Suchergebnisse

En el año 2011, las protestas en la ciudad minera de Calama marcaron un hito en la historia de los movimientos chilenos de protesta territorial. Al exigir autonomía, 5% de las utilidades generadas por el cobre (la recuperación de los royalties regionales alcanzados entre 1955 y 1973 luego derogadas en la dictadura militar), y la nacionalización de los recursos, el movimiento social de Calama se diferencia de otras acciones colectivas locales y regionales ligadas a fenómenos de representación contenciosa y nimby ("no en mipatio trasero"); todas ellas acciones motivadas por razones económicas puntuales, en contra de las externalidades negativas ambientales o construidas sobre el peticionismo al Estado. El presente artículo es un estudio de caso sobre el movimiento de Calama en el que se reflexiona en torno a tres elementos: la presencia de un liderazgo personalista; la existencia de dos identidades históricas: minera y atacameña; y el desarrollo de mecanismos de agregación y solidaridad.

Was ist aus Martin Luther Kings Vision von einem Amerika der Gleichheit, Gerechtigkeit und Selbstbestimmung geworden? Fünfzig Jahre später haben die USA einerseits ihren ersten afroamerikanischen Präsidenten gewählt, andererseits ist die Alltagserfahrung von Afroamerikaner*innen nach wie vor von Polizei-Brutalität, Ausgrenzung und Rassismus geprägt.Die Beiträger*innen gehen den Spuren nach, welche die Bürgerrechtsbewegung in den USA hinterlassen hat, und fragen, was Rassismus heute bedeutet. Die kultur- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Artikel stellen zudem aktuelle Organisationsformen und Strategien von politischer Partizipation, Protest und Widerstand vor.

[ES] La presente investigación pretende estudiar la Campaña Pobreza Cero impulsada por la Coordinadora Valenciana de ONGDs, y trata de analizar cómo influye el discurso y el repertorio de acciones realizadas, a lo largo de los años, sobre su capacidad de movilización de la base social de las organizaciones adheridas a la campaña. El planteamiento del estudio se justifica ante la percepción del grupo de coordinación de la Plataforma Pobreza Cero Valencia de la escasa movilización hacia su base social y sectores significativos de la población valenciana, que se viene perpetuando durante algunos años. Este hecho, junto con el repertorio de acciones que viene realizando la campaña en los últimos años, produciendo demandas al sistema político muy centradas en la financiación de las propias ONGDs y a su vez participando con los actores institucionales para resolver dichas demandas, da lugar a plantear la cuestión acerca de si estamos ante un movimiento social o un grupo de interés. ; [EN] This research aims to study the campaign: Pobreza Cero driven by the coordinator of valencian NGOs, and analyze how affect the speech and actions made over the years about their ability to mobilize the organizations, what participate in the campaign. The approach is justified by the perception of the group of coordination of the platform Pobreza Cero Valencia of poor social mobilization of their social base and significant sections of the valencia population, which has been perpetuated for some years. This fact, along with the actions being done by the campaign in recent years, producing demands to the political system very focused on the funding of the NGOs and in turn participate like a institutional actors to resolve these demands, leads to propound the question about if this is a social movement o ; Soven Larios, C. (2013). Campaña pobreza cero: discurso y acciones en un contexto de transformación. Estudio de caso en Valencia. Universitat Politècnica de València. http://hdl.handle.net/10251/37143 ; Archivo delegado

O trabalho objetiva analisar o cenário do associativismo civil na América Latina, destacando seus movimentos sociais e as interpretações teóricas que têm sido realizadas sobre eles, tomando como ponto de vista algumas categorias utilizadas e as teorias que lhes dão suporte. O texto parte de uma breve caracterização do cenário latino-americano, segundo seus principais movimentos sociais, destacando-se algumas das alterações que vêm ocorrendo a partir do desenvolvimento de políticas públicas voltadas para o social, em parceria com a sociedade civil organizada. Apresentam-se teorias e teóricos que têm pesquisando sobre os movimentos sociais na América Latina e analisam-se duas categorias teóricas bastante utilizadas na atualidade: rede e mobilização social. O texto conclui com a seguinte observação: há um novo cenário no associativismo civil, e o leque de teorias e interpretações é diverso. Entretanto, políticas de identidade têm sido construídas para "incluir" grupos e associações, mobilizadas por governos via políticas públicas. Categorias operacionais de intervenção social na realidade vêm sendo ressignificadas nos marcos de uma política de inclusão conservadora, gerando novas leituras e interpretações teóricas sobre a realidade social. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: movimentos sociais, teorias, associativismo, redes e mobilização social.THEORETICAL APPROACHES TO THE STUDY OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS IN LATIN AMERICA Maria da Glória Gohn This paper aims to analyze the scene of civil associativism in Latin America, pointing out its social movements and the theoretical interpretations that have been made about them, taking as its point of view some categories and the theories that give them support. The text begins with a brief characterization of the Latin-American scene, according to its main social movements, pointing out some of the alterations that are happening starting from the development of public policy aimed at the social development, in partnership with the organized civil society. Theories and theoreticians that have researched the social movements in Latin America are presented and two theoretical categories quite used at the present time are analyzed: networks and social mobilization. The text ends with the following observation: there is a new scene in the civil associativism and the scope of its theories and interpretations is diverse. However, identity policies have been built to "include" groups and associations, mobilized by governments through public policies. Operational categories of social intervention are actually being ressignified as the cornerstones of a conservative policy of inclusion, generating new readings and theoretical interpretations about social reality. KEYWORDS: social movements, theories, associativism, networks and social mobilization.LES APPROCHES THÉORIQUES DANS L'ÉTUDE DES MOUVEMENTS SOCIAUX EM AMÉRIQUE LATINE Maria da Glória Gohn L'objectif de ce travail est d'analyser le scénario de l'associativisme en Amérique Latine. On y met en évidence les mouvements sociaux et les interprétations théoriques qui ont été faites à son propos, à partir de catégories spécifiques utilisées et des théories qui leur servent de support. L'analyse commence par une brève caractérisation du scénario latino-américain, en fonction de ses principaux mouvements sociaux, où l'on montre plus clairement certains changements dus au développement de politiques publiques dans le domaine social, en partenariat avec la société civile organisée. On y présente des théories et des théoriciens ayant fait des recherches sur les mouvements sociaux en Amérique Latine et on y analyse deux catégories théoriques très utilisées actuellement: réseau et mobilisation sociale. Ce travail en arrive à la conclusion suivante: il existe un nouveau scénario au sein de l'associativisme civil et l'éventail des théories et des interprétations est varié. Toutefois des politiques d'identité ont été élaborées par les gouvernements au travers de politiques publiques pour "inclure" les groupes et les associations. Des catégories opérationnelles d'intervention sociale sur la réalité ont été re-signifiées selon les critères d'une politique d'inclusion conservatrice, permettant de nouvelles lectures et interprétations théoriques de la réalité sociale. MOTS-CLÉS: mouvements sociaux, théories, associativisme, réseaux et mobilisation sociale. Publicação Online do Caderno CRH: http://www.cadernocrh.ufba.br

Business and conglomerates have never been an isolated entity as the entrepreneurs or the businessmen have always maintained a consistency in the internal and external management and also properly follow-up the movement that use to take place in the external business environment such as consumers, communities, stakeholders, shareholders, and by-laws. Gradually, with the passage of time in last three decades the changes that took place in the Indian cultural norms of corporations had brought forward the concept of corporate social responsibility (CSR) referring to bring about overall positive impact of corporations on the communities, societies, and environments in which they operate. The term CSR became popular in the 1960s and narrowly construed. It had remained a term used indiscriminately by many to cover legal and moral responsibility but in the present scenario, it has been used in a broader way. CSR promotes a vision of business accountability to a wide range of stakeholders, besides shareholders and investors. Key areas of concern are environmental protection and the wellbeing of employees, the community, civil society in general, customers, employees, investors, suppliers, and activist organizations both now and in the future. This article is exclusively based on secondary data and presents an in-depth conceptual framework of the CSR, major provisions and guidelines encrypted by the Ministry of Corporate Affairs, Government of India. Further, the fundamental principle, core elements and its role in nation development are discussed briefl y for the better understanding of the reader.

El objetivo de la tesis fue comprender cómo se producen mayores niveles de Democratización a través de períodos de conflicto durante la historia de Chile. Para alcanzar el objetivo se definieron tres períodos de conflicto (1848-1851/1918-1925/2006/2016) durante los cuales existieron demandas democratizadoras. Estos períodos se revisaron a través de fuentes primarias (prensa de época) e investigaciones históricas buscando reconocer cómo se habían producido las demandas, los esquemas de fuerza entre distintos sectores, cuáles era el contexto político, social y las relaciones que daban pie a las demandas, entre otros aspectos. La investigación utilizó un enfoque cualitativo; a través del análisis de caso y de contenido se buscó reconocer similitudes y diferencias entre los diferentes períodos identificados. A nivel de marco de análisis el trabajo se basó en los aportes teóricos sobre modernidad de Peter Wagner, sobre historia y filosofía política de Antoni Dòmenech, sobre historia y conflicto de E.P. Thompson y sobre conflicto social de Axel Honneth.

Abstract: Islamic fundamentalism has often been accused as a source of conflict so that it should be ended immediately. And the radical movement should put forward a complete understanding of diverse religions. Likewise, in every movement, it is necessary to keep the political and economic interests away from religion, because such factors triggers inter-religious conflict. The brutal act by a group of people who claims the most righteous by displaying the most sinister and frightening face of Islam, is really far from Islamic values. Islam is rahmatan lil 'alamin, especially towards fellow Muslims who believe in the truth of Islam based on the Koran and the Sunnah as the main and first source of Islamic teachings. If this motto is implemented seriously, the conflicts that have occurred will not be repeated. In its further development, fundamentalism undergoes a change, a shift, and is further away from its origin. The discussion of fundamentalism today is more associated with a negative impression that Islam is a religion of violence, anti-progress and establishment, conservative, antiWestern, and always takes violence to achieve its goals. This labeling and stigmatization of course has greatly marginalized Islam in international relations. This kind of stigmatization can be understood by Muslims so that they also hold counters in various ways, including counter discourse. However, the efforts made by Muslims have not been able to change the world view of Islam, especially the Western world. Islam to this day is still perceived as a violent religion. امللخص: كام يتم التعبري عنها يف كثري من األحيان يف شكل اتهامات ، بأن األصولية اإلسالمية مصدر للرصاع ويجب إنهاؤها عىل الفور. ويجب أن تعزز حركة الراديكالية الفهم الكامل ملختلف األديان. وباملثل يف كل حركة ، يجب إبعاد املحتوى السيايس واالقتصادي عن التنوع ، ألن هذا عامل يثري الرصاع باسم الدين. إن العمل الوحيش ملجموعة من األشخاص الذين يشعرون باألمان ويشعرون بالصالح من خالل إظهار الوجه األكرث رشاً وخوفاً لإلسالم بعيد كل البعد عن القيم اإلسالمية. اإلسالم هو رحمة لألمني ، وخاصة تجاه إخوانهم املسلمني الذين يؤمنون بحقيقة اإلسالم عىل أساس القرآن والسنة باعتبارها املصدر الرئييس واألول للتعاليم اإلسالمية. إذا تم طرح هذا ، فلن تتكرر النزاعات التي حدثت. يف التطورات الالحقة ، شهدت األصولية تغيريات وتحوالت وأبعدت عن أصلها. إن مناقشة األصولية يف الوقت الحايل مرتبطة أكرث باإلسالم بانطباع سلبي بأن اإلسالم دين عنيف ومعاد للتقدم ومؤسس ومحافظ ومعاد للغرب ويتخذ العنف دامئًا لتحقيق أهدافه. وبالطبع فإن هذا ً التوسيم والوصم يهمش اإلسالم حقا يف العالقات الدولية. ميكن للمسلمني أن يفهموا ويفهموا هذا النوع من الوصم حتى يتصدوا لها بطرق مختلفة ، مبا يف ذلك الخطاب املضاد. إال أن الجهود التي يبذلها املسلمون مل تكن قادرة عىل تغيري نظرة العامل اإلسالمي ، وخاصة ُنظر إىل اإلسالم عىل أنه دين عنف. العامل الغريب. حتى اآلن ، ال يزال يAbstrak: Seperti yang sering diungkapkan dalam bentuk tudingan, bahwa fundamentalisme Islam merupakan sumber konflik sehingga harus segera diakhiri. Dan gerakan radikalisme harus mengedepankan pemahaman yang utuh tentang beragam agama. Begitu pula dalam setiap gerakan, muatan politik dan ekonomi perlu dijauhkan dari keberagaman, karena inilah faktor yang memicu terjadinya konflik yang mengatasnamakan agama. Tindakan brutal sekelompok orang yang merasa paling aman dan merasa paling benar dengan menampilkan wajah Islam yang paling seram dan menakutkan, sungguh jauh dari nilai-nilai Islam. Islam adalah rahmatan lil 'alamin, terutama terhadap sesama umat Islam yang meyakini kebenaran Islam berdasarkan Alquran dan Sunnah sebagai sumber utama dan pertama ajaran Islam. Jika ini dikedepankan maka konflik yang telah terjadi tidak akan terulang kembali. Dalam perkembangan selanjutnya, fundamentalisme mengalami perubahan, pergeseran, dan semakin jauh dari asalnya. Pembahasan fundamentalisme saat ini lebih banyak dikaitkan dengan Islam dengan kesan negatif bahwa Islam adalah agama yang kekerasan, anti kemajuan dan kemapanan, konservatif, anti Barat, dan selalu mengambil kekerasan untuk mencapai tujuannya. Pelabelan dan stigmatisasi ini tentu saja sangat memarjinalkan Islam dalam hubungan internasional. Stigmatisasi semacam ini dapat dipahami dan dipahami oleh umat Islam sehingga mereka pun mengadakan tandingan dengan berbagai cara, termasuk tandingan wacana. Namun upaya yang dilakukan oleh umat Islam belum mampu mengubah pandangan dunia Islam, khususnya dunia Barat. Islam hingga saat ini masih dipersepsikan sebagai agama kekerasan.

"This book rethinks and transforms the current discourse on globalization and global justice. It expands the idea of globalization from an economic or corporate context to mean humanization and planetary realizations - moving beyond the boundaries of nation-states and other human-made demarcations. The author challenges the notion of human primacy and makes a fervent call to reconfigure the paradigm of anthropocentrism. Through a careful study of movements for justice and inter-faith dialogue from across the world, the book makes a unique contribution to the emerging study of global responsibility. It also helps us overcome our current civilizational crises and cultivate a new civilization of planetary care and co-responsibility. Part of the Ethics, Human Rights and Global Political Thought series, the volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of law and society, especially social movements, political theory and philosophy"--

During the last two years, social democratic parties have been elected to government in Britain, France, and Germany. They now control government on their own, or in coalition with other left-leaning parties, in thirteen of the fifteen states of the European Union. Political scientist Peter Russell has brought together ten former leaders of social democratic parties and governments from North America, Central America, Europe, Australia, and New Zealand to express their views on the agenda of social democracy for the next century. Whatever the trends in political fortune, one thing remains consistent: the left's capacity for critical self-reflection. With realistic optimism the essayists pose tough questions about the existing market economy and the movement towards globalization. They challenge neoliberalism's absolute faith in market solutions and present a strong case for humane public intervention to ensure that increases in wealth are directed to fulfilling the highest potential for all humankind. This book should prove stimulating for readers of all political faiths

AbstractThis article asks two related questions. First, to what extent has internet activism shaped social protest in Malaysia from the late 1990s to the present? Second, what can the history of internet activism and social protest in Malaysia tell us, if anything, about the 2011 global wave of protests? To address these questions I distinguish three key moments in Malaysia's eventful history of internet activism and social protest, namely the 1998-1999 reformasi movement, the electoral 'tsunami' of 2008 (in which the ruling coalition lost its two-thirds majority), and the Bersih 2.0 rallies of 2011. I argue that Bersih 2.0 is best explained as both the latest episode in a series of uniquely Malaysian techno-political events and as a local variant of the global wave of protests of 2011 – a wave in which hackers, online journalists, and technology lawyers, as well as ordinary citizens using digital media, played an important part. The article ends with a summary and with suggestions for further research.

"Slavery Obscured aims to assess how the slave trade affected the social life and cultural outlook of the citizens of a major English city, and contends that its impact was more profound than has previously been acknowledged. Based on original research in archives in Britain and America, this title builds on scholarship in the economic history of the slave trade to ask questions about the way slave-derived wealth underpinned the city of Bristol's urban development and its growing gentility. How much did Bristol's Georgian renaissance owe to such wealth? Who were the major players and beneficiaries of the African and West Indian trades? How, in an ever-changing historical environment, were enslaved Africans represented in the city's press, theatre and political discourse? What do previously unexplored religious, legal and private records tell us about the black presence in Bristol or about the attitudes of white seamen, colonists and merchants towards slavery and race? What role did white women and artisans play in Bristol's anti-slavery movement? Combining a historical and anthropological approach, Slavery Obscured, seeks to shed new light on the contradictory and complex history of an English slaving port and to prompt new ways of looking at British national identity, race and history."--Bloomsbury Publishing

Presented is a review article which is partly descriptive & partly policy oriented. The descriptive part provides an examination of the Spro-Cas study projects sponsored by the South African Council of Churches & the Christian Instit. A review of the material compiled & processed in the several study projects is discussed with an assessment of some of the arguments advanced to support the basic philosophy of the Instit, eg, radical changes must be effected in South African society if a catastrophe is to be avoided. The projects were concerned with six major aspects of the apartheid society: economics, law, politics, sociology, the church & education. It is suggested that there can be little doubt that the projects embody the most comprehensive & thorough attempt to analyze the complex South African society & its problems. Proposed are cures for the ills that have come from within South Africa in recent years. Projects are described in some detail & the realism of the conclusions is questioned. Although the conclusions reached & policies suggested are quite radical in the South African setting, the 150 scholars who were engaged in these projects are not prepared to disobey the law in any way & do not encourage others to confront the regime by illegal means. This possible necessity is not even considered except in relation to the church which, in the opinion of one contributor, could be morally justified to ignore the racial law. Examined are the key propositions that South Africa should develop into "an open plural society" & "its political framework" should become a federal polity. The methods by which these ends are to be achieved appear to be unrealistic (devolution). The relationship between an "open plural society" & the federal polity also is inadequately considered. The political alternatives suggested by Spro-Cas are criticized because they fail to appreciate the primacy of the political solution. The political solution which, hopefully, will be an essentially nonracial federal polity can be only the outcome of effective external & internal pressures including violence, or at least, the real threat of violence. After the federal bargain has been struck -- a compromise between competing racial groups, conflicting ideologies & territorial autonomies -- an open plural society may emerge, not before, even though there may be some movement in that direction prior to the federal bargain. Of course, if no such bargain is struck in the foreseeable future, the inevitability of an all-out, suicidal race war is no longer in doubt. Spro-Cas must be given credit at least for considering desirable alternatives for a new South(ern) Africa &, in addition, for stimulating in various ways black community programs & the Black Consciousness Movement without which fundamental change would probably have been further away than now & the eventual clash still more severe than it is bound to be. AA.

International audience ; From the analysis of struggles for land, for agroecology and for the recognition of productive and reproductive work of rural women, we show how agroecology is thought as a movement of gender identities construction and as a precious instrument of struggle, social and feminist struggle. The analysis is based on a chronology and on the trajectory of peasants of a symbolic assentamento of resistance, the assentamento Maceió, in the Ceará, northeast of Brazil. The crossing between agroecology and feminist practices helps make visible the ongoing negotiation process of women challenging the assigned gender roles and the invisibility of their productive and political commitment. Between reassignment and emancipatory potential, agroecology reveals to be an instrument for local changes and for the social group of women practicing it. ; À partir de l'analyse des luttes croisées pour la terre, pour l'agro-écologie et pour la reconnaissance du travail productif et reproductif des femmes rurales, nous montrons comment l'agro-écologie est pensée comme un mouvement de construction des identités de genre et un précieux instrument de luttes, sociale et féministe. L'analyse se base sur un retour chronologique ainsi que sur la trajectoire de paysan-ne-s d'un assentamento symbole de la résistance, l'assentamento Maceió, dans le Ceará, au nord-est du Brésil. Le croisement entre agro-écologie et pratiques féministes permet de rendre visible le processus constant de négociation des femmes en lutte avec les rôles de sexe assignés et le caractère invisible de leur engagement productif et politique. Entre réassignation et potentiel émancipateur, l'agro-écologie se révèle un instrument aussi bien à l'échelle locale qu'au niveau du groupe social des femmes la pratiquant.

International audience ; From the analysis of struggles for land, for agroecology and for the recognition of productive and reproductive work of rural women, we show how agroecology is thought as a movement of gender identities construction and as a precious instrument of struggle, social and feminist struggle. The analysis is based on a chronology and on the trajectory of peasants of a symbolic assentamento of resistance, the assentamento Maceió, in the Ceará, northeast of Brazil. The crossing between agroecology and feminist practices helps make visible the ongoing negotiation process of women challenging the assigned gender roles and the invisibility of their productive and political commitment. Between reassignment and emancipatory potential, agroecology reveals to be an instrument for local changes and for the social group of women practicing it. ; À partir de l'analyse des luttes croisées pour la terre, pour l'agro-écologie et pour la reconnaissance du travail productif et reproductif des femmes rurales, nous montrons comment l'agro-écologie est pensée comme un mouvement de construction des identités de genre et un précieux instrument de luttes, sociale et féministe. L'analyse se base sur un retour chronologique ainsi que sur la trajectoire de paysan-ne-s d'un assentamento symbole de la résistance, l'assentamento Maceió, dans le Ceará, au nord-est du Brésil. Le croisement entre agro-écologie et pratiques féministes permet de rendre visible le processus constant de négociation des femmes en lutte avec les rôles de sexe assignés et le caractère invisible de leur engagement productif et politique. Entre réassignation et potentiel émancipateur, l'agro-écologie se révèle un instrument aussi bien à l'échelle locale qu'au niveau du groupe social des femmes la pratiquant.