Suchergebnisse

La propuesta de Reglamento de normativa común de compraventa europea (CESL) representa la intervención legislativa europea más ambiciosa hasta ahora en el ámbito del Derecho contractual. Para el sistema de Derecho internacional privado de los contratos de consumo el CESL introduce nuevos elementos a través de normas especiales para los supuestos internacionales de consumo y un cambio significativo en el paradigma tradicional seguido por el art. 6 Roma I, que no obstante encuentran justificación en el nivel de protección elevado del consumidor que ofrece el CESL y en los cambios económicos, sociales y tecnológicos que vive Europa. El presente estudio tiene por objeto revisar los términos de aplicabilidad del CESL a los contratos de consumo, prestando especial atención al régimen especial que prevé la propuesta de Reglamento para la selección del instrumento opcional. El análisis permite advertir que la propuesta lanzada no llega a cumplir del todo los objetivos perseguidos, y que algunos aspectos relacionados con su aplicabilidad a los contratos de consumo pueden ser mejorados. ; The Common European Sales Law Draft Regulation (CESL) is the most ambitious European legislative intervention to date in the field of contract law. CESL introduces new elements into the consumer contract international private law system by means of special legal provisions regarding international consumer contracts and by giving the traditional paradigm followed by art. 6 Rome I Regulation a significant shift, safeguarded by the enhanced level of consumer protection offered by CESL and triggered by all the social, economic and technological changes Europe is facing nowadays. This paper aims at revising CESL´s terms of applicability insofar as consumer contracts are concerned, paying due attention to the special regime the Proposal for a CESL advances for the selection of the optional instrument. Its analysis prompts a due warning that the proposal fails to reach all its objectives, and that certain aspects related to its applicability to consumer contracts can be improved.

Yüksek Lisans Tezi ; Kuvvet kullanılmasını içeren orantılı karşı tedbirlere ülke dışında da başvurulabileceğine ilişkin iddiaları BM Antlaşması md. 51 temelinde meşrulaştırmaya çalışan iddialar, teoride olmasa bile uygulamada artan şekilde uluslararası toplum tarafından kabul görmektedir. Doktrinel bakış açısından, böyle bir yaklaşım, elbette BM Antlaşması md. 2/4 tarafından güvence altına alınan "bir devletin ülkesel bütünlük hakkı" ile diğer devletin md. 51'de korunan Meşru müdafaa hakkı arasında bir çatışmayı da beraberinde getirmektedir. BM Antlaşması md. 51'de düzenlenen meşru müdafaa hakkı, kuvvvet kullanma yasağının tek istisnası olarak, bir silahlı saldırıya karşı düzenlenmiştir. Md. 51'de meşru müdafaa hakkından doğal bir hak olarak söz edilmesi, BM Antlaşması'ndan hemen önce örf ve adet hukukundaki meşru müdafaa hakkının saklı tutulduğu anlamına gelmez. Bush Doktrini'nin önleyici meşru müdafaa hakkının hukuka uygunluğunu iddia ederken geleneksel "gereklilik"kriterini esnetmesidir. Bir başka ifade ile uluslararası hukukun öteden beri "vukuu muhakkak"bir silahlı saldırı tehdidine karşı önleyici meşru müdafaa hakkını tanıdığını iddia eden ve yapılması gerekenin "vukuu muhakkak tehdit" kavramını terör eylemlerine, kitle imha silahlarına güvenen haydut devletler ve teröristler gözönünde bulundurularak yeniden yorumlamak olduğunu belirten Bush Doktrini açısından sadece bir saldırı varsayımı, potansiyel bir tehdit, bir risk, "silahlı saldırı" teşkil etmektedir. BM Genel Kurulu'nun İsrail temsilcileri, Güvenlik Konseyi'nde, devamlı olarak ülkesinin yakın bir saldırı tehlikesine maruz kaldığını ve İsrail'in de önleyici meşru müdafaa hakkı'nı kullandığını iddia etmiştir. Bu tez çalışmasında; Birinci bölümde meşru müdafaa hakkı, kuvvet kullanma yasağı, saldırı suçunun tanımı, tarihçesi ve BM belgelerinde kuvvet kullanma yasağı ve meşru müdafaa hakkı; İkinci bölümde 2006 yılındaki İsrail ve Lübnan çatışmasının menşeine ilişkin bulgular, terörün tanımı, tarihçesi, kuvvet kullanma yasağında ve meşru müdafaa hakkındaki rolü, İsrail-Lübnan çatışması'nın kuvvet kullanma yasağı ve meşru müdafaa hakkı çerçevesinde değerlendirilmesi; Üçüncü bölümde Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde Türkiye-İsrail ilişkileri, Türkiye-Lübnan ilişkileri ve Türkiye'nin İsrail-Lübnan çatışmasındaki tutumu incelenmiştir. Anahtar Kelimeler: kuvvet kullanma yasağı, meşru müdafaa, saldırı suçu, İsrail, Lübnan. ; The claims trying to legitimate the claims, which are related to the fact that commensurate counter measures including using force can also be applied abroad on the basis of article 51 of United Nations Treaty, find acceptance by the society not in theory but increasingly in application. From the doctrinaire point of view, such an approach definitely brings about a conflict between the right of territorial unity of a nation which is secured by the article 2/4 of the United Nations Treaty and the right of self defense of another nation preserved in the article 51. The right of self defense arranged in the article of the United Nations Treaty has been arranged considering an armed attack as the only exception of prohibition of using force. The fact that the right of self defense is mentioned as a natural right in the article 51 does not mean that the right of self defense in the Common Law is preserved just before United Nations Treaty. It means that Bush Doctrine stretches traditional necessity criterion while it claims that the right of preventive self defense is lawful. In other words, just an assumption of an attack is seen as a potential threat, a risk, and an armed attack in terms of Bush Doctrine which claims that International Law has approved the preventive self defense against a certain armed attack threat for a long time, and emphasizes that the necessary thing to do is reinterpreting certain threat decision considering rogue states, and terrorists relying on Weapons of Mass Destruction. In the Security Council, Israel representatives of the United Nations General Assembly claim that their country is continuously exposed to a close attack and Israel has the right of preventive self defense. In the first part of this study; the right of self defense, prohibition of using force, definition and history of attack crime, prohibition of using force and the right of self defense in the documents of the United Nations ; In the second part of the study; findings about the origin of the disagreement between in 2006 Israel and Lebanon, definition, history, and the role of terror in the prohibition of using force and in the right of self defense, and evaluation of the disagreement between Israel and Lebanon in accordance with the right of self defense; In the third part of the study; the relations between Turkey and Israel, the relations of Turkey and Lebanon in the period of (AKP) Justice and Development Party, and also the attitude of Turkey towards the disagreement between Israel and Lebanon have been examined. Key Words: Prohibition of using force, self defense, attack crime, Israel, Lebanon

Introduction: Thickening the Web of Asian Security Cooperation -- Japan: Strengthening Defense Cooperation to Reinforce Region Order in the Shadow of a Rising China -- The Republic of Korea: Middle Power Diplomacy, "Asia's Paradox" Spur Expanding Defense Cooperation Under Constraints -- India: From Nonalignment to Engagement with Strategic Autonomy -- Australia: Expanding Defense Cooperation amid Alliance Dependency -- Indonesia: Growing Defense Cooperation in a Period of Transition -- Vietnam: Seeking Partners Through Omnidirectional Engagement -- The Philippines: Modernization with a More Diverse Set of Partners -- Conclusions: The Future of a Densely Networked Indo-Pacific Defense Community.

This is a series of solicited articles requested by the editors of Vol. 51, emerging from a roundtable discussion held at the 2022 International Studies Association Convention. Each short contribution seeks to demonstrate the newest research of the English School of International Relations. These contributions tackle key questions including: the decline of liberal hegemony, the rise of China, the divide between soldaristic and pluralistic ethics, the engagement of the English School with Area Studies, theoretical approaches to grounding English School research and an investigation of the English School's intellectual legacy.

During his presidential campaign, Donald Trump unsettled the governments of Japan and South Korea by suggesting they should develop their own nuclear weapons to defend against the missile threat from North Korea. When Pyongyang announced the launch of four missiles towards the island of Guam, a US territory in the West Pacific, President Trump demanded North Korea stop issuing threats against the US or "they will be met with fire and fury". Instead of bellicose rhetoric, however, diplomacy is needed to bring about de-escalation and dialogue with North Korean leader Kim Jongun. Pyongyang has made significant advancements in its nuclear and missile weapons programmes. Washington is now faced with the quandary of how to react to the growing threat both to its allies and to its own territory. None of the policy options available to the US and its allies in the Asia-Pacific region seem promising and can, at best, only be successful in the long term. (author's abstract)

"How effective are democracy clauses of regional integration organizations (RIOs) in promoting democratization and democratic consolidation among member-states? RIOs are increasingly adopting "democracy only" clauses in their treaties, requiring democracy and political stability as a condition of membership. Stable democracy is a collective good for RIO members; without political stability, uncertainty regarding economic exchange increases, undermining the promise of integration. The presence of powerful countries may be necessary for the RIOs to legalize democratic conditionality. In this book, the authors argue that once established democracy clauses exert an independent influence in promoting and defending democratic norms and institutions within the member-states by increasing the transparency and credibility of democratic commitment and sanctions for violation. The findings based on the analysis of 40 RIOs around the world and in-depth analysis of the European Union, the Common Market of the South, and the Economic Community of West African States indicate that RIO democracy clauses help prevent democratic backsliding and coups and stimulate democratization and consolidation. With its global scope, originality, and theoretical rigor, this is the first book to catalogue democracy clauses adopted by RIOs worldwide with a thorough analysis of their effectiveness"--