Suchergebnisse

Der Nato-Einsatz gegen das Gaddafi-Regime 2011 war der erste Krieg, der politisch weithin mit dem Prinzip der "Schutzverantwortung" (Responsibility to Protect, kurz R2P) gerechtfertigt wurde. Nach diesem Prinzip hat die internationale Staatengemeinschaft zwar nicht rechtlich, jedoch moralisch eine subsidiäre Verantwortung, massenhafte Menschenrechtsverletzungen notfalls auch mit militärischer Gewalt zu verhindern, wenn die Regierung des betreffenden Landes ihrer Schutzverantwortung gegenüber den eigenen Bürgerinnen und Bürgern nicht gerecht wird. Zwar ist die R2P-Diskussion eine Fortsetzung der alten Debatte um die "humanitäre Intervention", sofern es um den harten Kern der Problematik geht – die Frage eines militärischen Eingreifens. Doch das R2P-Prinzip hat den Diskurs über den humanitär motivierten Einsatz militärischer Gewalt verändert: Im Falle schwerster Menschenrechtsverletzungen ist nicht mehr eine Intervention begründungspflichtig, sondern der Verzicht darauf. Die Berufung auf R2P begünstigt somit tendenziell einen Moralismus, der die Dilemmata humanitär begründeter Kriege eher ignoriert als in ihrer Vielschichtigkeit ethisch reflektiert. Notwendig ist indes eine politisch-ethische Bewertung, die dem komplexen Problem eines menschenrechtlich begründeten Einsatzes militärischer Gewalt gerecht wird. Dazu soll diese Studie einen Beitrag leisten. (Autorenreferat)

Lethal autonomous weapons are weapon systems that can select and destroy targets without intervention by a human operator. Fighting Machines explores the relationship between lethal autonomous weapons (LAWS), the concept of human dignity, and international law. Much of this analysis speaks to three fundamental and related problems: When a LAWS takes a human life, is that killing a violation of human dignity? Can states and non-state actors use LAWS in accordance with international law? And are there certain responsibilities of human decision-making during wartime that we should not delegate to machines?In the book, Dan Saxon argues that the use of LAWS to take human life constitutes a violation of human dignity. Rather than concentrating on the victims of the use of lethal force, Saxon instead focuses on the technology and relevant legal principles and rules to advance several propositions. First, as LAWS operate at increasingly greater speeds, their use will undermine the opportunities for, and the value of, human reasoning and judgment. Second, by transferring responsibility for reasoning and judgment about the use of lethal force to computer software, the use of LAWS violates the dignity of the soldiers, commanders, and law enforcement officers who historically have made such decisions, and, therefore, breaches international law. Third, weapon designs that facilitate teamwork between humans and autonomous systems are necessary to ensure that humans and LAWS can operate interdependently so that individuals can fulfil their obligations under international law—including the preservation of their own dignity—and ensure that human reasoning and judgment are available for cognitive functions better suited to humans than machines.Fighting Machines speaks to the fields of international humanitarianism, human rights, criminal law, and legal philosophy. It will also be of interest to non-lawyers, especially military officers, government policy makers, political scientists, and international relations scholars, as well as roboticists and ethicists

The article examines the study of modern scientists the problem of management culture of officers. In recent years, the topic of development of managerial culture of officers is relevant, as evidenced by the presence of thorough research on the topic. Scientists carry out interdisciplinary research in the field of psychology, pedagogy, sociology, devoted to various aspects of management culture of officers of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, future officers of the National Guard of Ukraine, cadets of higher educational institutions.It was found that modern scientists use as a synonymous series the concept of "officer's management culture", "military management culture", to the content of which they have attached various features and structural elements. At the same time, a common feature for all definitions is the system of formed professional competencies, which is manifested in the style of management, managerial ethics, behavior, military-professional activity in general.It has been proven that management culture is related to the general culture of the individual. The components of the officer's managerial culture are represented practically in the culture of work, the culture of behavior, the culture of life. At the same time, we can conclude that the relationship between general and managerial culture is so direct that it is fair to say that the managerial culture of officers - is a manifestation of general culture in terms of management. However, it would be a mistake to assume that any officer with a high level of general culture necessarily has a managerial culture. The latter requires the acquisition of managerial knowledge, skills and abilities in order to improve the style and methods of performance of duties by officers. Analysis of modern scientific literature shows that the main ways to develop the management culture of officers are their deep mastery of the science of management, methods of modern management; systematic professional development and general culture, analysis and practical generalization of the results of their management activities, development of positive qualities.The importance of developing the management culture of officers in professional management is huge. Taking into account the elements of management culture of officers in management activities allows to improve the organization of management, simplify the management process, ensure coherence and clarity of the management staff, increase discipline in the unit. Without taking into account the requirements of management culture, it is almost impossible to implement any of the recommendations developed by the science of management. ; В статье рассматривается изучение современными учеными проблема управленческой культуры офицеров. На протяжении последнего десятилетия тема развития управленческой культуры офицеров является крайне актуальной, о чем свидетельствуют численные междисциплинарные исследования в этой области. Подано определение понятия «управленческая культура офицера» за разными авторами, проанализировано его содержание и структурные элементы. ; У статті розглядається вивчення сучасними науковцями проблеми управлінської культури офіцерів. Упродовж останніх років тема розвитку управлінської культури офіцерів є актуальною, про що свідчить наявність ґрунтовних міждисциплінарних досліджень з порушеної теми. Викладено визначення поняття «управлінська культура офіцера» за різними науковцями, проаналізовано його зміст та структурні елементи.

The article examines the study of modern scientists the problem of management culture of officers. In recent years, the topic of development of managerial culture of officers is relevant, as evidenced by the presence of thorough research on the topic. Scientists carry out interdisciplinary research in the field of psychology, pedagogy, sociology, devoted to various aspects of management culture of officers of the Armed Forces of Ukraine, the State Border Guard Service of Ukraine, future officers of the National Guard of Ukraine, cadets of higher educational institutions.It was found that modern scientists use as a synonymous series the concept of "officer's management culture", "military management culture", to the content of which they have attached various features and structural elements. At the same time, a common feature for all definitions is the system of formed professional competencies, which is manifested in the style of management, managerial ethics, behavior, military-professional activity in general.It has been proven that management culture is related to the general culture of the individual. The components of the officer's managerial culture are represented practically in the culture of work, the culture of behavior, the culture of life. At the same time, we can conclude that the relationship between general and managerial culture is so direct that it is fair to say that the managerial culture of officers - is a manifestation of general culture in terms of management. However, it would be a mistake to assume that any officer with a high level of general culture necessarily has a managerial culture. The latter requires the acquisition of managerial knowledge, skills and abilities in order to improve the style and methods of performance of duties by officers. Analysis of modern scientific literature shows that the main ways to develop the management culture of officers are their deep mastery of the science of management, methods of modern management; systematic professional development and general culture, analysis and practical generalization of the results of their management activities, development of positive qualities.The importance of developing the management culture of officers in professional management is huge. Taking into account the elements of management culture of officers in management activities allows to improve the organization of management, simplify the management process, ensure coherence and clarity of the management staff, increase discipline in the unit. Without taking into account the requirements of management culture, it is almost impossible to implement any of the recommendations developed by the science of management. ; В статье рассматривается изучение современными учеными проблема управленческой культуры офицеров. На протяжении последнего десятилетия тема развития управленческой культуры офицеров является крайне актуальной, о чем свидетельствуют численные междисциплинарные исследования в этой области. Подано определение понятия «управленческая культура офицера» за разными авторами, проанализировано его содержание и структурные элементы. ; У статті розглядається вивчення сучасними науковцями проблеми управлінської культури офіцерів. Упродовж останніх років тема розвитку управлінської культури офіцерів є актуальною, про що свідчить наявність ґрунтовних міждисциплінарних досліджень з порушеної теми. Викладено визначення поняття «управлінська культура офіцера» за різними науковцями, проаналізовано його зміст та структурні елементи.

Pazifisten und deren Gegner streiten sich meist nicht bloss über moralische, sondern auch über faktisch-deskriptive Fragen. Z.B. sind beide Seiten bei der Kosovo-Krise (1998/9) zu völlig entgegengesetzten Beschreibungen gekommen. Kein Wunder, denn der Pazifist betrachtet die Fakten legitimerweise im Lichte seines Systems von Werten. Seine Gegnerin betrachtet die Fakten im Lichte eines alternativen Wertsystems, und der Streit, der sich angeblich auf wertfrei deskriptivem Boden bewegt, kommt zu keinem Ende, weil es keine objektiven Tatsachen aus dem betreffenden Krieg gibt, die den Streit eindeutig entscheiden könnten. Die wertbeladene Weltsicht des Pazifisten lässt sich als Befolgung dreier epistemischer Imperative verstehen: 1) Zur Natur des Menschen: Wehre Dich gegen Dämonisierungen der Gegenseite; versuche immer, den Fall aus der Sicht der Gegenseite zu verstehen. 2) Zu friedfertigen Alternativen: Suche immer nach friedfertigen Alternativen zum geplanten Militäreinsatz. 3) Zur unkontrollierbaren Eskalation: Schärfe deinen Blick für unkontrollierbare, irreversible Nebenfolgen des militärischen Einsatzes, und achte besonders auf die Gefahr, dass ein weiterer Weltkrieg ausbrechen könnte. Nicht die objektive Realität entscheidet darüber, wie weit man bei der Befolgung dieser Imperative gehen sollte. Die Entscheidung hängt vielmehr von uns selbst ab – so ähnlich wie im Fall einer Naturwissenschaftlerin, die sich dafür entscheidet, hinter dem Chaos des Mannigfaltigen noch nach einer gemeinsamen Tiefenstruktur zu suchen. Diese Parallele hat eine überraschende Konsequenz. Die epistemischen Imperative des Pazifisten können mit Kants regulativen Prinzipien verglichen werden, die laut Kant notwendig sind, um unseren naturwissenschaftlichen Untersuchungen eine Orientierung zu geben. Und so verdienen die Pazifisten einen Vorwurf ganz sicher nicht: den Vorwurf, auf irrationale Weise blind zu sein für die harten Wirklichkeit. ; Pacifists and their opponents disagree not only about moral questions, but most often about factual questions as well. For example, they came to divergent descriptions of the crisis in Kosovo. According to my reconstruction of pacifism, this is not a surprise because the pacifist, legitimately, looks at the facts in the light of her system of value. Her opponent, in turn, looks at the facts in the light of alternative systems of value, and the quarrel between the two parties about supposedly descriptive matters does not come to an end as there is no objective reality about the war in question that could settle the issue. If I am right, the pacifist's value-laden way of looking at reality can be reconstructed as an obedience to three epistemic imperatives. First, the Epistemic Imperative concerning Human Nature ("Resist against demonizing the other side; always try to understand the case from their point of view"). Second, the Epistemic Imperative concerning Non-Violent Alternatives ("Always search for non-violent alternatives to projected military action"). Third, the Epistemic Imperative concerning Uncontrolled Escalation ("Sharpen your attention for uncontrolled, irreversible side effects of military action, particularly for the danger of escalation to another world war"). Objective reality does not decide how far one should go in following these imperatives. Rather, the decision about this is our's—similarly as in case of the scientist who decides to search for common deep structure behind the chaos of the manifold. So the pacifist's epistemic imperatives can be compared to Kant's regulative principles that are necessary for guiding the scientific scrutiny of reality. ; Not Reviewed

An anthropologist working with forensic teams and victims' families to investigate crimes against humanity in Latin America explores what science can tell us about the lives of the dead in this haunting account of grief, the power of ritual, and a quest for justice."Exhumation can divide brothers and restore fathers, open old wounds and open the possibility of regeneration-of building something new with the pile of broken mirrors that is loss and mourning."Over the course of Guatemala's thirty-year armed conflict -the longest ever in Central America-over 200,000 people were killed. During Argentina's military dictatorship in the seventies, over 30,000 people were disappeared. Today, forensic anthropologists in each country are gathering evidence to prove atrocities and seek justice. But these teams do more than just study skeletons-they work to repair families and countries torn apart by violence.In Still Life with Bones, anthropologist Alexa Hagerty learns to see the dead body with a forensic eye. She examines bones for evidence of torture and fatal wounds-hands bound by rope, cuts from machetes-but also for signs of a life lived: to articulate how life shapes us down to the bone. A weaver is recognized from the tiny bones of the toes, molded by years of kneeling before a loom; a girl is identified alongside her pet dog. In the tenderness of understanding these bones, Hagerty discovers how exhumation serves as a ritual in the naming and placement of the dead, and connects ancestors with future generations. She shows us how this work can bring meaning to families dealing with unimaginable loss, and how its symbolic force can also extend to entire societies in the aftermath of state terror and genocide. Encountering the dead has the power to transform us, making us consider each other, our lives, and the world differently.Weaving together powerful stories about investigative breakthroughs, grieving families, histories of violence, and her own forensic coming of age, Hagerty crafts a moving portrait of the living and the dead."Touching, but achingly honest-a most amazing account of training as a forensic anthropologist. When Hagerty talks about "lives being violently made into bones," I defy you not to be moved. The text is unflinching, but then the crimes and the victims deserve nothing less. I guarantee this will make you think long and hard about cruelty and human rights and the dedication and humanity of the forensic scientist." - PROFESSOR DAME SUE BLACK

Introduction : the united states of Europe and new horizons for European integration / Thomas Hoerber -- European integration and culture : four approaches / Antonios Vlassis -- European citizenship / Michel Catala -- The European Union, cultural diversity and the audio-visual industry : the unexpected fate of a "certain idea" of culture / Alexandre Bohas -- Football and European integration(s) / Arne Niemann, Regina Weber and Alexander Brand -- Iconographies of European integrations / Oriane Calligaro -- Erasmus and the Bologna process : promoting shared values through mobility, reform, and common instruments / John Reilly and Simon Sweeney -- The curious case of social Europe / Konstantinos Alexandris Polomarkakis -- Irregular migration management in the EU / Harald Köpping Athanasopoulos -- Borders of Europe / Marta Pachocka, Anne Visvizi and Jarosław Suchoples -- European integration, audiovisual governance and global online platforms : between market rationale, cultural logic and social considerations / Antonios Vlassis -- A cultural-shared risk community? : towards a cultural-historical theory of European (Union) integration / Peter Pichler -- Can tourism be considered an instrument of European integration? / Eric Stevens and Philippe Duhamel -- Technologies and European integrations / Inga Ulnicane -- EU transport policy at a crossroad : the cost of liberalisation for climate change and personal mobility / Helene Dyrhauge -- European space policy and European integration / Sarah Lieberman -- Defence-industrial consolidation as a precondition for EU military integration / Nikolaos Karampekios and Iraklis Oikonomou -- Artificial intelligence in the European Union : policy, ethics, and regulation / Inga Ulnicane -- Developing EU cybercrime and cybersecurity : on legal challenges of EU institutionalisation of cyber law-making / Elaine Fahey -- European integration, the European research area and European research infrastructures / Lorna Ryan -- The essentials of European integration / Thomas Hoerber -- The European Union's energy policy : from market liberalisation to convergence with climate policy / Matus Misik, Peter Plenta and Veronika Oravcová -- Sustainable development in the European Union / Pamela Barnes -- European Union law / Antonella Forganni -- European monetary union : European integration at its heart / Miguel Otero Iglesias -- EU differentiated integration (DI) as a tangible : internal and external dimensions / Maryna Rabinovych and Anne Pintsch -- The long and winding road to greening the Common Agricultural Policy / Viviane Gravey, Ulrich Adam and Thomas Hoerber -- Blue signs on the road : European Union funding and citizens̕feelings towards membership / Alice Cunha -- EU Common Security and Defence Policy / Simon Sweeney -- Brexit puts spotlight on Irish peace process and complicates potential UK/US trade deal / John Ryan -- Conclusion / Thomas Hoerber, Gabriel Weber and Ignazio Cabras.

At the time of drafting the UN Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide (Genocide Convention), the drafters were hopeful that the document will be the response needed to ensure that the world would never again witness such atrocities as committed by the Nazi regime. While, arguably, there has been no such great loss of human lives as during WWII, genocidal incidents have and still take place. After WWII, we have witnessed the genocides in Cambodia, Rwanda, Bosnia, Darfur, to name only a few. The responses to these atrocities have always been inadequate. Every time the world leaders would come together to renew their promise of Never Again. However, the promise has never materialised. In 2014, Daesh unleashed genocide against religious minorities in Syria and Iraq. Before the world managed to shake off from the atrocities, in 2016, the Burmese military launched a genocidal campaign against the Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar. This was followed by reports of ever-growing atrocities against Christian minorities in Nigeria. Without waiting too long, in 2018, China proceeded with its genocidal campaign against the Uyghur Muslims. In 2020, the Tigrayans became the victims of ethnic targeting. Five cases of mass atrocities that, in the space of just five years, all easily meet the legal definition of genocide. Again, the response that followed each case has been inadequate and unable to make a difference to the targeted communities. This legacy does not give much hope for the future. The question that this books hopes to address is what needs to change to ensure that we are better equipped to address genocide and prevent the crime in the future. Ewelina U. Ochab is a lawyer, human rights advocate, author and co-founder of the Coalition for Genocide Response, and gained her PhD in International Law, Medical Law, and Medical Ethics from Kent Law School, UK. David Alton, (Lord Alton of Liverpool) was a Member of the House of Commons for 18 years and in 1997 he was appointed a Life Peer. In 2021, he piloted the Genocide Amendment to the Trade Act through the UK Parliament. In 1997, he was appointed Professor of Citizenship at Liverpool John Moores University, UK, and in 2017 he was appointed as a Visiting Professor at Liverpool Hope University, UK.

Das Thema dieser Studie sind die konzeptionellen Grundlagen politischen Denkens in der frühen Tokugawa-Zeit (1600–1868). Im Mittelpunkt steht das Werk des konfuzianischen Gelehrten und Militärexperten Yamaga Sokō (1622–85). Dieser problematisierte das Verhältnis zwischen Theorie und Praxis in der Gelehrsamkeit seiner Zeit. Seinen Entwurf einer praktischen Politiklehre entwickelte er vor dem Hintergrund eines tiefgreifenden Strukturwandels in der Formierungsphase des Tokugawa-Shogunats, das die Regierenden mit einem hohen Bedarf an normativer Regulierung konfrontierte. Obwohl eine umfangreiche Forschung zu Sokō vorliegt, sind die konzeptionellen Grundlagen seines Politikdenkens nur wenig untersucht worden. Um diese Leerstelle zu schließen, widmet sich die diese Studie einer Analyse des Wissens- und Handlungskonzepts im Rahmen des Hauptwerks. "Wissen" und "Handeln" sind Schlüsselbegriffe der konfuzianischen Tradition und werden bei Sokō in charakteristischer Weise umgedeutet. Die Untersuchung zeigt, dass der Gelehrte sich eines weiten Spektrums konfuzianischer als auch außerkonfuzianischer Begriffsbestände und Argumentationsstrategien bediente, um seiner politischen Rationalitätsvorstellung Ausdruck zu verleihen. Mit ihren Ergebnissen leistet die vorliegende Studie einen Beitrag zur Neubewertung der politischen Ideengeschichte in der frühen Neuzeit aus¬gehend von ihren konzeptionellen Grundlagen. Der Anhang macht der Forschung zentrale Kapitel aus dem Haupt¬werk Sokōs in Form annotierter Übersetzungen erstmals in einer westlichen Sprache zugänglich. ; The study at hand explores the conceptual foundations of political thought in the Tokugawa period (1600–1868). It focuses on the teachings of the Confucian scholar and military expert Yamaga Sokō (1622–85). In previous research, Sokō has been associated with the emergence of a neoclassical movement in Tokugawa-Confucianism as well as with a new type of warrior ethics, or bushidō. However, despite this general acknowledgement, only limited research has been conducted on the conceptual foundations of his thought. The present study addresses this problem by exploring Sokō's interpretation of the Confucian key concepts "knowledge" (Chi. zhi / Jpn. chi) and "action" (xing/kō, okonau) in the framework of his major work, "Yamaga's Sayings Grouped [by Subject]" (Yamaga gorui, 1665). Both concepts are at the heart of his practical teachings for the contemporary warrior government. The analysis shows that Sokō draws on various conceptual sources and strategies of argumentation from within and outside of the Confucian tradition. The latter is characterized by a strong concern for the need for normative regulation as a result of the structural transformation of early Tokugawa society. The present study's conceptual approach draws attention to the normative sources of Sokō's political rationality unrecognised in previous research. Thereby, the study contributes to a reevaluation of the conceptual foundations of political thought in the Tokugawa period. In addition, it offers annotated translations of central chapters from Sokō's major work for the first time in a Western language.

ملخص: تُعنى هذه الدراسة بالمقاومة الفلسطينية للهجرة الصهيونية، في أواخر الحكم العثماني، أي منذ عام 1882، حيث اتخذت تلك الهجرة طابع الإقامة والاستيطان، بهدف التأسيس لإقامة الدولة اليهودية وفقاً لروايات التوراة، بغض النظر عن مدى صدقها وإمكانية وأخلاقية تحقيقها على حساب أصحاب الأرض والوطن الأصليين. وهي الهجرة التي استمرت من عام 1882 حتى قيام الحرب العالمية الأولى عام 1914. لقد شارك أبناء المجتمع الفلسطيني في مقاومة الهجرة الصهيونية مستخدمين أساليب نضالية متعددة، حيث تراوحت هذه المقاومة بين التركيز على النضال الجماهيري السياسي والإعلامي، وبين الكفاح المسلح، وخصوصا من قبل سكان الريف الفلسطيني، الذين كانوا أول من تضرروا من الاستيطان وسلب الأراضي. وقد كانت المقاومة الفلسطينية، في البداية، عفوية وغير منظمة، ولكن بعد عام 1909 أخذت شكلا أكثر تنظيماً وتنوعاً وقوة، حيث أُسست جمعيات وأحزاب وصحف هدفها تعبئة الجماهير الفلسطينية وتحذيرها من الخطر الصهيوني، ودفعها لمقاومة الهجرة الصهيونية والاستيطان المتسارع. وأظهرت الدراسة عدة نتائج من أهمها: أن المقاومة الفلسطينية للصهيونية قد جمعت بين المرتكزات الوطنية، والعمقين: القومي والإسلامي، وأن الحركة الصهيونية قد سعت لتعزيز مشروعها وزيادة عدد المهاجرين بالاستعانة بالدول الكبرى. كلمات مفتاحية: المقاومة، الصهيونية، العهد العثماني Abstract: This study explores the Palestinian resistance of Zionist immigration in late Ottoman era since 1882. This immigration has taken forms of residence and settlement in aim to establish Jewish state in accordance to the tales of Torah, regardless of their truthfulness, applicability and ethics on the expense of the land original owners. This immigration lasted from 1882 to WWI in 1914. All Palestinian sectors have taken part in resisting the Zionist immigration using diverse means of struggle. The resistance included mass political and military struggle, mainly rural inhabitants, who were the first harmed people due to settlement of land excavation. Early Palestinian resistance was unplanned but after 1909, it became organized, diverse, and stronger. There were factions, societies and newspapers that aim at orienting and bewaring the Palestinian masses against the Zionist danger pushing them to resist Zionist immigration and escalating settlement. Eventually, the study results include (1) Palestinian resistance has combined national and Islamic pillars and (2) Zionist movement endeavored to expand its project and increase the numbers of immigrants by the help of the superpower countries.

In this paper, I propose that the novels Rosa Cuchillo and La hora azulproject individual processes of mourning in a mythical social order thatlimits itself to reproduce the phantom of the enclosed nation (Ubilluz) asa (seudo) proposal to solve the internal conflict that took place in Perubetween 1980-2000. In Rosa Cuchillo the main character, Rosa Cuchillo,goes through a process of mourning due to the loss of his terrorist son,Liborio, whereas in La hora azul the main character, Adrián Ormache,undergoes a process of mourning due to the crisis of the idealized paternalfigure he had of his dead military father. These individual experiences ofmourning result in an opening to the social order by means of the mythof the eternal return (Debord) in Rosa Cuchillo and the myth of progress(Benjamin) in La hora azul. Located in a mythical time, the social consequencesof the novels become apparent: they reproduce proposals thatdo not question the phantom of the enclosed nation, since Rosa Cuchilloproposes a pachacuti of runas, whereas La hora azul suggests a form oftutelary ethics that maintains the status quo. ; En este artículo, sostenemos que las novelas Rosa Cuchillo y La hora azul proyectan procesos individuales de duelo en un orden social mítico que se limita a reproducir el fantasma de la nación cercada (Ubilluz) como (seudo) propuesta de solución al conflicto armado acontecido en el Perú entre 1980-2000. En Rosa Cuchillo, la protagonista Rosa Cuchillo atraviesa un proceso de duelo por haber perdido a su hijo subversivo, Liborio, mientras que, en La hora azul, el protagonista Adrián Ormache sufre un proceso de duelo a causa de una crisis de la figura paterna idealizada que tenía de su fallecido padre militar. Estas experiencias individuales de duelo tienen como desenlace la apertura al orden social a través del mito del eternoretorno (Debord), en Rosa Cuchillo, y del mito del progreso (Benjamin) en La hora azul. Situados en el tiempo mítico, se hacen tangibles los alcances sociales de las novelas entendidos como una reproducción de propuestas que no cuestionan el fantasma de la nación cercada: Rosa Cuchillo propone un pachacuti de runas, mientras que La hora azul propone una ética tutelar que mantiene el status quo.

Includes bibliographical references ; This doctoral project investigates the use of theatre practice to engage across the'victim'/'perpetrator' binary in the Kashmir valley; a binary that is framed in this project as a tripartite division between Civil Society, Militants/Ex-Militants, and the Indian Armed Forces. Using Primo Levi's (1988) concept of "grey zones" to investigate how narratives from these spaces might be given theatrical form, this thesis utilised six concepts to frame the aesthetic, pedagogic, and ethical principles of a practice-based-research undertaking: Immersive Theatre, Documentary Theatre, devised theatre workshops, affect, situational ethics, and performance auto-ethnography. With one Kashmiri theatre company operating as my central collaborator, the first two phases consisted of devised theatre workshops and performances with Civil Society and Ex-Militants in Kashmir. Exploring instances from these projects through thick description, critical analyses, and auto-ethnographic writing, the grey zones of Civil Society in Kashmir are situated as being within acts of aggression that occur between civilians who are differently privileged, while it is Ex-militants who are discovered as occupying a liminal space when studying narratives of militancy in the region. By contrasting these two phases of practice-based research with the third phase of 'failed' attempts to engage with the Indian Armed Forces, this thesis postulates that the grey zones within the experience of government soldiers might only be accessed by making theatre with cadets at military academies. By drawing out the parallels and disjunctures between the manifestations of the three phases of theatre practice, this project offers outcomes that contribute to scholarship around theatrical interventions in times and places of war. The concluding outcomes are framed by one question: if an outside theatre maker were to create one performance piece that contains cross-community narratives from Kashmir, what ethical, pedagogical, and aesthetic considerations might arise as a result. Amongst the strategies that are put forward to answer this question, there are three outcomes that are particularly significant: a re-articulation of grey zones as existing both between and within each of the three groups; the proposal of a process-based spectatorship when utilising novelty in form and content; a re-framing of the discussion around affect and effect by considering artists' intention and spectators' response vis-à-vis a theatrical creation.

Telah dilakukan penelitian dan pengembangan untuk menghasilkan sebuah model manajemen strategis pembinaan soft skill keprofesionalan Perwira TNI Angkatan Darat. Perwira Pertama (Pama) Angkatan Darat yang ada di lingkungan Kodam I Bukit Barisan ebagai sumber data. Data penelitian diperoleh melalui angket, observasi, wawancara, dokumentasi. Seluruh instrumen yang digunakan divalidasi oleh pakar (promotor) dengan teknik rational jugdment. Data penelitian dianalisis dengan teknik deskriptif kualitatif Model Hipotetik divalidasi internal oleh sejumlah pakar lewat FGD, sedangkan validasi eksternal lewat pemangku kebijakan yaitu sejumlah pimpinan Departemen Pertahan dan Keamanan (Hankam). Aspek-aspek soft skill yang perlu dikembangkan untuk para perwira TNI AD yaitu: (1) etika, (2) kemampuan komunikasi, (3) ketahanan mental dan keuletan, (4) kemampuan bersosiali-sasi, (5) kerjasama dan jiwa korsa, (6) kemampuan memimpin, (7) kepekaan sosial, (8) keberanian mengambil keputusan, melalui sebuah model manajemen pembinaan yang terintegrasi dengan model pembinaan kurikuler. Berdasarkan hasil dan analisis dapat disimpulkan bahwa diperlukan adanya manajemen strategi pembinaan profesionalisme yang menyeimbangkan pemberian materi pembinaan antara kecakapan hard skill dan soft skill secara berkesinambungan, proprosional dan terprogram. Research and development aims to produce a model of strategic management soft skills coaching professionalism the Army officer. As a source of research data are First Officer (Pama) Army in the environment I Bukit Barisan Military Command, which amounted. Data were obtained through questionnaires, observation, interviews, documentation. The entire instrument is used validated by experts (promoters) with rational techniques jugdment. Data were analyzed with descriptive qualitative techniques and data from the model development was analyzed by quantitative descriptive technique. The Hipotetic model is validated internally by a number of experts through focus group discussions (FGD), while the external validation through stakeholders that a number of leaders Department of Defense and Security (Defense and Security). Aspects of soft skills need to be developed for the officers of the army, namely: (1) ethics, (2) communication skills, (3) mental toughness and tenacity, (4) the ability to socialize, (5) and the corps spirit of cooperation, (6 ) the ability to lead, (7) social sensitivity, (8) the courage to make decisions. through an integrated management model development with curricular model. There needed to be a strategy for developing the professionalism of management by balancing the provision of guidance material between hard skills and soft skills skills on an ongoing basis, proportional and programmed.

Abstract Keywords Propaganda, Al-Qur??an, Work Ethics Work ethic in Islam has been exemplified by the apostles and prophets before. When adolescence, Prophet Muhammad was a resilient merchant. Because of his hard effort, the prophet Muhammad??s bussiness was developed. Even when He was formally appointed as an apostle and leader of the people, the spirit of his work was not fading. The issue of governance, economic and military strat- egy were still worked. Nuhh good at making ships, Musa was a shepherd, prophet Sulaiman was an engineer, Prophet Yusuf was an accountant, the prophet Zakaria was a carpenter and the prophet Isa was a physician. If Allah will, the prophets were certainly able to live wallowing in luxury. Here God gives wisdom to the mankind, that the messenger of God was not only call people to worship God, but also for its natural prosperity. Muslims are trapped with the term resigna- tion and qana??ah, which is interpreted as surrender. be grateful for the blessing and good luck obtained. Whereas the essence of Islam actually put the concept of work before trusting upon the creator. This paper reveals how the views of the Qur??an to the spirit of its application at the same work ethic. Abstrak Etos kerja dalam Islam telah dicontohkan oleh rasul dan para nabi sebelumnya. Ketika masa remaja, nabi Muhammad saw adalah seorang pedagang yang ulet. Berkat kerja keras itu usaha dagang nabi Muhammad berkembang. Bahkan ketika resmi diangkat sebagai rasul dan pemimpin umat, semangat kerja beliau tidak luntur. Persoalan pemerintahan, ekonomi hingga strategi militer tetap dikerjakan. Nabi Nuh pandai membuat kapal, nabi Musa seorang pengembala, nabi Sulaiman seorang insiyur, nabi Yusuf seorang akuntan, nabi Zakaria seorang tukang kayu dan nabi Isa seorang tabib. Jika Allah berkehendak, para nabi itu tentu mampu hidup bergelimang kemewahan. Di sini Allah memberikan hikmah kepada manusia, bahwa para utusan Allah itu tidak hanya menyeru manusia untuk menyembah tuhan, tetapi juga untuk memakmurkan alamnya. Seringkali umat Islam terjebak dengan istilah tawakkal dan qana??ah, yang diartikan sebagai berserah, ridha dan bersyukur atas rezeki yang didapat. Padahal esensi Islam justru mendahulukan konsep bekerja sebelum bertawakkal kepada sang pencipta. Tulisan ini menguak bagaimana pandangan al-qur??an terhadap semangat etos kerja sekaligus penerapannya.

We live in a world ruled by liberal democracy. Moreover, it is becoming commonly launched that we have reached the end of politics, as we know it, and are experiencing the beginning of postpolitics. Political life is becoming deprived of its constituents in the name of the technical approach to political processes (postpolitical). Conflict as an immanent part of politics is also becoming a thing of the past, substituted with a win-win type of politics. In our postideological and postpolitical era everyone seems to accept this central consensus. Developing this thesis, the author deliberates on the resilience of a system based on an erroneous, in his opinion, presumption – the presumption of the end of politics and the beginning of the postpolitics, of which the project of deliberative democracy is a striking example. Relating to Mouffe, the author attempts to leverage the corner stone of deliberative democracy – faith in the possibility of disqualifying the essential correlate of democracy, which is inequality, or as Mouffe describes it herself "the element of indetermination". Following the theories of Mouffe, Laclau, Chomsky, or Wallerstein, the author claims that what we really need is a contestation of the status quo, which instead of a radical change of the political system or creating a new system from scratch would consist in creating a deft sewerage system of social frustrations and the ability to manage conflicts. That is exactly what the project of agonistic democracy should serve, in which a Schmittonian oposition of friend/enemy is replaced with an opposition of friend/opponent. The inability to treat political opponents as adversaries, as I substantiate with the example of the military, following Bacevich's terminology, foreign policy of the United States, leads on to the transformation of the language of politics into a language of morality and ethics. And from this point it is not far to the Manichaean visions and managing not politics but a crusade against the evil. The essay does not provide easy answers and the author is far from moralizing. His real aim is to provoke a discussion, an encouragement of critical thinking and search for truth, the truth – as Pinter put it – hidden somewhere in our life. According to the author it is critical, if democracy is to function.