Suchergebnisse

Some scholars of social policy claim that the traditional post war Keynesian Welfare State has been transformed towards a Schumpeterian Workfare State (Jessop 1994, Tor-fing 1999a). Others conceptualise welfare state reform as transformation towards an Enabling (Gilbert/Gilbert 1989), Activating (OECD 1990, Bandemer 2001, Mezger 2000) or Co-operative State (Schmid 1996). All these concepts have in common to be rather normative: While the `Workfare´ thesis underlines a negative scenario of enforced commodification of welfare state clients, authors proclaiming an activating, enabling or co-operative welfare state highlight the preventive and emancipatory aspects of new welfare state policies. With reference to this controversy the author of the present paper, however, argues that the workfare and the enabling state are not alternative paths of development, but mutually constitutive concepts of welfare state transformation. Evidence for this argument is given by a comparison of activating labour market policies in most divergent Western European welfare states like Denmark, the UK and Germany.Empirical findings indeed confirm that all countries implement a mix of workfare and enabling elements although displaying major variations due to different historical social policy paths. General characteristics of policy transformation are changing forms of governance. These include the reduction of welfare state protection by financial transfers and the increase of social and educational services. The introduction of contractual regulation puts forward individualisation and self responsibility, but also co-operation and co-production between the state and the individual. Seeking clients´ compliance, however, the state also increases sanctions and coercion. As a result of the reforms an increasing influence of the state on the individuals living conduct is noticed. ; Einige Sozialpolitikforscher proklamieren, dass sich der traditionelle keynesianische Wohlfahrtsstaat der Nachkriegsära zu einem Schumpeterianischen Workfare-Staat wandelt. Andere skizzieren eine Veränderung hin zum befähigenden, aktivierenden oder kooperativen Staat. Allen diese Konzeptionen sind vergleichsweise normativ: Während die Workfare-These ein negatives Szenario des zunehmenden Arbeitszwangs für Wohlfahrtsstaatsklienten betont, werden von den Protagonisten eines aktivierenden, befähigenden oder kooperativen Wohlfahrtsstaates die präventiven und emanzipatorischen Aspekte neuer wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Politik betont. Mit Bezug zu dieser Kontroverse betont die Autorin des vorliegenden Arbeitspapiers, dass es sich bei den Konzeptionen des Workfare-State und des befähigenden Wohlfahrtsstaates nicht um alternative Entwicklungsszenarien handelt, sondern um sich gegenseitig ergänzende Aspekte wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Transformation. Dies wird anhand eines Vergleichs aktivierender Arbeitsmarktpolitik in stark unterschiedlich geprägten westlichen Wohlfahrtsstaaten wie Dänemark, Großbritannien und Deutschland begründet.Die empirischen Ergebnisse bestätigen, dass in allen genannten Ländern ein Mix aus Arbeitszwang und befähigenden Politiken implementiert wird, der sich jedoch je nach historischem Entwicklungspfad der Sozialpolitik unterscheidet. Generelles Kennzeichen der Politiktransformation ist der Wandel von Governance. Dies schließt die Rücknahme wohlfahrtsstaatlicher Sicherung durch den Rückbau finanzieller Transfers und den Ausbau sozialer und bildungsbezogener Dienstleistungen ein. Die Einführung von Kontrakten geht mit der Individualisierung von Leistungen und der Zunahme von Selbstverantwortung der Individuen einher, aber auch mit der Zunahme von Kooperation und Koproduktion zwischen Staat und Individuum. Um die aktive Beteiligung der Sozialstaatsklienten sicherzustellen, nehmen jedoch ebenso sozialstaatlicher Zwang und Sanktionen zu. Als Ergebnis der Reformen ist daher ein zunehmender Einfluss des Sozialstaates auf die individuelle Lebensführung festzustellen.

İnönü University Journal of the Faculty of Education Vol 17, No 2, 2016. ; In Turkey, one of the objectives of elementary eighth grade is to equip students with basic democratic citizenship skills by means of the citizenship and democracy education course. This study aims to understand social studies teachers' and students' perception of citizenship and democracy education. The participants of this phenomenological study were 10 social studies teachers and 15 eighth graders who were selected through criterion sampling. The data for the study were gathered with participant observations in the citizenship and democracy education lessons of two of the teachers and semi-structured interviews, and analysed thematically. The study revealed that this course was not sufficiently emphasized in the elementary curriculum, its content was not enough to equip students with citizenship skills, the necessary importance was not attributed to the course, and the satisfaction levels of the teachers and students were low. Based on the results of the study, it can be suggested that this course should be included as a separate course at each grade level in elementary curriculum, its content should be renewed based on citizenship skills, students' interests and readiness levels, student-centered teaching approaches should be adopted, and teachers should be informed about citizenship and democracy education in pre- and in-service period.

Angesichts der stark gestiegenen Zahl politischer Parteien in Kenia untersucht das Institute for Education in Democracy das Parteiensystem, die Entwicklung der Parteien, ihre Programmatik, ihre Ziele und ihre Organisations- und Führungsstrukturen. Der Fokus ist, ob und wie die Parteien Demokratie verwirklichen wollen und innerparteilich verwirklichen. Ein eigenes Kapitel behandelt die Partizipation von Frauen in den Parteien. (DÜI-Sbd)

The PDF of this file is 1,456 kbytes in size and therefore will take a long time to download if you click on the PDF link below. If you would like the file to be sent to you by email, please send a request to info@nepjol.info. Please include the citation below in your request. DOI: 10.3126/opsa.v3i0.1075Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology Vol.3 1993 p.47-57

Scholars have suggested that corruption could serve as a substitute for property-protecting institutions in developing countries, but very few empirical studies have been conducted to test this theory. Most existing studies on the determinants of corruption are cross-national, rely on perception-based measures, and focus on economic development, regime type, and market structure as explanatory variables. Little is known about why corruption occurs in an authoritarian state at the micro level. We theorize bribery as a bargaining process between a firm and a rent-maximizing public official, and we assume that graft-paying firms face different sets of rules and regulations, which govern firms' costs and benefits of bribing. We test the hypothesis that firms' bribes are determined by the rigor of their internal auditing control and the quality of property-protecting institutions. We use entertainment and travel costs directly observed in a large-scale firm-level survey in China as a proxy for corruption. Our study implies that firms operating in a weak property rights regime rely on political connections as a substitute for formal legal protection. The findings shed light on the literature on property rights, corruption, and East Asian development. Adapted from the source document.

In the State of New Jersey, any child between the age of five and eighteen has the constitutional right to a thorough and efficient education. The State of New Jersey also has one of the country's most rigid policies regarding a balanced budget come fiscal end. When state and local revenues took a big hit in the most recent recession, officials had to make tough decisions about education spending. This paper exploits rich panel data and trend-shift analysis to analyze how school finances in the Abbott and Bacon School Districts, as well as the high-poverty districts in general, were affected during the Great Recession and the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA) federal stimulus period. For these groups of districts, the debate over the meaning of thorough and efficient has become a perennial courtroom discussion. Our analysis shows downward shifts in revenue and expenditure per pupil during the post-recession era in all three groups of districts. However, the Abbott Districts showed the sharpest declines in both revenue and expenditure relative to preexisting trends. Of importance, the Abbott Districts were the only group in our analysis to show statistically significant negative shifts in instructional expenditure (the expenditure category most closely related to student learning), even with the federal stimulus. Declines in noninstructional categories were also the most prominent in the Abbott Districts. With comparably less declines in state and federal aid, the Bacon Districts maintained spending across the board at higher levels than the other groups. Given the unique role of the Abbott and Bacon Districts in the history of New Jersey education policy, the findings of this paper contribute valuable insight regarding the experience of these high-poverty districts during recessions.

The rise of authoritarianism and exclusionary nationalism has shown a critical need to teach students how to build, maintain and participate in democratic communities. This requires students to understand how authoritarianism and nationalism exclude people and perspectives in communities. While inclusionary nationalism can create an identity that unites people, we focus upon the divisive form of nationalism that is exclusionary. This article first describes the context for critical education for democracy in the face of authoritarianism and nationalism. We follow with a conceptual analysis of critical education for democracy. This involves the ways that students can identify antidemocratic discourses in order to promote democratic discourses. The model that we present relies upon student discourse analysis and elements of greeting, rhetoric and narrative for increasing inclusion in democratic communities. We conclude with illustrations of classroom inquiries, discussions and deliberations that can build student understanding of authoritarianism, nationalism and democracy.

ESOL (English for Speakers of Other Languages) provision for asylum seekers and refugees in Scotland is distinctive within the UK. The Scottish Government waives ESOL fees for asylum seekers, meaning that ESOL provision is not formally restricted according to immigration status. The ESOL environment in Scotland is currently characterised by complexity. ESOL providers include: colleges, local authorities, ALEOs, the third sector and community organisations. ESOL courses are both accredited and non-accredited, run across a range of competencies, for speakers of other languages of all immigration statuses. Funding for ESOL is channelled through a variety of routes, including through the Scottish Funding Council, the Vulnerable Person's Resettlement Scheme (VPRS), local authority Community Learning and Development funds and NGO funders. Funding routes can be variable, but each contains specific requirements for ESOL provision and shapes (a) how courses are delivered and (b) who can attend. Recent changes to the funding pathways for Scottish Funding Council resources has (a) redirected the responsibility for funding distribution from Community Planning Partnerships to colleges and (b) sought to increase oversight for resources by emphasising accredited learning. GLIMER research suggests that these changes may negatively impact learning opportunities and experiences for displaced migrants. Though ESOL delivery receives some direction from the Scottish Government's ESOL Strategy, current governance infrastructures are both strongly localised and subject to centralising forces. Localised approaches are influenced by the immigration pathways of their learners, the dynamics between college and community provision and the local environment. Experiences of ESOL provision in the urban site of Glasgow differs significantly from that in remote and rural areas participating in the Resettlement Scheme. There is currently a disconnect between Scottish Funding Council ESOL resourcing and the requirements of local areas ...