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The city of Berlin aspires to join regions like Silicon Valley and the East London Tech City at the throne of international startup clusters. Following the assessment of industry experts and economic key figures, one could argue that Berlin has thus far been successful at achieving that goal. Hall & Soskice, authors of the Varieties of Capitalism approach, have argued however that the economic success of technological startups should be impeded by German economic institutions. The paper at hand tries to get to the bottom of this contradiction between theory and empirical evidence.

A number of companies from the US and China plan to build networks of several thousand satellites each to enable access to the Internet from any point on Earth. These satellites will be stationed in low Earth orbit. If these plans are put into practice, the global Internet infrastructure will acquire a whole new dimension. This would have far-reaching consequences for Internet access, the security and resilience of Internet infrastructure, and power relations in global Internet governance. The home countries of the leading companies - above all the US, followed by China - would have extensive potential for political influence. They would be able to control, at the level of the Internet's global infrastructure, the worldwide flows of information. This research paper draws two scenarios to illustrate the range of possible developments and the corresponding potential responses: one describes the development of global oligopolies, the other a form of politically regulated global competition. German and European political decision-makers should use regulations and public funding to work towards a future Internet infrastructure that is secure and reliable. The basis for this is the redundancy and diversity of the underlying technology. To this end, the new satellite constellations can be an important part of an appropriate mix of technologies. It would be both politically and economically desirable for Europe to build its own constellation. (author's abstract)

(...) Wolff, S.: The relationships between states and non-state peoples : a comparative view of the Kurds in Iraq. - S. 16-26 Olson, R.: Denied a state, winning a region : comparing Kurdish nationalism after 1918 and 2003. - S. 27-41 Romano, D.: The Kurds and contemporary regional political dynamics. - S. 42-57 Kirişci, K.: Turkey's Kurdish challenge. - S. 58-78 Klein, J.: Turkish responses to Kurdish identity politics : recent developments in historical perspective. - S. 79-96 Watts, N. F.: The missing moderate : legitimacy resources and pro-Kurdish party politics in Turkey. - S. 97-115 Scalbert-Yücel, C.: The 'liberalization' of Turkish policy towards the Kurdish language : the influence of external actors. - S. 116-129 Stansfield, G.: From civil war to calculated compromise : the unification of the Kurdistan Regional Government in Iraq. - S. 130-144 Anderson, L.: Internationalizing Iraq's constitutional dilemma. - S. 145-160 Lowe, R.: The serhildan and the Kurdish national story in Syria. - S. 161-179 Ahmadzadeh, H.: Kurdish political mobilization in Iran. - S. 180-191 Gunter, M. M.: Prospects for the Kurdish future in Iraq and Turkey. - S. 192-206

he Syrian Arab Army's chemical warfare capacity has been a game-changer throughout the civil war. Unlike intelligence estimates, Bashar al-Assad's military planners considered these deadly weapons to be tactical arms for battlefield use, rather than last-resort strategic assets. During the reconstruction period, the West should pur­sue a comprehensive approach to address issues concerning Syria's weapons of mass destruction. (Autorenreferat)

Militärische Großübungen im Umfeld von Krisengebieten dienen nicht nur der Aus­bildung. Mit ihnen senden Staaten politische Signale. Solche Manöver verstärken Bedrohungsperzeptionen und bergen die Gefahr der Eskalation. Als Moskau ab Ende März 2021 seine Truppenpräsenz östlich der Ukraine und auf der Krim erhöhte, warnten der ukrainische Präsident Selenskyj und westliche Militärexperten, Russland könne die Ukraine angreifen. Moskau beschuldigte Kiew, die Lage im Donbass zu ver­schärfen. Die Nato versicherte Kiew ihrer Solidarität. Auch das Manöver Defender Europe 21, das im März unter US-Füh­rung begann, enthält eine politische Botschaft an Alliierte und Russland. Teile der bisher größten Militär­übung von Nato-Staaten auf dem Balkan finden in unmittelbarer Nach­barschaft zur Ukraine statt. Moskau erklärte am 22. April die "Ausbildung" für been­det und kündigte an, bis zum 1. Mai die Trup­pen zurückzuverlegen. Doch die Lage bleibt instabil. Um Berechenbarkeit wiederherzustellen, müssen gegenseitige militärische Beschränkungen vereinbart werden. Dazu sollte die Allianz das Gespräch mit Moskau suchen. (Autorenreferat)