Suchergebnisse

Almost two decades after the proclamation of the goal of a "drug-free world", the global illicit drug trade is flourishing. The markets and routes, however, are constantly changing, confronting countries and regions with an array of new challenges. West African countries in particular are no longer merely transit zones for cocaine or heroin. Yet they played virtually no role in the preparations for the Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on the World Drug Problem (UNGASS) in late April 2016. Nonetheless, the UNGASS process has injected fresh momentum into the drug policy debate within the region. This offers starting points for new partnerships, particularly with Europe, since various West African countries and organizations have moved closer to the EU's comparatively progressive drug policy position. For genuine change, however, there needs to be not only a shift away from the still predominantly repressive approaches applied by national governments in West Africa, but also a rethink of European security sector programmes. (author's abstract)

The competence of the European States in the field of international relations seems to conceive at the present time as an all-embracing faculty, which embraces all responsibility for any activity with external significance. In the Spanish case, this trend has meant a return to the prevailing conception during the primary stage of constitutional development, and refers to coverage in an expansive reading of the State's competency title on international relations and on the functions of international treaties and Direction Foreign policy constitutionally conferred on the Government. ; La competencia de los Estados europeos en materia de relaciones internacionales parece concebirse en la actualidad como una facultad omnímoda, que abraza toda responsabilidad sobre cualquier actividad con trascendencia exterior. En el caso español, esta tendencia ha supuesto un regreso a la concepción prevalente durante la etapa primaria de desarrollo constitucional, y pretende hallar cobertura en una lectura expansiva del título competencial del Estado sobre las relaciones internacionales y en las funciones sobre tratados internacionales y dirección de la política exterior conferidas constitucionalmente al Gobierno.

While clearly assessing the achievements, performance and responses of major global south institutions to global change, Jacqueline Anne Braveboy-Wagner shows how and why such arrangements are critical in the South's efforts to call the international community's attention to their concerns and to resolve their special problems. Focusing on a range of key areas to provide the reader with a well-rounded understanding of this important subject in international affairs, the book:offers a rationale for the institutional development in the global South elaborates on the scope of membership, structure, aims, and problems of such institutions assesses the utility of tri-continental political and economic organizations examines the history and activities of region-wide organizations evaluates the potential of sub-regional integration arrangements analyses the applicability of various theories, and makes suggestions with respect to the study of global South institutions.The lack of a comprehensive and accessible compilation of institutions of key importance to the global South in the post-war period, makes this book essential reading to students and scholars in the fields of in international organization, international politics, foreign policy, international development, and global south public policies.

Using information gathered from 40 interviews with Costa Ricans who live abroad (some who decided to vote in the newly granted external voting right and others who did not vote in the Costa Rican National Elections of 2014), the variables that impacted the voting intention and/or behavior of these Costa Rican diaspora members were categorized using the independent variables presented by the Situational Theory of Publics: problem recognition, constraint recognition (internal and external constraints), and level of involvement. This theory was used to better understand what is moving these potential external voters to vote or not, in order to suggest what kinds of efforts should the Costa Rican government undertake to increase the number of external voters. The implications for public diplomacy and international public relations are explored

From text: In terms of the National Gambling Act 33 of 1996, the Northern and Free State provinces were respectively allocated three and four of the total 40 casino licences that could be awarded throughout the country. This Act regulates gambling issues relating to inter alia casino gaming regulation and provides for national gambling norms and standards to be followed by the provincial gambling licensing boards. No person may hold more than 16 casino licences in the country or more than two casino licences per province. Where a person however held more than two licences prior to 1994, the maximum number of casino licences allowed in such province is three. This last provision was aimed at, and only became applicable to Sun International ("SISA") after 10 May 1999.

Deutschland unternahm während seiner letzten Mitgliedschaft im Sicherheitsrat der Vereinten Nationen (VNSR) entscheidende Schritte, um die VNSR-Agenda zum Schutz von Kindern in bewaffneten Konflikten zu stärken und auszuweiten. Mit einer Fortsetzung dieses Engagements könnte Deutschland dazu beitragen, dass dieser Schutz weiter verbessert wird, und sich gleichzeitig erneut als Kandidat für den Sicherheitsrat 2019/20 empfehlen. Innovative Projekte könnten dabei eine Wirkung entfalten, die über die Agenda hinaus einen maßgeblichen Beitrag zur Verbesserung der Arbeitsmethoden des VNSR leisten, die für viele Mitgliedstaaten im Zentrum der VNSR-Reformdebatte stehen. (Autorenreferat)