Suchergebnisse

This article analyzes well-being on an individual level, through the allocation of work hours done by adults and children and thus it measures time poverty in Brazil. In order to achieve such measurement, poverty indicators such as Foster, Greer and Thorbecke (FGT) were adapted into a time poverty mode. Additionally, an analysis of its determinants was also conducted. Among other findings, the fact that women (either children and adult ones) are the time-poorest individuals in urban or rural areas. Another unfortunate finding is that the high rate of time poverty among children, numerically 16,1% is not far from the adult rate which is of 19,7%. The overall composite time poor individual profile is of an African-Brazilian adult woman of little education, not necessarily income poor and residing in an urban area of the northeast region, living in a household of few people, she is the mother of children who are younger than 14 years old.

AbstractA key feature of recent poverty measurement in many developing countries is the transition from conventional (money metric) approaches to multi‐dimensional approaches. This change in the poverty measurement raises the question of whether the same poverty trends are apparent under the conventional and the multidimensional approaches. To answer this question I used six household‐level surveys for Pakistan fielded between 2004 and 2015. The analysis considers trends at the national, provincial, and district level with a particular focus on the variability in trends due to distribution sensitivity and insensitivity in poverty measures. The district‐level trend analysis leads to the results that the multidimensional measures show a smoother fall in national poverty rates while the conventional measures show rising poverty up until 2008 and then a sharper fall. Almost two‐thirds of all districts show opposite trends in poverty, if conventional rather than multidimensional measures are used, in at least two of the five inter‐survey spells, irrespective of whether distribution‐sensitivity is considered or not. Thus, apparent poverty trends are sensitive to the measurement approach used. Hence, when measurement methods evolve, policy analysts should be cautious in the conclusions they draw from poverty estimates.

The quantitative restriction (QR) on rice will last until the end of 2004. The paper employs a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model to analyze the possible poverty and distributional effects of the removal of QR and the reduction in tariff on rice imports. Policy experiments indicate that while market reforms in rice lead to a reduction in the overall headcount poverty index, both the poverty gap and the squared poverty gap indices increase. The Gini coefficient increases as well. In general, these results imply that the poorest of the poor are adversely affected. In particular, while market reforms in rice bring about a reduction in consumer prices that is favorable to all, imports of rice surge and generate displacement effects on poor households that rely heavily on agriculture for factor incomes, particularly on palay rice production and other related activities. Palay production and its output price decline. This translates to lower demand for factor inputs in the sector, lower factor prices in agriculture, and lower factor incomes for these households. Thus, poverty in these groups, as well as the general income inequality, deteriorates. However, the results of the experiments involving various poverty-offsetting measures indicate that an increase in direct government transfers to these household groups can provide a better safety net.

The quantitative restriction (QR) on rice will last until the end of 2004. This paper uses a computable general equilibrium (CGE) model to analyze the possible poverty and distributional effects of the removal of the QR and the reduction in tariffs on rice imports. Policy experiments indicate that while market reforms in rice lead to a reduction in the overall headcount poverty index, both the poverty gap and the squared poverty gap indices increase. The Gini coefficient rises as well. In general, these results imply that the poorest of the poor are adversely affected. In particular, while market reforms in rice bring about a reduction in consumer prices that is favorable to all, imports of rice surge and generate displacement effects on poor households that rely heavily on agriculture for factor incomes, particularly on palay rice production and other related activities. Palay production and its output price decline. This translates to lower demand for factor inputs in the sector, lower factor prices in agriculture, and lower factor incomes for these households. Thus, poverty in these groups, as well as general income inequality, deteriorates. However, the results of the experiments involving various poverty-offsetting measures indicate that an increase in direct government transfers to these household groups can provide a better safety net.

Unlike the standard cross-country growth regressions that focus on the long run average growth and hence mask episodes of high and low growth that most of these countries experience, this paper follows the recent literature and examine growth episodes in SSA countries. This new approach applied enable us identify years of growth accelerations and episodes which were sustained over the medium and long-term. More specifically, utilizing the Penn World Data Tables (version 6.2), the study follows the diagnostic or two-pronged strategy of Rodrik (2005a and 2005b), which focuses on the particular constraints that prevent a given country from growing faster. In the latter part, we analyze the impact of growth on income poverty and inequality in selected countries drawing on available household survey data published by the World Bank in its Global Poverty Monitoring Database. To establish correlation between growth episodes(all accelerations and sustained ones) and policy variables, institutional variables and geographic factors, we estimate alternative limited dependant variable models. The results show that variables affect these two growth episodes differently. While US interest rate(proxy of international interest rate shock), petroleum price shock, democratization, regime change, resource richness and government expenditure are important predictors of growth accelerations, positive terms-of-trade shock, growth rate of GDP deflator, economic liberalization, financial liberalization, ethnolinguistic factorization, resource endowment, and age dependency ratio determine the probability of sustained growth. The reform variables are not crucial for igniting growth. Rather, these variables are highly correlated with the timing of sustained growth. On the other hand, by constructing a panel of income, poverty and inequality measures for selected countries, we were able to analyze the impact of growth on poverty and inequality; and of inequality on poverty. The result implies that inequality does not change significantly over time in the set of countries analyzed and that growth in these countries is generally pro-poor. It also depict that these countries should sustainably grow by about 7 percent per annum to achieve the MDG of poverty alleviation.

Williamson (2002) points out that 'the world has seen two
globalisation booms over the past two centuries and one bust. The first
global century ended with World War I and the second started at the end
of World War II, while the years in between were ones of anti-global
backlash'. In the first period of globalisation, poverty fell from 84
percent in 1820 to 66 percent in 1910. In the second period of
globalisation poverty fell from 55 percent in 1950 to 24 percent in
1992. In the inter-war period, the world population living in poverty
remains probably stagnant. The historical negative relationship between
globalisation and poverty masks variations within and between countries
in their experiences with globalisation. Many decades of increasing
globalisation have not yet silenced the debate over the benefits of
globalisation. The fierce street protests surrounding the ministerial
meeting of the WTO and similar protests at the World Bank and the IMF
show that anti-globalisation debate is getting strong.

Intro -- Contents -- Preface -- Adolescent Biology, Poverty and Risk -- Abstract -- Introduction -- The Statistics: Diverse Youth = Dramatically Better Youth -- What Lies Behind Youthful Improvements? -- Are Teenagers just "Stupid"? A Dissent -- Biology and Adolescent Development: The Modern Transition -- Juvenile Justice: An Example of Misapplied Developmental Theory -- Is This Science? -- Conclusion -- References -- Biographical Sketches -- Welfare and Change in Consumption Structure -- Abstract -- 1. Introduction -- 2. Theoretical Framework -- 3. Results and Discussion -- 3.1. Food and Tobacco Expenditures -- 3.2. Household Expenditure on Nonfoods -- 3.3. Household Income and Income Elasticity -- Conclusion -- References -- Biographical Sketch -- Transit, Automobile, and Commuting: Do the Relationships Differ across Income Groups? -- Abstract -- Introduction -- Literature Review -- Data and Methodology -- Data -- Conceptual Model -- Transit-Based and Automobile-Based Job Accessibility -- Results -- Conclusion -- References -- Structural Unemployment, Family Structure and Poverty -- Abstract -- Introduction -- Literature on Comparative Poverty -- Measuring Poverty: US vs. Poland -- Characteristics of the Poor - Age Factor -- The Elderly -- Poverty and Education -- Poverty and Disability -- Geographical Clusters of Poverty -- Unique Characteristics of the Poor - Poland vs. US -- Conclusion -- References -- Biographical Sketch -- Income Inequality, Poverty and Economic Reforms in Douala-Cameroon -- Abstract -- Introduction -- The Conceptualisation of Poverty in the City of Douala -- Sampling Procedures -- Method of Analysis -- Results and Discussions -- Income Distribution in the City of Douala -- Income Inequality and Dietary Quantity and Quality -- Income and Domestic Comfort -- Income and Health Seeking Behaviour

The alleviation of poverty is one of the most debated issues
among the academicians and policy makers. From 1950s to 1980s the
poverty reduction program has been based on increase the participation
of poor into the economy by better macroeconomic performance. Though the
poor part of population mostly engaged in informal sector1 is identified
by researchers but has not become the part of economic models and
government policy [Robinson (2001)]. Poverty reduction has been
institutionalised in 1944 when World Bank was set up. The World Bank
worked through governments and institutions by giving loans to
developing countries called structural-adjustment programmes. These
programmes were highly unsuccessful, created dependence on aid with
little help to poor part of societies [Murduch (1999) and Diop, et al.
(2007)].