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The emergence of the so-called 'Malacca Dilemma', espoused by Chinese President Hu Jintao in 2003, has sparked a wave of interest from Western and Chinese scholars about China's energy security policy direction. It has been understood by various scholars to represent a shift in China' s security discourse, challenging the notion that China wishes to promote 'harmonious development' as it rises as a world power. This is due to the fact that economic growth is one of the fundamental pillars that upholds the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and underpins a stable China. The position within areas of Chinese scholarship and officialdom holds that China's oil, of which 80% passes through the Malacca Straits, could be disrupted by hostile powers therefore represents a direct challenge to China's rise. The argument thus follows that if China is to ensure its oil security, it needs to develop a powerful navy, but this may induce suspicion of a more aggressive, militarized China by other nations. This last point represents the core of the Malacca Dilemma. While there is suspicion of the development of the Chinese navy (PLAN) in recent years and legitimate links to protecting its oil security emanating from much of the Western scholarly discourse on China's energy security, such suspicion is often based on narrow gee-strategic frameworks and analysis of capabilities alone that ignore how Chinese scholars and officials posit the Malacca Dilemma. However, China's understanding of the Malacca Dilemma, as evaluated through its scholarly writings, suggests that the threat of a malevolent rising China is unwarranted . An evaluation of the Malacca Dilemma discourse within China reveals that arguments have shifted from advocating an aggressive naval development policy, to seeking greater cooperation with China's Southeast and South Asian littoral nations as a means to resolve the Malacca Dilemma. More importantly, the debate has also shifted to Chinese scholars criticizing whether there is a dilemma at all, and the more militant, aggressive naval policies have been marginalized within the discourse. Secondly, the Malacca Dilemma discourse itself has remained a side -note to broader energy security discourses within China. The key debates concerning the Malacca Dilemma have had little affect on Beijing's decision-making process, as the discourse has not accorded with China's 'strategic guiding thoughts' that promote 'harmonious development'. These guidelines provide the superstructure and guiding ideology in which security polices must accord with, and since the more militant Malacca Dilemma arguments have failed to do this, they have remained within the recesses of scholarly thought. Moreover, with the emergence of 'Tianxia' theory (a theory that bolsters the promotion of China's harmonious development) and its enthusiastic reception within Chinas' intellectual and official circles since 2005, the more militant aspects of the Malacca Dilemma debate have been further marginalized. Lastly, it should be recognized that the Malacca Dilemma emerged from a reaction to empirical developments and was bolstered by a perception within China that the United States (US) and other key parties were trying to disrupt and hinder China's rise . In part, this was a result of narrow gee-strategic discourses that failed to understand how China views the world, and posited China's rise as threatening. As such, this position was self-fulfilling as Chinese officials and scholars responded to this perception of a hostile US, which resulted in a more aggressive militant aspect of China's security discourse emerging. To hinder the emergence and re-emergence of such issues like the Malacca Dilemma, there needs to be a greater mutual understanding between the United States and China of various security and international relations positions. Secondly, there ne eds to be critical analysis of how discourses are appropriated and shift through time, as this may affect how one views a foreign power. This report aims to illustrate how Chinese intellectuals and officials posit the Malacca Dilemma. This report, however, is only a narrow case study, but the methodologies adopted within the report can easily be broadened to other areas of security and international relations studies. This will help mitigate the occurrence of issues like the Malacca Dilemma, which in hindsight raise mutual suspicions of a hostile power because their importance within security studies is over-emphasized, thus producing a skewed understanding of how these issues resonate in one's home country.

Cities and countries are increasingly becoming more ethnic diverse. In the European context there have been several waves of immigration since the end of the Second World War. From guest-workers invited to work at the economic development of Europe in the 1960's and on until new fluxes of immigration nowadays, national policies have also been transforming accordingly. Policies went from being assimilationist to multiculturalist and now they are again in transformation. However, despite most laws concerning immigration and integration being national, cities and neighborhoods are the places in which newcomers influence the most. Moreover, immigrants are a diverse group and will settle under different socioeconomic conditions. While some immigrants are able to achieve more easily the same standards of the host society, others are more likely to live in deprivation. Thus, claims for greater social justice are raised. Following the Young's (1990) concept of social justice, in this thesis I propose to analyze whether local and national policies concerning immigration and integration are able to promote social justice for the ethnic diverse population. In order to answer this question, the case of neighborhoods of Neustadt- Neuschönefeld and Volkmarsdorf in Leipzig were chosen. This area concentrates high proportions of immigrant population and at the same time it is one the most deprived areas in Leipzig. Thus, most immigrants that are located in this area are living in more vulnerable situations. Three local policies were analyzed to better understand how the municipality approaches such situation. The four documents are: "Overall concept for immigrant integration", the "Integrated Development Concept for Leipzig", the "Integrated Development Concept for the district of Leipzig-East" and finally the "Municipal overall strategy for democracy and diversity". Moreover, to understand how those policies are put into practice, investments done in this area were also brought up. Three main conclusions were drawn in this respect. The first concerns the importance of the local context that shapes relations between locals and immigrants and that can limit the response of the municipality when tackling such subject. The second result concerned a possible mismatch between the reality and the policies, given that most policies were developed in a top-down approach and the few indicators in which the policies were built. Lastly, it concerns the incompatibility of assimilationist policies and social justice. ; Les villes et les pays sont de plus en plus multiethniques. L'Europe a connu un certain nombre de changements sociétaux depuis l'immigration : des travailleurs de l'après Seconde Guerre Mondiale jusqu'aux flux d'immigration actuels. Aussi, l'augmentation de l'immigration a eu un impact direct sur les politiques nationales des pays d'accueil. Cependant, bien que de la majorité des lois relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration soient pensées à une échelle nationale, les migrants influent directement sur l'environnement urbain, où conflits entre population locale et étrangers peuvent être directement ressentis. Ainsi, les ressortissants de nationalités diverses s'installent dans les villes de façon différente selon leurs ressources économiques et leur accointances personnelles. Tandis que certains migrants peuvent plus facilement atteindre un niveau socio-économique similaire à celui de la population locale, d'autres se retrouvent dans des situations plus précaires, nécessitant ainsi une plus forte prise en charge, selon le principe de justice sociale. Suite à la définition de la justice sociale élaborée par Young (1990), cette thèse se propose d'examiner si les politiques nationales et locales relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration peuvent promouvoir la justice sociale à une population ethniquement diversifiée. Pour répondre à cette question, nous utiliserons le cas des quartiers Neustadt-Neuschönefeld et Volkmarsdorf à Leipzig. Ces zones concentrent une grande partie de la population immigrée, la plus socialement vulnérable de Leipzig. Nous avons donc analysé un certain nombre de politiques publiques pour comprendre le traitement que font les municipalités de cette question. En outre, nous avons listé les investissements dans la région afin de mieux comprendre de quelle manière les plans et les politiques publiques sont mis en pratique. Une des premières conclusions qui se dégage concerne l'influence du contexte local sur les relations entre les migrants et les natifs, qui peuvent avoir un impact restrictif direct sur les actions de la municipalité. Une deuxième conclusion se rapporte au décalage entre la réalité du terrain et les politiques développées. Alors que plusieurs indicateurs sociaux manquent déjà dans l'architecture des politiques, leur processus d'élaboration n'a eu que peu recours à la participation de la population immigrée pour laquelle, pourtant, ces politiques sont destinées. Enfin, nous verrons que notre dernière conclusion se réfère directement à l'incompatibilité entre justice sociale et politiques d'assimilation.

Специфічним видом інформаційних війн є мережні війни, які поступово витісняють традиційні війни. Інформаційні війни притаманні для суспільств постіндустріального типу. Об'єктом впливу стає розум супротивника, а не просто тіло, як це було у попередніх типах війн. Аргументовано, що інформація для такої війни може бути як метою, так і зброєю. Розвиток комунікаційних технологій сприяє переходу від затратної та чисельної за жертвами війни до мережної війни, яка є набагато вигіднішою та легшою. Наведено основні види сучасних мережних війн, виявлено їхні базові характеристики. Специфическим видом информационных войн являются сетевые войны, которые постепенно вытесняют традиционные войны. Информационные войны характерны для обществ постиндустриального типа. Объектом влияния становится разум противника, а не просто тело, как это было в предыдущих типах войн. Аргументировано, что информация для такой войны может быть как целью, так и оружием. Развитие коммуникационных технологий способствует переходу от затратной и многочисленной по жертвам войны к сетевой войне, которая является более выгодной и легкой. Приведены основные виды современных сетевых войн, выявлены их базовые характеристики. A specific type of information warfare is the network wars which are gradually pushing out conventional. ; Wars have existed from ancient times; they can be understood as an organized armed struggle between states or groups of states, nations or classes and more. The article analyzes the phenomenon of war through the prism of postindustrial society concepts (D. Bell and E. Toffler). Based on the aforementioned concepts, it can be argued that the system of war in agrarian society was based only on the specific activities in the agricultural sector, which was reflected clearly in fighting seasonality, non-standard individual weapons, an occasional payment of hired soldiers, primitive communications and dominance of verbal orders. There was a high level of individual and collective violence as well. With the advent of industrial society standards of war have changed. At a time when mass production became characteristic of contemporary economics, mass destruction became characteristic of the industrial era wars. 'Second wave' wars have the following features: clear goals and a clear focus, strengthening the power within the state, expan ded international economics and politics, the presence of regular mass armies and their high speed mobility, weapons of mass destruction. In post-industrial or information society war obtained a completely different meaning. Its basic features are: specialized mobile units in different types of troops, transformation of information into a tool of warfare, space exploration, and computerization at all levels. With all this going on war subjects are civilizations, whose resistance is associated with the fundamental infrastructure of society. The object for the influence is not only enemy's body but his mind as well as it used to be earlier. It is proved that information for such wars can be a purpose and a weapon at the same time. Information warfare, like a network war, is accompanied by active methods of transforming information space for the imposition of a world model that will provide further desired behaviors. This is a comprehensive and integrated strategy that caused by rising value of information in matters of command, control, politics, economy and social life. The purpose of information war appears to change the balance of power and position in society by possession, publication and interpretation of certain information. It's argued that information for such a war can be a goal, as well as weapons. The development of communication technology facilitates the transition from costly and numerous victims of the war to a network that is far more profitable and easier. Network war is a new kind of war on the social level, different from traditional forms of hostilities in which participants use network forms of organization, strategies, technologies and capabilities that meet the demands of the information age. The sharp difference from the traditional network war is not only that it does not physically affect people, but also the fact that the main participants are not trying to build a formal, independent, hierarchical organization, and lead and coordinate their actions «online», without clearly defined central leadership. Subjects of network war are mainly private and non-governmental; they can be sub-national and supranational in scale. The basic types of modern networking wars revealed their basic characteristics. It's reported that the use of the Internet for the benefit of war can cause both positive harmless effects as well as destroy and cause serious damage to computer technologies, systems and people, countries, etc.

Cities and countries are increasingly becoming more ethnic diverse. In the European context there have been several waves of immigration since the end of the Second World War. From guest-workers invited to work at the economic development of Europe in the 1960's and on until new fluxes of immigration nowadays, national policies have also been transforming accordingly. Policies went from being assimilationist to multiculturalist and now they are again in transformation. However, despite most laws concerning immigration and integration being national, cities and neighborhoods are the places in which newcomers influence the most. Moreover, immigrants are a diverse group and will settle under different socioeconomic conditions. While some immigrants are able to achieve more easily the same standards of the host society, others are more likely to live in deprivation. Thus, claims for greater social justice are raised. Following the Young's (1990) concept of social justice, in this thesis I propose to analyze whether local and national policies concerning immigration and integration are able to promote social justice for the ethnic diverse population. In order to answer this question, the case of neighborhoods of Neustadt- Neuschönefeld and Volkmarsdorf in Leipzig were chosen. This area concentrates high proportions of immigrant population and at the same time it is one the most deprived areas in Leipzig. Thus, most immigrants that are located in this area are living in more vulnerable situations. Three local policies were analyzed to better understand how the municipality approaches such situation. The four documents are: "Overall concept for immigrant integration", the "Integrated Development Concept for Leipzig", the "Integrated Development Concept for the district of Leipzig-East" and finally the "Municipal overall strategy for democracy and diversity". Moreover, to understand how those policies are put into practice, investments done in this area were also brought up. Three main conclusions were drawn in this respect. The first concerns the importance of the local context that shapes relations between locals and immigrants and that can limit the response of the municipality when tackling such subject. The second result concerned a possible mismatch between the reality and the policies, given that most policies were developed in a top-down approach and the few indicators in which the policies were built. Lastly, it concerns the incompatibility of assimilationist policies and social justice. ; Les villes et les pays sont de plus en plus multiethniques. L'Europe a connu un certain nombre de changements sociétaux depuis l'immigration : des travailleurs de l'après Seconde Guerre Mondiale jusqu'aux flux d'immigration actuels. Aussi, l'augmentation de l'immigration a eu un impact direct sur les politiques nationales des pays d'accueil. Cependant, bien que de la majorité des lois relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration soient pensées à une échelle nationale, les migrants influent directement sur l'environnement urbain, où conflits entre population locale et étrangers peuvent être directement ressentis. Ainsi, les ressortissants de nationalités diverses s'installent dans les villes de façon différente selon leurs ressources économiques et leur accointances personnelles. Tandis que certains migrants peuvent plus facilement atteindre un niveau socio-économique similaire à celui de la population locale, d'autres se retrouvent dans des situations plus précaires, nécessitant ainsi une plus forte prise en charge, selon le principe de justice sociale. Suite à la définition de la justice sociale élaborée par Young (1990), cette thèse se propose d'examiner si les politiques nationales et locales relatives à l'immigration et à l'intégration peuvent promouvoir la justice sociale à une population ethniquement diversifiée. Pour répondre à cette question, nous utiliserons le cas des quartiers Neustadt-Neuschönefeld et Volkmarsdorf à Leipzig. Ces zones concentrent une grande partie de la population immigrée, la plus socialement vulnérable de Leipzig. Nous avons donc analysé un certain nombre de politiques publiques pour comprendre le traitement que font les municipalités de cette question. En outre, nous avons listé les investissements dans la région afin de mieux comprendre de quelle manière les plans et les politiques publiques sont mis en pratique. Une des premières conclusions qui se dégage concerne l'influence du contexte local sur les relations entre les migrants et les natifs, qui peuvent avoir un impact restrictif direct sur les actions de la municipalité. Une deuxième conclusion se rapporte au décalage entre la réalité du terrain et les politiques développées. Alors que plusieurs indicateurs sociaux manquent déjà dans l'architecture des politiques, leur processus d'élaboration n'a eu que peu recours à la participation de la population immigrée pour laquelle, pourtant, ces politiques sont destinées. Enfin, nous verrons que notre dernière conclusion se réfère directement à l'incompatibilité entre justice sociale et politiques d'assimilation.

This working paper, as we will call it, presents two (pro)positions that should be seen as works in progress. Their job is to enable the beginnings of a conversation directed at advancing another work in progress, the Ecology of Care project. The essential goal of this paper and the symposium that it serves to inform is to begin a process of concretizing the otherwise lost but vitally important concept we call Care. In writing this paper we will attempt to adopt a 'position' through an extensive but not complete review of existing and past thinking in order to "find a line and then to hang a convincing and interesting story on it" (Glanville, 2014). In doing this we also recognise and appreciate that some readers may find the text less than accessible at times because of what might be viewed as philosophical or esoteric language. Using this language and writing style is not intentionally done to make the reading and understanding process heavy going. It is quite the opposite, in fact. At times it has been necessary to delve sufficiently deeply into some of the topics discussed using the language of the thinkers who have paved the way. This may be off-putting to some who are not familiar with these fields and these types of terminology and this has been avoided where possible as we would like to speak clearly to an intentionally diverse audience from academia, government and industry. So if you, the reader, feel a little confused by some of the arguments, then that is also helpful. Please remember that your reactions are important as they tell us what we need to make clearer. Through the concepts presented in this paper, we have tried to tell the most understandable story, knowing that for some readers the presentation will be too dense and for others too simplistic. If you find that you struggle with some of the ways the concepts are presented, please follow Glanville's suggestion and not simply dismiss the ideas by giving up on the reading but do persevere. By monitoring the way in which you grapple with some or all of the propositions put forward in this paper you will be contributing to the collective understanding that we are striving for. The 'position' or in this case propositions, delivered in this paper take two forms. Firstly we will present a framework for understanding Care in terms of Dimensions of Care. This framework is very conceptual and in some ways a severe abstraction of the acknowledged complexity of such a holistic notion such as Care. Its role is to simplify Care, as we formulate it, to a point where its complexity can begin to be understood in ways that might be practically useful. After all, Care derives much of its meaning through the actions taken in its name, but more on this later. The second proposition offers a set of essential qualities that Care possesses which might help us to better understand the concept so that we might apply them in more practical ways. These qualities take on increased importance when we consider that Care is essentially what it means to be human so essentially these qualities of Care form a kind of conceptual DNA , a set of building blocks for how we might recognise Care in and for ourselves as a species differentiated from others. Again, more on this later. In presenting these two propositions as Dimensions of Care and Qualities of Care we fully acknowledge that they and the sub-elements that constitute them are never discrete or fixed at any point. Like the relationship between light particles and light waves, these 'parts' constitute an evolving system of living interaction and Being that defines Care, where any or all of Cares parts at any given point in time are continually co-constituting each other within a dynamic and interactive whole we call everyday life. In a highly abbreviated form our two key propositions are presented as follows; PROPOSITION 1: DIMENSIONS OF CARE Care is informed and shaped by everyday experience; it is constituted over time in consciously aware responses that impact on our self, others and the world. PROPOSITION 2: QUALITIES OF CARE. What does care look like? What does it mean to Care? How will we know Care when we see it?

Lithuanian public debates share a strong conviction that the relationship between a Lithuanian voter and his/ her political representatives rests on personalisation, often nurtured by voter's subjective and irrational feelings of love or hate in regard to particular political leaders. Is such kind of pessimism well-grounded and there are no "antidotes" to this worrisome trend of the present political life? The article addresses the problem of personalisation of political life in the post-soviet environment and attempts to challenge the aforementioned pessimism. The presented study aims to explore the relationship between perceptions of well-known Lithuanian political leaders' personality portraits among the Lithuanian population and voter's normative orientations on the individual level, holding voter's normative orientations an important factor, limiting the proliferation of personalisation of politics. Perceptions of personality traits of political leaders on the individual level of analysis are xpected to pass through voter's normative "lenses" to produce different mental images of politicians in accordance to individual differences in politically significant value orientations.The study explores how perceptions of political leaders' personalities in Lithuanian vary according to (a) respondent's ideological self-identification on Left-Right scale, (a) respondent's level of adherence to Soviet (anti-Soviet) values, (b) adherence to national conservatism (c), and post-materialist values (d). In order to understand the impact of individual's ideological dispositions and value orientations on perception of personalities of politicians, the article follows a comprehensive theoretical approach to personality. Five-factor personality model ("Big Five") stands out in terms of comprehensiveness and feasibility to the aims of the presented study. The Big Five offers not only a taxonomy of personality traits but also the conceptualisation of five personality dimensions. With a strong empirical orientation, it provides the conceptualisation of methodological tools for empirical studies of personality and the basis for a list of semantic differentials to measure the perception of political leader's personality traits. The empirical analysis rests on the data of an internet panel survey, conducted in Lithuania in two waves – right before (August – September, 2012) and after (November, 2012) the Lithuanian General Elections 2012. The internet survey, administrated by research company Berent (N=1019), is representative in terms of the total population of internet users in Lithuania.Results of the study reveal a potential of individual's normative orientations to predict his/ her perception of political leaders' personalities on a number of personality traits and personality dimensions. Even though personality traits are objective and stable elements of individual's psychological constitution, a serious disagreement regarding the personality portraits of analysed political leaders is revealed in the Lithuanian society, and the perceptions diverge according to individual's political views and normative attitudes. Voter's left-right self-identification and (anti)soviet attitudes predict the perception of three personality dimensions of Big Five – Agreeableness, Conscientiousness and Openness to experience – for analysed leaders, and national conservatism – perceptions of the abovementioned first two dimensions. The results of the study ask for further analysis of an impact that voter's normative attitudes may bear on the perception of political leaders' "moral traits" and emperamental features. The ideological identity of an individual may have a stronger impact on the perception of "moral traits" of a politician than on perception of his/her temperamental constitution. A further elaboration of this idea would allow to understand mechanisms of political personalization better and to bring this discussion beyond the discourse of the end of ideology. ; Lietuvos viešojoje erdvėje gajus įsitikinimas, kad Lietuvos rinkėjo santykis su politiniais atstovais yra suasmenintas, neretai besiremiantis subjektyviomis ir iracionaliomis simpatijomis ar antipatijomis konkretiems politiniams lyderiams. Kiek pagrįstas toks pesimizmas? Straipsnio tikslas – išsiaiškinti, kokio ryšio esama tarp politinių lyderių asmenybės portretų suvokimo šalies visuomenėje ir rinkėjų vertybinių orientacijų, kurios traktuojamos kaip vienas personalizacijos sklaidą Lietuvos politikoje ribojančių veiksnių. Pasitelkus 2012 m. rudens Lietuvos gyventojų viešosios nuomonės apklausų duomenis1, nagrinėjama, kaip politinių lyderių paveikslai varijuoja priklausomai nuo rinkėjo ideologinio identifikavimosi, (anti)sovietiškumo, tautinio konservatizmo ir postmaterializmo nuostatų. Nors daugelis asmenybės bruožų yra objektyvūs ir ilgalaikiai asmens psichologinės sandaros elementai, Lietuvos visuomenėje rimtai nesutariama, koks "iš tiesų" yra gerai žinomas šalies politikas, ir nuomonių išsiskyrimui reikšmingą įtaką daro politinių pažiūrų bei vertybinių nuostatų skirtumai. Rinkėjo identifikavimasis kairės–dešinės skalėje ir (anti)sovietiškumo nuostatos svarbios vertinant tris iš penkių tirtų Lietuvos politinių lyderių asmenybės dimensijų – sutaikomumą, sąmoningumą ir atvirumą patirčiai. Tautinio konservatizmo nuostatos padeda paaiškinti pirmų dviejų dimensijų suvokimą visuomenėje. Gauti rezultatai taip pat skatina tolesniuose tyrimuose aiškintis rinkėjo vertybinių nuostatų poveikio politinių lyderių "moralinių bruožų" ir temperamento suvokimui skirtumus.

本文以1860至1911年間外國旅華攝影師在中國的攝影作品為研究對象,致力於討論中國「舊照活化」文化現象中同一批照片在19世紀末20世紀初的西方與20世紀90年代以降的當代中國這兩個不同的社會語境和時段中的具體運用方式,以考察照片、歷史敘述、民族國家政治意識形態之間的關係,試圖在「雙時軌」的對比結構中為晚清攝影研究打開新的探討空間。 ; 論文主體部分圍繞著「國家」、「民族」和「革命」這三個當代晚清攝影運用中的關鍵概念展開,分析攝影作品內部的話語變化,以及與這種變化息息相關的「主體性」與文化政治問題。第二章以晚清旅華攝影師代表約翰·湯姆遜的中國成像為討論對象,在比較1874年在英國出版、湯姆遜自主編纂的附圖遊記《中國與中國人影像》與2009年由中國官方出版界重新選編的《晚清碎影》的基礎上,具體呈現不同的主體在「想像晚清中國」和「呈現晚清中國」上的差別。第三章繞著當代晚清相冊中的「民族」選題而展開,探討「少數民族」與「中華民族」的表現方式及其缺陷。第四章著重討論「辛亥革命」在當代晚清相冊中的表現方法,以《壹玖壹壹:從鴉片戰爭到軍閥混戰的百年影像史》為例,分析照片集如何在一個通俗歷史的框架下處理「辛亥革命」這一歷史節點。在此基礎上,結論部分總結了舊照活化文化現象下「國家」與「歷史敘述」的同構關係,並以「視覺」為中心,分析了以攝影為材料的歷史敘述如何建構「民族-國家」視野下的身份認同。 ; The China's early photographs have enjoyed a drastic revival of attentions in the recent decades. An important category of these photos are those taken by Westerners during the late Qing China. This thesis aims to investigate these subjects from a cultural historical perspective, the photos are thus considered as a form of representation instead of visual history materials, and a comparative approach was employed to discuss the complex relationship among photo image, imperialism, history narrating under the political structure of nation-state and China's contemporary social reality. ; Photographs which were taken by the Westerners during the late Qing China emerged in the age of European capitalism and imperialist expansion. After the year 1860, China was defeated by the British-French Alliance in the Second Opium War and the Qing government was forced to open up to the treat and culture of the west. This change attracted Westerners of different occupations, including commercial photographers, explorers and journalists, to photograph various geographical and social aspects that are of their interests. The kinds of photographed subjects they chose and the kinds of commentaries they made vividly reflected how they understand China from the imperialism point of view. ; A hundred years later, these late Qing photos become an important part of the "old photo revival" wave raised in the 1990s China. Much different from the time ...

Evo Morales and the Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) took office in Bolivia in 2006, riding on the wave of fierce popular protests against previous, neoliberal regimes. Morales was depicted as the country's first indigenous president. His government promised a radical transformation of national politics and rebranded Bolivia as a "plurinational state". Under MAS, indigenous subjectivity has moved from a marginalized position to center stage, and become a key condition for political legitimacy. This development is reflected in environmental politics. In international forums, the Bolivian government has claimed to represent a green indigenous alternative, a "culture of life", as opposed to a Western, capitalist "culture of death". However, on home ground, critics have accused MAS of coopting aspects of indigenous identity for its own interests and not applying its green agenda within the national borders. The national economy is dependent on intense extraction and export of natural resources, a trend which has not diminished under Morales. Thus, the first Bolivian government to frame itself as indigenous now stands behind initiatives for resource extraction and infrastructural expansion. This raises questions about whose rights are privileged when different actors express conflicting claims based on indigeneity. In this thesis, two salient themes are explored: MAS' positioning in international climate change negotiations, and the conflict around the plans to construct a highway across the TIPNIS national park and indigenous territory. Drawing on poststructural and postcolonial feminist theory, I analyze intersecting processes of power in Bolivian environmental struggles by unwrapping two figurations: the endangered glacier and the ecological indigenous. These have become emblematic, and are mobilized by various actors for different purposes. Situating these figurations in national and international discourses, I show how they may shift in meaning and both reinforce and challenge relations of power. The research material was generated through ethnographic fieldwork and collection of written texts. Through this study of contemporary Bolivia, I shed light on how power dynamics play out in the framing of environmental problems and their solutions; questions which should be central to research on environmental issues in all contexts. ; Movimiento al Socialismo (MAS) bildade regering i Bolivia 2006 med Evo Morales på presidentposten, framburna av folkliga protester mot tidigare, nyliberala regimer. Morales beskrivs ofta som landets första president med bakgrund i ursprungsbefolkningen. Hans regering utlovade en radikal omställning av den nationella politiken och tillkännagav att Bolivia nu är en "plurinationell stat". Under MAS har ursprungsfolkstillhörighet rört sig från en marginaliserad ställning till en central position i nationell politik, och blivit en viktig förutsättning för politisk legitimitet. Denna utveckling återspeglas i miljöpolitiken. I internationella sammanhang har den bolivianska regeringen intagit en radikal ståndpunkt och presenterat en alternativ modell för hållbarhet grundat i andinsk ursprungsfolkstradition, en " livets kultur" som ställs i motsats till en västerländsk, kapitalistisk "dödens kultur". Dock har kritiska röster i Bolivia anklagat MAS för att använda sig av aspekter av ursprungsfolkskultur som en strategi för att rättfärdiga sina egna politiska intressen, utan att tillämpa sina gröna ideal på nationell nivå. Bolivias ekonomi är beroende av utvinning och export av naturresurser, en trend som inte har minskat under Morales tid vid makten. Samtidigt som hans regering framhåller ursprungsfolks traditioner och rättigheter, står den bakom initiativ till ökad naturresursutvinning och storskaliga infrastrukturprojekt. Detta väcker frågor om vilka anspråk som är mest legitima och vilkas rättigheter som bör beaktas när olika aktörer uttrycker motstridiga krav i ursprungsbefolkningars namn. I denna avhandling utforskas två teman som dominerat miljöpolitiken i Bolivia på senare år: MAS ' positionering i internationella klimatförhandlingar, och konflikten kring planerna på att bygga en motorväg tvärs igenom TIPNIS, en nationalpark som styrs av tre ursprungsbefolkningsgrupper. Med utgångspunkt i poststrukturalistisk och postkolonial feministisk teori analyserar jag intersektionella maktrelationer i boliviansk miljöpolitik, genom att undersöka två figurationer: den utrotningshotade glaciären, och det ekologiska ursprungsfolkssubjektet. Dessa har blivit symboliskt viktiga, och har mobiliserats av en mängd olika aktörer för vitt skilda syften. Genom att situera dessa figurationer i nationella och internationella diskurser visar jag hur de skiftar i betydelse och hur de kan både förstärka och utmana rådande maktrelationer. Forskningsmaterialet baseras på etnografiskt fältarbete och insamling av skrivna texter. Genom denna studie av Bolivia under Morales, visar jag hur makt tar sig uttryck i formuleringen av miljöproblem och tänkta lösningar; frågor som har relevans för forskning om miljöfrågor även i andra sammanhang.

La presente investigación analiza las características de las acciones y políticas dirigidas a las mujeres, durante la primera etapa del Gobierno Revolucionario de la Fuerza Armada, encabezado por Juan Velasco Alvarado. Se hace una periodización básica definida por elementos transversales, tanto en el discurso oficial, como en la naturaleza de las instituciones estatales promovidas. El estudio se centra principalmente, entre 1972 y 1976, etapa conocida como Período de Revalorización. Además, revisa las características del discurso nacionalista, humanista y libertario del velasquismo; así como, la estrategia participatoria de movilización social implementada desde el Estado, incluyendo las políticas públicas de ese período, a favor de las mujeres, impulsadas en el marco de la Reforma Educativa (1972), cuestionando principalmente, la alienación y opresión de las mujeres y proponiendo un nuevo rol de mayor autonomía y de igualdad de condiciones. Se analiza los diversos tipos de institucionalidad impulsados desde el Estado, así como, el surgimiento de las organizaciones de mujeres, las expresiones públicas de su activismo y el discurso feminista en ese período. Al estudiar esta relación, el autor debate sobre las diversas concepciones de la ciudadanía femenina que se ponen de manifiesto en este período, principalmente dominado por los deberes sociales de esposa – madre. Revisa, también, las visiones sobre sexualidad y el cuerpo femenino, elementos claves en la valoración de la autonomía de la mujer. El autor busca establecer la importancia de este período en el surgimiento y consolidación de un movimiento de mujeres y en la conceptualización de la liberación de la mujer; lo cual muchas veces ha sido obviado de los estudios sobre la Segunda Ola del Feminismo en el Perú. Otro aspecto clave de la ciudadanía vicaria es el de la conjunción de factores religiosos y de un ethos oligárquico, que instaura la figura de "las patronas" – conjunción de rito y ceremonia, de sufrimiento y obediencia, de jerarquía y autoridad, de familia celestial y terrenal, de señora del cielo y de la tierra. Dicha conjunción es funcional a una serie de roles sociales de las mujeres como: madre, empleada y activista; o madre y trabajadora del hogar; o madre, ama de casa y voluntaria social; o madre y profesional independiente, y define, según el tipo de relaciones familiares de origen, una actitud y una expectativa muy específica respecto de la liberación de la mujer. Palabras clave: Nacionalismo, feminismo, revalorización, Velasquismo, liberación. ; --- This research analyzes the characteristics of policies and actions aimed at women, during the first stage of the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces, led by Juan Velasco Alvarado. It makes a basic periodization defined by cross members, both in official discourse, and in the nature of state institutions promoted. The study focuses mainly between 1972 and 1976, stage known as Revaluation Period. Also it reviews the characteristics of nationalist discourse, humanist and libertarian of the "velasquismo" as well as the participatory social mobilization strategy implemented by the state, including public policy of that period, in favor of women, promoted under the Educational reform (1972), mainly questioning, alienation and oppression of women and proposing a new role for greater autonomy and equality of conditions. It discusses the various types of institutionality promoted by the State, and the emergence of women's organizations, public expressions of his activism and feminist discourse in that period. To study this relationship, the author discuss different conceptions of female citizenship that get manifest in this period, mainly dominated by the social duties of wife - mother. It also check the visions on sexuality and the female body, key elements in the valuation of the autonomy of woman. The author seeks to establish the importance of this period in the emergence and consolidation of the women's movement and in the conceptualization of the "liberacion" of women, which has often been overlooked in studies of the second wave of "feminism" in Peru. Another key aspect of the vicarious citizenship is the conjunction of religious factors and an oligarchic ethos, which introduces the figure of "las patronas" - conjunction of ritual and ceremony, suffering and obedience, hierarchy and authority, celestial family and earthly lady of heaven and earth. This conjunction is functional to a number of women's social roles as: mother, employed and activist; or mother and domestic worker; or mother, housewife and social volunteer; or mother and freelancer, and defined, by type source of family relationships, an attitude and a very specific expectations about the "liberacion" of womern. ; Tesis

La presente investigación analiza las características de las acciones y políticas dirigidas a las mujeres, durante la primera etapa del Gobierno Revolucionario de la Fuerza Armada, encabezado por Juan Velasco Alvarado. Se hace una periodización básica definida por elementos transversales, tanto en el discurso oficial, como en la naturaleza de las instituciones estatales promovidas. El estudio se centra principalmente, entre 1972 y 1976, etapa conocida como Período de Revalorización. Además, revisa las características del discurso nacionalista, humanista y libertario del velasquismo; así como, la estrategia participatoria de movilización social implementada desde el Estado, incluyendo las políticas públicas de ese período, a favor de las mujeres, impulsadas en el marco de la Reforma Educativa (1972), cuestionando principalmente, la alienación y opresión de las mujeres y proponiendo un nuevo rol de mayor autonomía y de igualdad de condiciones. Se analiza los diversos tipos de institucionalidad impulsados desde el Estado, así como, el surgimiento de las organizaciones de mujeres, las expresiones públicas de su activismo y el discurso feminista en ese período. Al estudiar esta relación, el autor debate sobre las diversas concepciones de la ciudadanía femenina que se ponen de manifiesto en este período, principalmente dominado por los deberes sociales de esposa – madre. Revisa, también, las visiones sobre sexualidad y el cuerpo femenino, elementos claves en la valoración de la autonomía de la mujer. El autor busca establecer la importancia de este período en el surgimiento y consolidación de un movimiento de mujeres y en la conceptualización de la liberación de la mujer; lo cual muchas veces ha sido obviado de los estudios sobre la Segunda Ola del Feminismo en el Perú. Otro aspecto clave de la ciudadanía vicaria es el de la conjunción de factores religiosos y de un ethos oligárquico, que instaura la figura de "las patronas" – conjunción de rito y ceremonia, de sufrimiento y obediencia, de jerarquía y autoridad, de familia celestial y terrenal, de señora del cielo y de la tierra. Dicha conjunción es funcional a una serie de roles sociales de las mujeres como: madre, empleada y activista; o madre y trabajadora del hogar; o madre, ama de casa y voluntaria social; o madre y profesional independiente, y define, según el tipo de relaciones familiares de origen, una actitud y una expectativa muy específica respecto de la liberación de la mujer. Palabras clave: Nacionalismo, feminismo, revalorización, Velasquismo, liberación. ; --- This research analyzes the characteristics of policies and actions aimed at women, during the first stage of the Revolutionary Government of the Armed Forces, led by Juan Velasco Alvarado. It makes a basic periodization defined by cross members, both in official discourse, and in the nature of state institutions promoted. The study focuses mainly between 1972 and 1976, stage known as Revaluation Period. Also it reviews the characteristics of nationalist discourse, humanist and libertarian of the "velasquismo" as well as the participatory social mobilization strategy implemented by the state, including public policy of that period, in favor of women, promoted under the Educational reform (1972), mainly questioning, alienation and oppression of women and proposing a new role for greater autonomy and equality of conditions. It discusses the various types of institutionality promoted by the State, and the emergence of women's organizations, public expressions of his activism and feminist discourse in that period. To study this relationship, the author discuss different conceptions of female citizenship that get manifest in this period, mainly dominated by the social duties of wife - mother. It also check the visions on sexuality and the female body, key elements in the valuation of the autonomy of woman. The author seeks to establish the importance of this period in the emergence and consolidation of the women's movement and in the conceptualization of the "liberacion" of women, which has often been overlooked in studies of the second wave of "feminism" in Peru. Another key aspect of the vicarious citizenship is the conjunction of religious factors and an oligarchic ethos, which introduces the figure of "las patronas" - conjunction of ritual and ceremony, suffering and obedience, hierarchy and authority, celestial family and earthly lady of heaven and earth. This conjunction is functional to a number of women's social roles as: mother, employed and activist; or mother and domestic worker; or mother, housewife and social volunteer; or mother and freelancer, and defined, by type source of family relationships, an attitude and a very specific expectations about the "liberacion" of womern. ; Tesis

Climate change affects households, villages, countries, and regions worldwide. The populations and individuals most vulnerable to the negative impacts of climate change live in the poorest and least developed regions of the world, engage in climate-dependent livelihoods and have few assets. Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries in the world, with a history of climate- and politically-induced famines, has 80 percent of its population engaged in rain-fed agricultural livelihoods. This dissertation sought to determine empirically how individuals and households in Ethiopia cope with climate change impacts on their livelihoods and food security. Ethiopia, one of the poorest countries in the world, where 80 percent of the population engages in rain-fed agricultural livelihoods, has a history of climate- and politically-induced famines. This dissertation consists of three studies. The first two studies were qualitative primary interviews where recruitment, consent, structured interviews, and protocols were approved by the UCLA Institution Review Board, but used mixed methods including t-tests and Fisher's exact tests in the analysis. The third study was quantitative and used panel data from seven waves of the Ethiopian Rural Household Survey (1994-2009).The first study involved 59 rural-to-urban migrants in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Findings indicated that migration for some individuals was induced due to having insufficient tangible and intangible assets as a result of decreased or variable crop-yields, forced sale of livestock, sale of other assets, or need for additional income. Small plots of land, low levels of education, fertilizer loans, and tax debts were additional contributors to low asset levels. Migration for others was induced by volition or the desire to increase social or economic status with better jobs or education. Individuals who migrated by volition often reported having sufficient land, crop-yields, and food. Few individuals had access to safety-net programs and those who did reported insufficient or undesired provisions. The second study involved 35 heads or proxy-heads of household in three rural villages. Findings indicated that households cope with asset shortfalls and climate-change with a handful of strategies including selling animals, eating other less-preferred foods, decreasing the amount eaten, and selling other assets. Nearly all interviewees worried about money, land, and food, and needed more money, land, and animals. Climate change was reported to affect crop-yields. Ethiopia is a three-meal per day culture. In good-food months, adults and children eat three meals per day. In bad-food months, both adults and children eat fewer meals, and adults eat fewer meals than children to preserve child-nutritional status. Adults from households with the least amount of land and the most household members eat the fewest number of meals in bad months. Only in the worst times did individuals report anyone migrating from the household though most reported a family member migrating in the past. Some believe they will migrate in the future, primarily for land or education.The third study used longitudinal panel data from the Ethiopian Rural Household Survey, covering 1,477 households over 20 years. Analytical methods involved hierarchical linear modeling of bivariate and multivariate relationships between outcome and predictor variables and the elaboration model to test the modification of irrigation on rainfall-adequacy and food-security status. Hierarchical linear modeling tests how much of the observed relationship can be attributed to household, village, region, and time-specific aspects.Findings indicated that households continually vary in their food-security status over time. Where a household is located, its geography, and time were the most important predictors of household food-security status, and both are indicators of climate effects. Irrigation also demonstrated improvements in food-security status beyond rainfall-adequacy alone, indicating that while climate was an important predictor of food security, irrigation modifies the relationship, and modifies the impact of geography or household-location. Household crop storage improved food-security status, while free-food distribution and household assets had no impact. Household assets however, do influence household resilience, the type, and choice of coping-strategies households' use. The findings of these three studies provide new and supporting knowledge on coping-strategy use and food-security status over time in Ethiopia, demonstrating the influence of climate change as well as possible causes of migration in Ethiopia. These studies also confirm current literature describing the inadequate coverage and assistance of Ethiopia's safety-net program, guiding the way for improved pro-poor and climate-sensitive policy recommendations.

From time immemorial, human beings have been forced to protect the fruits of their creativity and ensure the security of their property. This information is very often strategic, in particular in political and commercial relationships. Also the need to protect this information by keeping it concealed in regards to enemies or competitors soon appeared. From ancient times, the methods used for masking and eventually encrypting information were numerous. Protection techniques have only advanced grown since the industrial era and have led to the precursor of electro-mechanic machines (such as the famous Enigma machine). Nowadays, new protection circuitry embeds very efficient algorithms. Despite these protections, they remain a prime target for « attackers » who try to break through all means of securing structures, for fraudulent uses. These « attackers » have a multitude of attack techniques. One of them uses a method of fault injections using a laser beam. From the beginning (Chapter I), this manuscript describes the state of the art of fault injections, focusing on those made using a laser beam. It explains these intrusive methods and provides information on how to protect even the most secure microcontrollers against these types of attacks. It is necessary to understand the physical phenomena involved in the interaction between a coherent light wave, such as lasers, and the physicochemical material that makes up a microcontroller. To better understanding these phenomena, an electrical modeling of CMOS gates under laser illumination was implemented to predict their behavior (Chapter II). Good correlations have been obtained between measurements and electrical simulation. These results can be used to test the laser sensitivity of CMOS gates through electrical cartographies. Due to the better understanding of the phenomena and the developed simulator, many countermeasures have been developed. The techniques presented in this manuscript offer new possibilities to increase the robustness of CMOS circuits against laser attacks. This work has already enabled the implementation of efficient counter-measures on embedded laser sensors and significantly enhanced product security against different laser attacks. ; De tout temps, l'Homme s'est vu contraint de protéger les fruits de sa créativité et les domaines concernant sa sécurité. Ses informations sont souvent sensibles, dans les relations politiques et commerciales notamment. Aussi, la nécessité de les protéger en les rendant opaques au regard d'adversaires ou de concurrents est vite survenue. Depuis l'Antiquité, les procédés de masquages et enfin de cryptages furent nombreux. Les techniques de protection, depuis l'époque industrielle n'ont fait que croître pour voir apparaître, durant la seconde guerre mondiale, l'archétype des machines électromécaniques (telle l'Enigma), aux performances réputées inviolables. De nos jours, les nouveaux circuits de protection embarquent des procédés aux algorithmes hyper performants. Malgré toutes ces protections, les produits restent la cible privilégiée des « pirates » qui cherchent à casser par tous les moyens les structures de sécurisation, en vue d'utilisations frauduleuses. Ces « hackers » disposent d'une multitude de techniques d'attaques, l'une d'elles utilise un procédé par injections de fautes à l'aide d'un faisceau laser. Dès le début de ce manuscrit (Chapitre I), l'état de l'art de l'injection de fautes sera développé, en se focalisant sur celles faite à l'aide d'un faisceau laser. Ceci aidera à bien appréhender ces procédés intrusifs et ainsi protéger au mieux les microcontrôleurs sécurisés contre ces types d'attaques. Il est nécessaire de bien comprendre les phénomènes physiques mis en jeu lors de l'interaction entre une onde de lumière cohérente, tels les lasers et le matériau physico-chimique qu'est le silicium. De la compréhension de ces phénomènes, une modélisation électrique des portes CMOS sous illumination laser a été mise en oeuvre pour prévoir leurs comportements (chapitre II). De bonnes corrélations ont pu être obtenues entre mesures et simulations électrique. Ces résultats peuvent permettre de tester la sensibilité au laser de portes CMOS au travers de cartographies de simulation. De cette meilleure compréhension des phénomènes et de ce simulateur mis en place, de nombreuses contre-mesures ont été imaginées. Les nouvelles techniques développées, présentées dans ce manuscrit, donnent déjà des pistes pour accroître la robustesse des circuits CMOS contre des attaques laser. D'ores et déjà, ce travail a permis la mise en oeuvre de détecteurs lasers embarqués sur les puces récentes, renforçant ainsi sensiblement la sécurité des produits contre une attaque de type laser.

This article looks at some relationships between economic and political views and legal proposals on global value chains and climate change conceived a world wide phenomenon. To see this linkage it should be noted that in the current literature are frequent misdiagnosis about technological innovations and the operation of the international economic system. If carried into practice, rules based on those mistakes in diagnosis would be entirely unfeasible. At the starting point, the concepts of globalization and free trade usually are treated as if they were synonyms. Therefore it is unknown the role of national states to reduce the undesirable residents operates as a feed back because it favors the global economy itself in order to regulate the rate of depreciation of goods and services as they are forced out of the markets by successive waves of technological innovation.But what does "protect residents" means from the requirements imposed by this global economy? It means systematically negotiate under the umbrella of reciprocity. The contribution of so-called "free trade agreements" (FTA) is still not sufficiently appreciated. They have become the instrument to negotiate on the basis of reciprocity measures for a variety of for issues among which are the value chains and climate change mitigation.On one hand this paper analyzes trade policy proposals based on misdiagnosis and, on the other hand, trade policy regulations effectively applied by WTO, FTA and national law with regard to global value chains and against pollution and environmental degradation: customs duties, non-tariff restrictions, rules of origin, facilitation, transparency, subsidies, trade in services, investment and intellectual property.In short, the author attempts to recreate a more realistic legal approach and therefore more suited to the demands of sustainable development.Finally, the paper challenges the tendency of developing countries to subscribe to misdiagnosis and simply ask special and differential treatment that will deeper over time technological gaps with the developed world. In contrast, the author suggests focusing efforts for assistance and linking technological and financial cooperation to trade and economic negotiations. ; Este artículo examina las implicaciones jurídicas de algunos enfoques actuales y muy difundidos, acerca de las cadenas globales de valor y el cambio climático entendido también como un evento de alcance mundial.En tal sentido, abundan los diagnósticos equivocados acerca de las innovaciones tecnológicas y el funcionamiento del sistema económico internacional. Estos errores llevan a la formulación de propuestas de cambios normativos que, si fueran llevados a la práctica resultarían inviables. En el punto de partida, los diagnósticos que se cuestionan asimilan el concepto de "globalización" al de "libre comercio". Por lo tanto desatienden al rol de los Estados nacionales en la reducción de los efectos indeseables de la globalización a fin de garantizar la subsistencia de sus propias poblaciones. Así se ignora que ese rol de protección tiene también un efecto de retroalimentación positiva para la propia economía global al regular el ritmo de amortización de bienes y servicios a medida que van siendo desplazados progresivamente de los mercados por las sucesivas oleadas de innovaciones tecnológicas.Pero ¿qué significa "proteger a los residentes" desde el punto de vista de los requerimientos impuestos por esta economía global? Significa: negociar sistemáticamente bajo el paraguas del criterio de reciprocidad. Al respecto todavía no se valora suficientemente la contribución de los mal denominados "tratados de libre comercio" (TLC). Se han convertido en el instrumento para negociar y de esa manera armonizar, sobre la base del criterio de reciprocidad, las soluciones normativas para una gran variedad de cuestiones entre las cuales están incluidas las cadenasde valor y la reducción del cambio climático.El trabajo compara propuestas normativas con disposiciones efectivamente aplicadas en la OMC, los TLC y los ordenamientos nacionales en relación a las cadenas globales de valor y a las políticas frente a la contaminación y degradación ambiental: aranceles, medidas restrictivas, reglas de origen, facilitación, transparencia, subsidios, comercio de servicios, inversiones y propiedad intelectual.En resumen, el autor aspira a recrear una perspectiva jurídica más realista y por lo tanto acorde a las demandas del desarrollo sustentable.Por último, es objetada la tendencia de los países en desarrollo al suscribir los diagnósticos equivocados y limitarse a pedir tratamientos especiales y diferenciados que van profundizando en el tiempo las brechas tecnológicas con el mundo desarrollado. En cambio se sugiere concentrar los esfuerzos para obtener asistencia y cooperación tecnológica y financiera vinculándola operativamente a las negociaciones comerciales y económicas.

"Economies of Valuation and Desire: How New Deal Photography Made the Amish Modern" connects two substantial bodies of scholarship: the visual culture of the New Deal, and twentieth-century visual and literary representations of religious sub-cultures in the United States. Its primary objectives are two-fold. First, it provides an alternative model for the Great Depression as a historical narrative and popular concept in the American imagination. The images at the center of my dissertation propose a counter-narrative to those typically offered, which describe great waves of migration across the landscape - narratives of Okies, and other de-territorialized American identities moving through shifting topographies of loss and renewal. In contrast, the earliest group of photographs to depict consenting Amish subjects in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania make visible an American community's firm rootedness to a particular place, and moreover, the cost of that endurance to other citizens. Second, the project contributes to the field of Anabaptist Studies a critical assessment of twentieth-century photographs of the photography-averse Amish, a subject that has yet to receive consideration in any field. Since they arose as a distinct group within the Amish Church in 1865, the Old Order have exercised serious proscriptions against photography as both act and object. Yet images of Amish individuals have proliferated in American visual culture since the early twentieth century and contribute to our collective idea of the community as insular, old-fashioned, and curiously benign. A particular set of New Deal photographs act as a pivot point in a history of picturing the Old Order - they are paradoxical images because they present the Anabaptist community as nearly extinct on the periphery of the modern world, yet also a viable threat to central tenets of multiple modernisms. Furthermore, it is precisely the Old Order's particular objections to photography that constitute some of the most serious challenges to established ideas of Modernism. "Economies of Valuation and Desire" considers photographs by Irving Rusinow taken for the American Farm Community Study, a sociological research endeavor directed by the Bureau of Agricultural Economics from 1938 to 1942. As the Bureau's Head Field Photographer, the little-known Rusinow replaced Dorothea Lange, who left in 1940 to pursue work on a Guggenheim Fellowship. The Study was comprised of six rural communities, including the Lancaster Amish, that the Bureau's team of sociologists selected as representative of the nation's rural inhabitants. In 1941, Rusinow produced about 1,000 photographs of these communities; however, only 76 of them were published with the Study's technical reports between 1942 and 1945. The project investigates a small portion of the photographer's (published and unpublished) images within the context of the Study's ultimate objective: to structure the six communities into a legible "continuum of stability and instability" and in the process, uncover cultural, environmental, and agricultural variables that led to a community's economic success or failure. The Community Study was in the service of the Bureau's primary program, Federal-County Land-Use Planning; the second half of the chapter considers the possibilities of Rusinow's photographs for this larger program. Land-Use Planning facilitated direct dialogue between all agricultural stakeholders in order to propose and enact policy change. Bureau-organized municipal meetings brought together farmers, university agriculture extension agents, social scientists, Washington bureaucrats, and farm union representatives who collaborated to literally redraw maps of local topographies as the first step towards higher agricultural profits and more economically resilient communities. Land-Use Planning was tasked with inculcating big business methods into agriculture, but doing so with a grassroots democratic approach that required "inside" information about each of the communities in question. To this end, Rusinow's camera was the program's fundamental research tool, freely oscillating between ethnographic and anthropological looking at (O)ther Americans. His photographs substantially reframe established narratives about the New Deal; they muddy (or unexpectedly illuminate) Roy Stryker's assertion that the most famous government photography project, enabled by the Farm Security Administration, was going to "introduce America to Americans." I argue that Land-Use Planning photography was deployed as a mode of surveillance in the countryside, a tool for social gardening with which the vulnerabilities of peripheral populations could be identified, ordered, and "corrected."

La oleada de protestas y revueltas producidas a lo largo del norte de África y Oriente Medio durante la primera mitad de 2011 ha despertado un interés considerable tanto en el ámbito periodístico como en el académico. Aunque originadas en Túnez, la pieza central de estos levantamientos fue la revolución del 25 de enero en Egipto, que acabó con la salida del poder del Presidente Hosni Mubarak, la elección popular de Mohamed Morsi y la creación de una comisión constituyente. Una revuelta popular en Libia acabó con el asesinato del coronel Gadafi y el arresto de su hijo. En Yemen, el equilibrio inestable entre el norte tribal y el sur modernizado comenzó a romperse. A pesar del entusiasmo general por que se produjera un proceso pacífico de democratización, desde el otoño de 2012 predomina un mayor realismo, si no cinismo, sobre las perspectivas de un cambio social duradero. Me referiré a este desarrollo insospechado de la Primavera Árabe y sus revuelas populares como "el invierno de nuestro descontento". Hay una inquietud muy extendida sobre lo que pueda venir tras el derrocamiento de los regímenes de Yemen, Túnez, Libia y Egipto, y una mayor ansiedad aún sobre lo que pueda suceder, si algo sucede, tras el enfrentamiento civil en Siria. De las elecciones democráticas en Túnez y Egipto han salido gobiernos y cambios legislativos inspirados en el conservadurismo islámico más que en un proyecto democrático secularizado. El deterioro de los derechos de las mujeres que se deduce de la nueva legislación es un claro indicador en este sentido. Analizaré estos procesos valiéndome de la noción weberiana de las consecuencias no intencionales de la acción y discutiendo si estas sociedades lucharán por crear ciudadanía, sociedades civiles viables e instituciones políticas democráticas y transparentes. Es poco probable que los movimientos sociales sobrevivan si no permean las instituciones locales y grupos sociales. El desarrollo de la ciudadanía depende de la consolidación de una clase media –una clase social casi por completo ausente en la región, con la excepción de Turquía. Los Hermanos Musulmanes se fortalecen gracias a su prolongada implicación a nivel local, de ahí que los cambios sociales de carácter más conservador se hayan impuesto poco a poco a los elementos más inclusivos y secularizadores de la revolución. ; ABSTRACT The wave of protests and revolts across North Africa and the Middle East occurring in the first half of 2011 has generated considerable academic and journalistic interest. Starting in Tunisia, the centre piece of these uprisings was the 25 January Revolution in Egypt resulting in the resignation of President Hosni Mubarak, the popular election of Mohamed Morsi, and the creation of a panel to develop a new constitution. A popular uprising in Libya resulted in the killing of Colonel Gaddafi and the arrest of his son. In the Yemen, the unstable relationship between the tribal North and the modernized South began to unravel. Despite the general enthusiasm for a peaceful transition to democracy, by the autumn of 2012 there was more realism if not cynicism about the prospects of lasting social change. I refer to this unanticipated development of the Arab Spring and associated popular uprisings as 'the winter of our discontent'. There is widespread concern about what might come after the overthrow of the regimes in Yemen, Tunisia, Libya and Egypt, and even more anxiety about what, if anything, may come after the civil violence in Syria. Democratic elections in Tunisia and Egypt are producing governments and legal codes that are inspired more by conservative Islam than by secular versions of democracy. One indicator is the trend towards an erosion of the rights of women by new laws. I analyse these developments within the framework of Max Weber's notion of the unintended consequences of action by arguing that these societies will struggle to create citizenship, viable civil societies and democratically transparent political institutions. Social movements are unlikely to survive without becoming embedded in local institutions and social groups. The growth of citizenship typically depends on a relatively well established and successful middle class – a social class that is largely absent in the region with the exception of Turkey. The Muslim Brotherhood gains strength from its long-term involvement at the village level, and hence its more conservative view of social transformation has slowly replaced more inclusive, secular components of the revolution.