In 2008 an international research, heuristic and archival platform of scholars and institutes was established: NISE, acronym for National movements and Intermediary Structures in Europe. Its main objective is to enable comparative and transnational studies on national movements in general and their intermediary structures in particular: political parties, cultural associations and social organisations, the people associated with these structures (persons in charge, activists, representatives, ideologists...), and the programmes and goals as articulated in their publications and archives. Mapping out personal and institutional relations between national movements also enables researchers to study political and cultural transfers. And theoreticians of nationalism are given the opportunity to make use of more controlled and structured empirical data than ever before.
About the author -- The foundations of sociology -- The sociological perspective -- Sociological investigation -- The foundations of society -- Culture -- Society -- Socialization -- Social interaction in everyday life -- Mass media and social media -- Groups and organizations -- Sexuality and society -- Deviance -- Social inequality -- Social stratification -- Social class in the united states -- Global stratification -- Gender stratification -- Race and ethnicity -- Aging and the elderly -- Social institutions -- The economy and work -- Politics and government -- Families -- Religion -- Education -- Health and medicine -- Social change -- Population, urbanization, and environment -- Collective behavior and social movements -- Social change: traditional, modern, and postmodern societies -- Glossary -- References -- Credits -- Author index -- Subject index
Presentación ; Un dossier sobre la economía social en Canadá en coedición con la revista venezolana de estudios canadienses. ; Richer, Madeleine ; Artículos ; Introducción. ; Las instituciones de la economía social en Québec. ; The institutions of social economy in Quebec. ; Beaulieu, Léopold ; Cooperativas y modelo de desarrollo: la experiencia quebequense. ; Cooperatives and development model: the Quebec experience. ; Malo, Marie-Claire ; Los sectores y el movimiento cooperativo quebequense: descripción y desafíos. ; The cooperative sectors and movement in Quebec: description and challenges. ; Arteau, Marcel; Brassard, Marie Noëlle y Malo, Marie-Claire ; Una respuesta de la nueva economía social a la exclusión: las empresas de inserción. ; A response of the new social economy to social exclusion: the social integration enterprises. ; Richer, Madeleine ; La contribución de la economía social a las reformas de las políticas sociales en Canadá: una visión desde Québec. ; The contribution of social economy to the social policy reforms in Canada: a vision from Quebec. ; Vaillancourt, Yves; Aubry, François; Kearney, Muriel; Thériault, Luc y Tremblay, Louise ; La experiencia de la alianza de investigación universidad-comunidad en economía social. ; The experience of the university-community alliance in social economy (ARUC-ES). ; Bussières, Denis y Fontan, Jean-Marc ; El grupo (chantier) de economía social y los sectores de la economía social en Québec. ; The social economy group and the social economy sectors in Quebec. ; Bussières, Denis y Huot, Geneviève ; Otros Artículos ; Ejes de desarrollo potencial de los municipios Rafael Urdaneta y Junín, estado Táchira, Venezuela. ; Potential development axis in the municipalities Rafael Urdaneta and Junin, state of Tachira, Venezuela. ; Madriz R., Delia; Castillo P., Elizabeth; Márquez G., Mervyn; Niño M., Valentina y Parra de A., Maira ; Políticas públicas para la promoción de cooperativas en Venezuela (1999-2006). ; Public policies for the promotion of cooperatives (1999-2006). ; Díaz, Benito ; Estructuras de integración del cooperativismo y la economía solidaria en Colombia. ; Integration structures of cooperatives and solidarity economy in Colombia. ; Álvarez, Juan Fernando y Serrano Uribe, Rymel ; Reseña ; Fukuyama, Francis: la construcción del estado. Hacia un nuevo orden mundial en el siglo XXI. ; State-building, governance and world order in the twenty-first century,2004. ; Reseñado por: Richer, Madeleine ; Seminario internacional de contraloría docial, una herramienta para la democracia participativa. ; Fondo intergubernamental para la descentralización, gerencia de participación ciudadana, Caracas, Venezuela. Mayo 2004. ; Reseñado por: Argüello, Leonardo ; Eventos. ; 9-11 ; semestral ; Nivel analítico
As much as any other site in the nineteenth century, Francophone Lower Canada saw immense waves of popular petitioning, with petitions against British colonial administration attracting tens of thousands of signatures in the 1820s. The petition against Governor Dalhousie of 1827–28 attracted more than 87,000 names, making it one of the largest mass petitions of the Atlantic world on a per-capita scale for its time. We draw upon new archival evidence that shows the force of local organization in the petition mobilization, and combine this with statistical analyses of a new sample of 1,864 names from the anti-Dalhousie signatory list. We conclude that the Lower Canadian petitioning surge stemmed from emergent linguistic nationalism, expectations of parliamentary democracy, and the mobilization and alliance-building efforts of Patriote leaders in the French-Canadian republican movement. As elsewhere in the nineteenth-century Atlantic, the anti-Dalhousie effort shows social movements harnessing petitions to recruit, mobilize, and build cross-cultural alliances.
This article investigates the Red de Semillas Libres de Colombia [Colombian Network of Free Seeds] movement, since its inception to date (2013-2016). The study, developed within the framework of green criminology and with a focus on environmental justice, draws on ethnographic observations of Red de Semillas and semi-structured interviews with group members. I explore processes of repertoire appropriation developed by social movements. The main argument advanced is that the Red de Semillas experienced a case of 'tactics rebound', in which tactics deployed at the global level shaped local tactics, bringing a set of problematic consequences. The article starts by summarising key explorations of repertoires of contention and connecting them with framing theory propositions. My interest is to locate processes of tactic appropriation in the context of collective action frames. I situate this theory in a study of the organisation and the tactics it used to elucidate how the concept of 'collective action frame hierarchies' can be used to explain instances of 'tactics rebounding'.
On the basis of qualitative and quantitative data, I show that nonviolent protests against politically motivated repression in Mexico were more significant, both in terms of their histories and their political impact over time, than the literature suggests. I document that Mexico had human rights movements prior to the late 1980s that have been overlooked because activists since 1968 framed their struggles in terms of amnesty for political prisoners as well as the reappearance of, and accounting for, the disappeared. I further show that their 25-plus years of struggle were effective in the passage of two amnesties for political prisoners (1971 and 1978) as well as the emergence of an ombudsman called the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH circa 1989/1990), along with the negotiated settlement of the Zapatista uprising in Chiapas. This evidence suggests that even against strong odds, and even in the context of ongoing repression, nonviolent social movements of relatively powerless people can independently influence nondemocratic governments not only to pass favorable policy, but also to restructure the polity.
Educators in the United States have failed in teaching about war. Educators have failed to teach broadly enough, consistently enough, and with the sense of urgency demanded by the immense destruction of the United States' Post-9/11 Wars. In the spirit of exchanging ideas, strategies, and inspiration, this article offers 56 suggestions for teaching about war. While the suggestions are focused on people teaching about U.S. wars, they can be applied by anyone teaching about war anywhere, at any level, in any field, for any length of time. The article discusses how much of the violence of war is similar to the "invisible knapsack" Peggy McIntosh identifies in her classic article "White Privilege: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack." War is not the same as whiteness, but war, militarization, and militarism shape our daily lives in profound but often invisible ways. In this context, educators can help make war visible and contribute to movements to end current wars and stop future ones.
In this article, we explore emotions as a relational mechanism that affects the stability of political movement groups by activating or weakening identities, social ties, and movement boundaries. Our goal is to specify the dynamics by which personal emotional experiences are linked to wider group processes. In this way, emotion serves as an analytic bridge, connecting the micro levels to larger social structures. We draw on data from former violent white supremacists to understand the personal/interpersonal (micro) and group (meso) level emotional dynamics in this extremist movement, especially how emotional experiences affect social movement dynamics. We draw on our evidence to build models of how emotional dynamics create trajectories of development and decline in white supremacist group membership. To demonstrate the analytic leverage provided by a focus on emotional dynamics, we then examine three findings from our study that are difficult to explain through more common frameworks of individual cognitive processes or group structure.
Stardom and celebrity status is intrinsically related to the kind of spacemedia provides to the concerned individuals. The coverage of media hasbecome a parameter of measuring stardom. But over time, stardom is nolonger limited only to beautiful film stars and dashing male athletes.Intellect is the new glam quotient. Social activists taking up the cause ofthe downtrodden is getting a lot of space in media. Glamour has givenway to asceticism and simplicity. However, while picking up stories,media has its own concern about which issue to highlight and which tooverride. This paper tries to understand the role of media in creatingstars and promoting stardom of unconventional individuals by takingup coverage of two political movements of contemporary times. Media'streatment for these two social activists - Anna Hazare and Irom SharmilaChanu have been different to such an extent that while one becameheadlines, the other continued to be a mere footnote in the media.
In a world of permanent change and movement with interconnected actions that create interdependences, the institutions and administrative systems should be flexible and transparent to adapt their selves to these changes and to create the necessary framework for developing in good conditions all the aspects of the social life. In this paper, the attention is focused on the administrative convergence, considering that it is impossible to conceive a strong European construction without the existence of an effective public administration at both levels, national and European and therefore the research tries to emphasize few signs of convergence between Romanian and Bulgarian employment policy.
Social change is a necessity. Every shift that occurs in society will trigger change. Religion is basically independent, which theoretically can be involved in terms of mutual influence with socio-economic realities. As an independent unit, for its adherents, religion has a high probability of determining patterns of human behavior and the form of social structures. In this way, religious teachings have the possibility to encourage or even restrain the process of social change. The existence of Sufism and tarekat in social life has an important role in social processes, one of which is social change. Through a qualitative descriptive approach with a research library that refers to related sources, this paper provides important point that tarekat has a dual function, namely as a religious-spiritual moral movement that directs its followers to always be close to God, and as a social and political social movement that helps guide its followers to have social sensitivity and care about social conditions, through the practice of teachings or doctrines that have been taught by tarekat organization.
This article discusses the communication strategies employed by 8 school shooters who used participatory media to frame their acts as well as their identity. By resorting to content analysis of 78 self-produced videos and 101 portraits, the findings show how audiovisual communication can be used to trigger the performative aspects of cultural scripts of contemporary forms of expressive violence and thus institutionalize a social movement (i.e. school shooting subculture). These proceedings produce association to a subversive movement, providing a political connotation to the act and a renewed positive identity.
Frontmatter -- Contents -- Introduction: Totality Inside Out -- 1. Let the Dead Bury the Dead: Race, Gender, and Class Composition in the U.S. after 1965 -- 2. (Un)making Value: Reading Social Reproduction through the Question of Totality -- 3. Tripartheid: How Global White Supremacy Triumphs through Neoliberalism -- 4. Remapping the Race/Class Problematic -- 5. On Artistic Autonomy as a Bourgeois Fetish -- 6. Ecology with Totality: The Case of Morton's Hyperobjects and Klein's This Changes Everything -- Acknowledgments -- Contributors -- Index
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Südafrika gehört zu den Ländern mit dem weltweit höchsten Grad an Ungleichheit. Soziale Gegensätze provozieren massive soziale Proteste, deren Anzahl ebenfalls zu den höchsten weltweit gehört. Protestaktionen können in vielen Fällen bestimmten sozialen Schichten zugeordnet werden und Angehörige der Mittelschichten nehmen häufig daran teil oder stehen sogar im Zentrum solcher Aktionen. Doch weder im Fall von Südafrika noch in anderen Fällen ist klar, wie die Sozialstruktur – und insbesondere die Situation der Mittelschichten – mit Protesten und politischen Zielen zusammenhängt bzw. auf sie zurückgeführt werden kann. Vor diesem Hintergrund debattierten die Teilnehmer einer Konferenz zu Mittelschichten und Protest am Stellenbosch Institute for Advanced Study (STIAS) vom 17. bis 21. März 2017, welche Verbindungen sich zwischen Mittelschichten und sozialen Protesten in afrikanischen Staaten und anderen Ländern des sogenannten Globalen Südens ausmachen lassen.
