Trust in the institutions of the European Union: a cross-country examination
In: European Integration online Papers, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 1-39
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In: European Integration online Papers, Band 16, Heft 2, S. 1-39
In: European journal of political research: official journal of the European Consortium for Political Research, Band 50, Heft 3, S. 293-314
ISSN: 1475-6765
In: European Union politics: EUP, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 152-172
ISSN: 1741-2757
We assess the impact of the United Kingdom's 2016 decision to leave the European Union on the Council of the European Union, where Brexit is likely to have the clearest observable implications. Using concepts and models from the spatial model of politics and network analysis, we formulate and test expectations regarding the effects of Brexit. We examine two of the most prominent datasets on recent decision-making in the European Union, which include data on cooperation networks among member states before and after the 2016 referendum. Our findings identify some of the political challenges that Brexit will bring, but also highlight the factors that are already helping the European Union's remaining member states to adapt to Brexit.
International audience ; In the past decade, parliaments in industrialized countries have been pressured to adopt more restrictive legislation to prevent unauthorized file sharing and enforce higher standards of digital copyright enforcement over entertainment media and computer software. A complex process of supranational and national lawmaking has resulted in several legislatures adopting such measures, with wide variations in content and implementation. These policy developments offer an interesting research puzzle, given their high political salience and the amount of controversy they have generated. Specifically, the introduction of harsher intellectual property regulations has resulted in intense 'online' and 'offline' collective action by skilled activists who have significantly altered the digital copyright policy field over the years. In France, grassroots movements have turned the passing of digital copyright infringement laws through Parliament into highly controversial episodes. Similarly, at the European level, the Telecoms Package Reform has given rise to an intense protest effort, carried by an ad hoc coalition of European activists. In both cases, online mobilization was an essential element of political contention against these legislative initiatives. In both cases, our analysis shows that online mobilization and contention can substantially affect policy making by disrupting the course of parliamentary lawmaking at both the national and European levels. We provide an analytical framework to study these processes, as well as an analysis of the frames and digital network repertoires involved in the two cases under scrutiny, with reference to the nascent research agenda formed by the politics of intellectual property.
BASE
International audience ; In the past decade, parliaments in industrialized countries have been pressured to adopt more restrictive legislation to prevent unauthorized file sharing and enforce higher standards of digital copyright enforcement over entertainment media and computer software. A complex process of supranational and national lawmaking has resulted in several legislatures adopting such measures, with wide variations in content and implementation. These policy developments offer an interesting research puzzle, given their high political salience and the amount of controversy they have generated. Specifically, the introduction of harsher intellectual property regulations has resulted in intense 'online' and 'offline' collective action by skilled activists who have significantly altered the digital copyright policy field over the years. In France, grassroots movements have turned the passing of digital copyright infringement laws through Parliament into highly controversial episodes. Similarly, at the European level, the Telecoms Package Reform has given rise to an intense protest effort, carried by an ad hoc coalition of European activists. In both cases, online mobilization was an essential element of political contention against these legislative initiatives. In both cases, our analysis shows that online mobilization and contention can substantially affect policy making by disrupting the course of parliamentary lawmaking at both the national and European levels. We provide an analytical framework to study these processes, as well as an analysis of the frames and digital network repertoires involved in the two cases under scrutiny, with reference to the nascent research agenda formed by the politics of intellectual property.
BASE
International audience ; In the past decade, parliaments in industrialized countries have been pressured to adopt more restrictive legislation to prevent unauthorized file sharing and enforce higher standards of digital copyright enforcement over entertainment media and computer software. A complex process of supranational and national lawmaking has resulted in several legislatures adopting such measures, with wide variations in content and implementation. These policy developments offer an interesting research puzzle, given their high political salience and the amount of controversy they have generated. Specifically, the introduction of harsher intellectual property regulations has resulted in intense 'online' and 'offline' collective action by skilled activists who have significantly altered the digital copyright policy field over the years. In France, grassroots movements have turned the passing of digital copyright infringement laws through Parliament into highly controversial episodes. Similarly, at the European level, the Telecoms Package Reform has given rise to an intense protest effort, carried by an ad hoc coalition of European activists. In both cases, online mobilization was an essential element of political contention against these legislative initiatives. In both cases, our analysis shows that online mobilization and contention can substantially affect policy making by disrupting the course of parliamentary lawmaking at both the national and European levels. We provide an analytical framework to study these processes, as well as an analysis of the frames and digital network repertoires involved in the two cases under scrutiny, with reference to the nascent research agenda formed by the politics of intellectual property.
BASE
In this paper, we estimated the impact of COVID-19 shock on the industrial production and on the confidence in industry at European Union level, using Panel EGLS method - weighted by Cross-section SUR option. The negative impact we found on both indicators is quite high and may severely affect the economy, in the absence of political support and in the case of prolonging COVID-19 crisis or starting another lockdown waves. The largest drops of industrial production were found in Italy, Slovakia, Romania and Hungary, while Latvia, Malta, Finland and the Netherlands were less vulnerable to the COVID- 19 shock. Through this paper, we also identified a high similarity between the dynamics of industrial production and the industrial confidence index. The outlooks are still exposed to uncertainty, but these have been improved in the latest months.
BASE
In: Radical geography
The article deals with the essence and peculiarities of various theories and approaches to the study of integration within European integration Communities. It provides the analysis of theoretical approaches and concepts by various schools on the definition of "integration", preconditions for the emergence and development of the European integration placing special emphasis on the essence and content of the European legal integration theory. The author focuses on describing legal integration theory within the European integration Communities.
BASE
In: Journal of International Relations and Development
The Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) signed in October 2008 between the Caribbean and the European Union has been the subject of much controversy. There has been a marked split within the Caribbean between the officials and politicians who negotiated — and thus championed — the EPA and the wider academic and civil society community that subjected it to heavy criticism. The paper examines these debates in detail and situates them within the broader intellectual and practical panorama of Caribbean development alternatives. Specifically, it discusses how the terrain upon which development has been both theorised and practised in the region has narrowed significantly since the 1980s, with the EPA being the latest manifestation of this evolving trend. The paper consequently goes beyond an analysis of the short-term politics of the EPA to elucidate the deeper, structural explanations for the divisions over the EPA between the policy and academic communities and the wider implications of the Agreement for contemporary Caribbean development.
In: British journal of political science, Band 37, Heft 2, S. 281-312
ISSN: 1469-2112
This article is a study of bicameral conflict resolution between the Council and the European Parliament in the European Union, which has established a bicameral conciliation process under the co-decision procedure. Scholars commonly agree that the European Parliament has gained power under the co-decision procedure, but the impact of the conciliation process on the power distribution between the Council and the European Parliament remains unclear. The scholarly debate suggests that the power of the institutional actors depends on their proximity to the status quo, the (im-)patience and the specific preference distribution of the institutional actors, although most analyses assume that the Commission plays an insignificant role. Using an ordered probit model, this study examines the power distribution between the two institutional actors, the factors for their bargaining success and the role of the Commission in the period between 1999 and 2002. The findings show that the European Parliament wins most conflicts, but that the Council is more successful in multi-dimensional disputes. The results confirm some theoretical claims made in the literature, such as the importance of the status quo location and of preference cohesiveness. However, they also reject a major assumption in the literature on the irrelevance of the Commission in the conciliation process, which we show to have an influential informational position for parliamentary success. Adapted from the source document.
In: Études internationales, Band 40, Heft 3, S. 460
ISSN: 1703-7891
In: Journal of European integration: Revue d'intégration européenne, Band 2, Heft 2, S. 231-249
ISSN: 1477-2280
In: Maastricht journal of European and comparative law: MJ, Band 30, Heft 5, S. 597-622
ISSN: 2399-5548
A fresh start is the essence of personal insolvency proceedings. In the last few decades, policymakers in the United States of America and European countries have focused on establishing effective and efficient insolvency proceedings which would address the particular needs of insolvent natural persons. Previously, personal insolvency proceedings aimed to address the social and economic problems of insolvent debtors (consumers) which were not able to meet their financial obligations in time. However, the latest developments in this area reveal that specific rules should be established in insolvency law to tackle the insolvency problems of individuals who incur most of their debts from economic activities (entrepreneurs' insolvency). The adoption of the Directive on Restructuring and Insolvency is the first attempt in European Union law to counter the challenges of the insolvency of entrepreneurs. This article analyses the main elements of a fresh start in European Union insolvency law, how this phenomenon has evolved and whether the European Union insolvency law provides an effective fresh start for insolvent entrepreneurs.