Suchergebnisse

Ethnic war is an asymmetrical military contest for power in which vital interests of the groups are clearly at stake. Wining the war is, therefore, the fundamental objective of the com-batants. Compromise is hard to arrive at in negotiations, so long as the asymmetry of power between the ethnic parties is not altered. Thus, power assumes an important factor in determining the outcome. In this context, finding the linkage between both the war and peace processes, with each influencing the other, this article underscores the relevance of the theory of 'ripeness' to explain the phenomenon of war and peace. Power equivalence may induce a negotiation process as a 'mutually hurting stalemate' creates ripe moments for the end of the war. However, conditions to start negotiations are different from situations under which a negotiated political settlement is reached. Peace accords in ethnic wars are about power-sharing and autonomy. Generally, the focus is on creating new ethnically balanced institutions, while dismantling some of the centralised political structures. Reforming the State, constituting a part of the solution, would mean, to change its ethnic exclusive character and make it more inclusive one. A durable political solution in an ethnic war may spell out a new social and political contract between the warring parties for peace and development.

Examines the potential for peace in Sudan, beginning with some details on IGAD's final push for a settlement & a completed Draft Framework Document. The existence of two distinct armies as well as armed groups in the South stand as security issues. Another key issue is the status of the national capital vis-a-vis whether its subject Islamic or secular law, while a facet of the related intra-Islamist dispute is the reemergence of accountability regarding human rights abuses. Different power-sharing arrangements are briefly described, before touching on the contentious issue of those areas marginalized from the main negotiating process. The peace process requires that an agreement be popularized before the challenge of implementing such an agreement can be taken on. While not controversial at this point in the process, social & economic issues plaguing Sudan are delineated. Rebellion in Darfur continues, & the government's inability to focus on it suggests that a policy of force rather than negotiation will prevail. The ambivalent US stance on the Sudan is noted, & the multilateralist international coalition assisting in the peace process is lauded. It is concluded that the achievement of peace in the Sudan is close, but the last steps toward it may prove the most difficult. J. Zendejas

This autoethnography narrates the story of how I taught the Nonviolent Communication and Peace course to undergraduate students at an urban university in the midst of a densely populated military region in the U.S. I describe what it feels like to be in the peace class from the student and professor's points of view. I invite readers to consider creative options for teaching and learning about peace, including: insight meditation, cultivating peace attitudes/behavior from readings about inspirational peace people, developing nonviolent communication skills, and connecting students with their local world through a personal and creative peace project. Finally, I include reflection questions for those that want to delve deeper into peace. The Nonviolent Communication and Peace course syllabus is available from the author upon request.

The Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF) organized on March 8, 1982, under the slogan "STAR» (Stop The Arms Race), a campaign for peace led by women delegates from all parts of the United States.

Civil society and the power to build peaceful and inclusive societies / by Peter van Tuijl -- Civil society and the 2030 agenda : forging a path to universal sustainable peace through policy formulation / Erin McCandless -- The politics of inclusion : civil society engagement in the new deal / Kristen Wall and Rachel Fairhurst -- Integrating gender into the new deal process / Dewi Suralaga, Mahbouba Seraj and Karen Robinson -- From national security to human security : developing effective partnerships between the UN, regional organizations and civil society / Darynell Rodriguez -- The role of WANEP in crafting peace and security architecture in West Africa / Emmanuel Bombande -- The role of women in regional peace and security : experiences from the Pacific / Sharon Bhagwan-Rolls and Laurel Stone -- Civil society's peacebuilding approach to civil-military-police coordination in security sector reform / Lisa Schirch -- Unlikely partners for conflict transformation : engaging the military as stakeholders for peace in Mindanao / Myla Leguro and Hyunjin Deborah Kwak -- POLSEDE, civil society, and security sector reform in Guatemala / Bernardo Arévalo de Leon and Ana Glenda Táger -- Conclusion : civil society empowerment for human security / David Cortright, Melanie Greenberg, Laurel Stone and Anna Milovanovic.

The December 2001 general elections in Sri Lanka provided the government a clear mandate to bring about a negotiated political solution to the conflict, while safeguarding the country's territorial integrity. The Ceasefire Agreement with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) in February 2002 facilitated a substantive dialogue on a range of issues. A series of well-structured meetings throughout 2002 and 2003 sought to address issues of devolution of power to Muslims of the Eastern Provinces. The 'Triple R' programme—Relief, Rehabilitation and Reconciliation—was initiated in the districts of the North and East. Future progress of the peace process will have to take account of the commitment of the government and the LTTE to evolve a solution based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka. Fears in the South that a federal solution will lead to the disintegration of Sri Lanka must be addressed. The peace process and the final settlement in the future will need to safeguard the rights of Muslim and Sinhala minorities in the North East.

Amer reviews 'Vietnam. Anatomy of Peace' by Gabriel Kolko.

Is preparing for war the best means of preserving peace? In
Sisters in Peace, Kate Laing contends that this question has never been solely
the concern of politicians and strategists. She maps successive generations of
twentieth-century women who were eager to engage in political debate even though
legislative and cultural barriers worked to exclude their voices. In 1915,
during the First World War, the Women's International Congress at The Hague
was convened after alarmed and bereaved women from both sides of the conflict
insisted that their opinions on war and the pathway to peace be heard. From this
gathering emerged the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom
(WILPF), which to this day campaigns against militarism and nuclear weapons. In
Australia, the formation of a section of WILPF connected political women to a
worldwide network that sustained their anti-war activism throughout the last
century. In examining the rise of WILPF in Australia, Sisters in Peace provides
a gendered history of this country's engagement with the politics of
internationalism. This is a history of WILPF women who committed to peace
activism even as Australia's national identity and military allegiances shifted
over time—a history that has until now been an overlooked part of the Australian
peace movement.