailed in the region as the result of the Seven Years' War, and the development and specification of the interests of the Austrian Empire, and of both the Russian Empire and the Kingdom of Prussia. Within those interests they indicate the place of the Polish and Eastern questions, their interdependence, and also discuss both immediate and longer term consequences in the wake of the first partition of Poland.

We identify the causal effect of a reduction in military personnel on a number of socioeconomic indicators within the periphery of the military base. The base realignments and closures (BRACs) within the German armed forces is an exogenous source of variation that allows for the estimation of the causal effect of a particular demand shock on household income, output, unemployment, and crime rates within a specified buffer zone around each base. The analysis covers 129 communities for the period 2003-2007. Consistent with evidence found elsewhere, we find that these base adjustments have a marginal impact on the local community in which the bases are located. Within the context of the current political discussion over BRACs in Germany, this study provides policy guidance by examining the costs and benefits to the surrounding community. It also gives an indication of how quickly a local economy can adjust to an exogenous reduction in demand. The data on crime were obtained from the Criminal Statistics of the German Police. Other socioeconomic variables are drawn from the federal and state statistical offices of Germany. The data are recorded at the level of the Kreis (NUTS 3). The data on military bases, closures, and core personnel were taken from the Deployment Concept of the Federal Armed Forces of Germany 2004. This includes a variable that spatially situates the base at the Gemeinde level (LAU 2/NUTS 5). To incorporate the information from the home and surrounding Kreise, we use a Geographic Information System (GIS) application to draw a circular buffer around the centroid of the selected Gemeinde. The area of the buffer's overlap with each of the Kreise contained therein is calculated and then divided by the total area of the buffer. This quotient is used to construct a weighted sum of the information in each of the surrounding Kreise for the variables used in the analysis. One advantage of this approach is that, by adjusting the size of the buffer, it allows us to readily test the robustness of the results according to the scale of the analysis.

Action-packed and breathtakingly authentic, Viper Pilot is the electrifying memoir of one of the most decorated F-16 pilots in American history: U.S. Air Force Lieutenant Colonel Dan Hampton, who served for twenty years, flying missions in the Iraq War, the Kosovo conflict, and the first Gulf War. Both a rare look into the elite world of fighter pilots and a thrilling first-person account of contemporary air combat, Viper Pilot soars-a true story of courage, skill, and commitment that will thrill U.S. Special Forces buffs, aviation and military history aficionados, and fans of the novels of Tom Clancy and Dale Brown.