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In premodern East Asia, Korea, Japan, Vietnam, and China rarely experienced anything like the type of religious violence that existed for centuries in historical Europe, despite having vibrant religious traditions such as Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism, and numerous folk religions. How do we explain a region in which religion was generally not a part of the explanation for war and rebellion? A unique data set of over 950 entries of Chinese and Korean violence over a 473-year span allows granular measurement of religious violence. I argue that the inclusivist religions of historical East Asia did not easily lend themselves to appropriation by political leaders as a means of differentiating groups or justifying violence. Addressing the paucity of religious war in historical East Asia is theoretically important because it challenges a large body of scholarly literature that finds a universal causal relationship between religion and war that is empirically derived mainly from the experience of only Christianity and Islam. In contrast, it may be that certain types of religious traditions are less amenable to mass mobilization for violence. Moving beyond Christianity and Islam to include East Asian religious traditions promises both to address a potentially serious issue of selection bias and also to be a rich field for theorizing about the relationship between religion and war.

Liminal Minorities addresses the question of why some religious minorities provoke the ire of majoritarian groups and become targets of organized violence, even though they lack significant power and pose no political threat. Güneş Murat Tezcür argues that these faith groups are stigmatized across generations, as they lack theological recognition and social acceptance from the dominant religious group. Religious justifications of violence have a strong mobilization power when directed against liminal minorities, which makes these groups particularly vulnerable to mass violence during periods of political change. Offering the first comparative-historical study of mass atrocities against religious minorities in Muslim societies, Tezcür focuses on two case studies - the Islamic State's genocidal attacks against the Yezidis in northern Iraq in the 2010s and massacres of Alevis in Turkey in the 1970s and 1990s - while also addressing discrimination and violence against followers of the Bahá'í faith in Iran and Ahmadis in Pakistan and Indonesia. Analyzing a variety of original sources, including interviews with survivors and court documents, Tezcür reveals how religious stigmatization and political resentment motivate ordinary people to participate in mass atrocities.

Liminal Minorities addresses the question of why some religious minorities provoke the ire of majoritarian groups and become targets of organized violence, even though they lack significant power and pose no political threat. Güneş Murat Tezcür argues that these faith groups are stigmatized across generations, as they lack theological recognition and social acceptance from the dominant religious group. Religious justifications of violence have a strong mobilization power when directed against liminal minorities, which makes these groups particularly vulnerable to mass violence during periods of political change.Offering the first comparative-historical study of mass atrocities against religious minorities in Muslim societies, Tezcür focuses on two case studies—the Islamic State's genocidal attacks against the Yezidis in northern Iraq in the 2010s and massacres of Alevis in Turkey in the 1970s and 1990s—while also addressing discrimination and violence against followers of the Bahá'í faith in Iran and Ahmadis in Pakistan and Indonesia. Analyzing a variety of original sources, including interviews with survivors and court documents, Tezcür reveals how religious stigmatization and political resentment motivate ordinary people to participate in mass atrocities

How can the world's religions, which propagate peace and love, promote violence and the killing of innocent civilians through terrorist acts? This Element aims to provide insights into this puzzle by beginning with a brief overview of debates on terrorism, a discussion on religion and the various resources it provides groups engaging in terrorist acts, four arguments for what causes religious terrorism, brief examples of religious terrorism across faith traditions, and a synopsis of deradicalization programs. This discussion shows that, when combined with certain political and social circumstances, religions provide powerful resources for justifying and motivating terrorist acts against civilians.

Pregame -- Kick Off -- Contents -- 1 First Quarter: Theoretical Approaches to Religious Violence -- Abstract -- Cosmological Function: The Holy and the Damned -- Ethical Function: Justice, Order, and Vengeance -- Social-Psychological Function: Sacrifice -- Summary on Religious Violence -- Religious Violence, Play, and Sport -- 2 Second Quarter: Violence and American Football -- Abstract -- Social-Psychological Function of Violence in American Football -- Cosmological and Ethical Functions of American Football -- 3 Third Quarter: College Football in the American South -- Abstract

Does religion cause violent conflict, asks Chad M. Bauman, and if so, does it cause conflict any more than other social identities? Through an extended history of Christian-Hindu relations, and with particular attention to the 2007–08 riots in Kandhamal, Odisha, Anti-Christian Violence in India examines religious violence and how it pertains to broader aspects of humanity. Is "religious" conflict sui generis, or is it merely one species of inter-group conflict? Why and how might violence become an attractive option for religious actors? What explains the increase in religious violence over the last twenty to thirty years?Integrating theories of anti-Christian violence focused on politics, economics, and proselytization, Anti-Christian Violence in India additionally weaves in recent theory about globalization, and in particular the forms of resistance against Western secular modernity that globalization periodically helps provoke. With such theories in mind, Bauman explores the nature of anti-Christian violence in India, contending that resistance to secular modernities is, in fact, an important but often overlooked reason behind Hindu attacks on Christians.Intensifying the widespread Hindu tendency to think of religion in ethnic rather than universal terms, the ideology of Hindutva explicitly rejects both the secular privatization of religion and the separability of religions from the communities that incubate them. And so, with provocative and original analysis, Bauman questions whether anti-Christian violence in contemporary India is really about religion, in the narrowest sense, or rather a manifestation of broader concerns, among some Hindus, about the Western socio-political order with which they associate global Christianity

Violent religious practices -- The growth of social communities in the age of globalization -- Faith communities as actors in civil society -- The People's Temple -- Every day Ashura, every tomb Kerbala : Iran 1977-1981 -- "The party of God" intervenes in the war : Lebanon 1975-2000 -- Israel's wars of redemption -- Fighting for the foundational land (waqf) of Palestine -- American Protestants prepare the way for the eschatological battlefield in Palestine -- September 11, 2001 : a raid (ghazwa) on the path of God -- The war of the USA against terror, a war without borders -- Concluding remarks : wars of religion in the age of globalization

AbstractWhy are religious riots between Hindus and Muslims endemic in some states of India and not in others? Scholarship on the topic is divided between those arguing that electoral competition increases the occurrence of such riots and those arguing that electoral competition decreases the occurrence of such riots. Both types of explanations assume a relationship between political parties and religious violence, but they ignore voting behavior. This paper accounts for party system instability or change, measured in terms of electoral volatility, to argue that electoral volatility in the Indian party system is a key overlooked determinant of religious violence. Specifically, higher levels of electoral volatility, implying high switching of party allegiances by voters, may indicate the process of ethnic outbidding that causes violence.

What is the role of religious aspects in legitimizing or delegitimizing violence? The articles of this volume provide an important contribution to this crucial social and scholarly debate. Analysing a broad spectrum of case studies from antiquity, they focus on religious justifications or evaluations of recommended, performed, or forbidden acts of violence - regardless of the question of their historicity. Not only late antiquity and Christianity are considered, but also pre-Christian Greek and Roman civilizations, Judaism, literary myth, and atheism. The case studies cover the period from the fifth century BCE to the fifth century CE and a broad geographical scope extending from Gaul to Israel and Egypt. This volume offers new insights into a highly topical issue

IN ITS EARLIER YEARS ISRAEL WAS SPARED THE IMPACT OF RELIGIOUS RADICALISM. IN THE LAST TWO DECADES, HOWEVER, RELIGIOUS DOCTRINES HAVE BEGUN TO CLAIM A ROLE IN FOREIGN POLICY, CULMINATING IN THE 4 NOVEMBER 1995 ASSASSINATION OF PRIME MINISTER YITZHAK RABIN. THE PRIMARY AIM OF THIS STUDY, IS TO EXPLORE THE SYSTEMIC POLITICAL PRECESSES AND CONTEXTUAL FACTORS THAT IN THE PAST HAVE SUBDUES NATIONAL RELIGIOUS RADICALISM IN ISRAEL. THE GENERAL ARGUMENT OF THIS ESSAY IS THAT THE TRADITION OF POLITICAL ACCOMMODATION WITH THE RELIGIOUS PARTIES FOSTERED THEIR PARTICIPATION IN GOVERNMENT COALITIONS, AND BY DOING SO, MOBILIZED A LARGE PORTION OF THE RELIGIOUS SECTOR TO SUPPORT THE STATE. EQUALLY IMPORTANT IN SUPPRESSING RELIGIOUS RADICALISM IN ISRAEL WERE THE TWO MAIN DOCTRINES OF RELIGIOUS ZIONISM, THE INSTRUMENTAL AND THE REDEMPTIONIST, WHICH APPLAUDED COOPERATION WITH SECULAR ZIONISM AND THE STATE, HENCE ENABLING POLITICAL ACCOMMODATION AND AVOIDING A COMPREHENSIVE VIOLENT CONFRONTATION. THE ABSENCE OF A RELIGIOUS PARTY IN THE RABIN GOVERNMENT BROUGHT THE COUNTRY'S POLITICAL DISCOURSE TO AN UNPRECEDENTED LEVEL OF INTENSITY, STRENGTHENING A NEW BLEND OF RELIGIOUS NATIONALISM THAT POSED A POTENTIAL FOR DILIGITIMIZATION OF THE STATE.

THIS STUDY PRESESNTS AN ALTERNATIVE PSYCHOLOGICAL MODEL TO THE "EXTRINSIC MODEL." THE AUTHORS' MODEL SUGGESTS THAT CONTEMPORARY CULTURAL FRAGMENTATION EXACERBATES PATTERNS OF IDENTITY CONFUSION AND NARCISSISTIC SPLIT SELF DYNAMICS AND SUGGESTS THAT SOME YOUNG PEOPLE VOLUNTARILY ATTEMPT TO RESOLVE IDENTITY CONFUSION THROUGH IDENTIFICATION WITH MESSIANIC LEADERS AND TOTALIST SECTS. THE AUTHORS ALSO SUGGEST THAT THE WORLD VIEWS OF SUCH GROUPS CAUSE YOUNG PEOPLE TO PROJECT DISVALUED ELEMENTS OF SELF ONTO ENEMIES, WHICH INCLUDE UNBELIEVERS. OTHER INTERACTIONS BETWEEN BELIEVERS AND OUTSIDERS MAY ACTUALIZE THE POTENTIAL FOR VIOLENCE ASSOCIATED WITH THE MORE EXTREME GROUPS.

Sacred Violence and Religious Violence examines the place that ideology or political religion plays in legitimizing violence to bring about a purer world. In particular, the book examines Islamism and the western secular, liberal democratic responses to it.

"Religious Establishment as a Subject of Political Science" published on by Oxford University Press.

How do objects become contested in settings characterized by (violent) conflict? Why are some things contested by religious actors? How do religious actors mobilize things in conflict situations and how are conflict and violence experienced by religious groups? This volume explores relations between materiality, religion, and violence by drawing upon two fields of scholarship that have rarely engaged with one another: research on religion and (violent) conflict and the material turn within religious studies. This way, this volume sets the stage for the development of new conceptual and methodological directions in the study of religion-related violent conflict that takes materiality seriously. Contributors are Christoph Baumgartner, Margaretha van Es, Lucien van Liere, Erik Meinema, Birgit Meyer, Daan F. Oostveen, Younes Saramifar, Joram Tarusarira, Tammy Wilks.