Faith and statecraft: A special issue on religion in world affairs
In: Orbis: FPRI's journal of world affairs, Band 42, Heft 2, S. 159-334
ISSN: 0030-4387
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In: Orbis: FPRI's journal of world affairs, Band 42, Heft 2, S. 159-334
ISSN: 0030-4387
World Affairs Online
In: Young: Nordic journal of youth research, Band 11, Heft 2, S. 161-181
ISSN: 1741-3222
The article discusses how Norwegian-Pakistani young people experience and reflect upon changes in their lives from childhood to adolescence, i.e. it presents their life courses with a special focus on their attitudes to religion, ethnicity, gender and social boundaries. The presentation is based on a longitudinal study (1994-2001) of 14 Norwegian-Pakistani children and young people. The move from childhood to adolescence and early grown-up status is characterized by negotiations at different levels and within different social contexts. The concept of negotiation is used to underline the dynamic linkages between traditions and individuality in the open-ended processes of constructing identities and life worlds. Who am I? What does it mean to be a Muslim woman and a Norwegian citizen? Which boundaries can be negotiated, and which are impossible to cross? Negotiations are going on between parents and adolescents, within peer groups and among siblings, between boys and girls. Negotiations occur at an institutional and political level between majority and minorities, between local attachments and global networks, between schooling and media. Negotiations are also going on within each individual, in the form of reflexivity, compromises, creativity, and the management of plural identities. Some of these negotiations and processes are found to be general and typical for the age group, and some may be specific to being Muslims in a non-Muslim society or belonging to an ethnic minority.
By examining the intersection of Islamic law, state law, religion, and culture in the Egyptian nation-building process, Recasting Islamic Law highlights how the sharia, when attached to constitutional commitments, is reshaped into modern Islamic state law. Rachel M. Scott analyzes the complex effects of constitutional commitments to the sharia in the wake of the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. She argues that the sharia is not dismantled by the modern state when it is applied as modern Islamic state law, but rather recast in its service. In showing the particular forms that the sharia takes when it is applied as modern Islamic state law, Scott pushes back against assumptions that introductions of the sharia into modern state law result in either the revival of medieval Islam or in its complete transformation. Scott engages with premodern law and with the Ottoman legal legacy on topics concerning Egypt's Coptic community, women's rights, personal status law, and the relationship between religious scholars and the Supreme Constitutional Court. Recasting Islamic Law considers modern Islamic state law's discontinuities and its continuities with premodern sharia.
BASE
In: Archives de sciences sociales des religions: ASSR, Heft 136, S. 115-283
ISSN: 1777-5825
In: Archives de sciences sociales des religions: ASSR, Heft 112, S. 96-98
ISSN: 1777-5825
In: American journal of political science: AJPS, Heft 319-326 2
ISSN: 0092-5853
CONTRA MASS SOCIETY THEORY, WHETHER INTERGRATION IS A BUFFER TO SOCIAL-MOVEMENT SUPPORT DEPENDS PARTIALLY ON THE CONTENT OF INTERGRATION. THOSE INTERGRATED INTO GROUPS THAT FAILED TO COMMUNICATE THEIR POSITION TO THEIR MEMBERS, OR OPPOSED THE NAZI MOVEMENT, VOTED AGAINST THE MOVEMENT; THOSE INTEGRATED INTO GROUPS THAT FAVORED THE MOVEMENT, VOTED FOR THE MOVEMENT.
In: Social policy and society: SPS ; a journal of the Social Policy Association, Band 20, Heft 2, S. 296-309
ISSN: 1475-3073
This article examines the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) framework as a political project in tension with its universal and multilateral aspirations to serve as a counterbalance to narrow populist visions increasingly dominating global politics. Building upon Laclau and Mouffe's theory of populism and their notion of 'radical democracy', we conceptualise the SDGs as a struggle for hegemony and in competition with other styles of politics, over what counts as 'development'. This hegemonial struggle plays out in the attempts to form political constituencies behind developmental slogans, and it is here that religious actors come to the fore, given their already established role in organising communities, expressing values and aspirations, and articulating visions of the future. Examining how the SDG process has engaged with faith actors in India and Ethiopia, as well as how the Indian and Ethiopian states have engaged with religion in defining development, we argue that a 'radical democracy' of sustainable development requires a more intentional effort at integrating religious actors in the implementation of the SDGs.
This article examines the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) framework as a political project in tension with its universal and multilateral aspirations to serve as a counterbalance to narrow populist visions increasingly dominating global politics. Building upon Laclau and Mouffe's theory of populism and their notion of 'radical democracy', we conceptualise the SDGs as a struggle for hegemony and in competition with other styles of politics, over what counts as 'development'. This hegemonial struggle plays out in the attempts to form political constituencies behind developmental slogans, and it is here that religious actors come to the fore, given their already established role in organising communities, expressing values and aspirations, and articulating visions of the future. Examining how the SDG process has engaged with faith actors in India and Ethiopia, as well as how the Indian and Ethiopian states have engaged with religion in defining development, we argue that a 'radical democracy' of sustainable development requires a more intentional effort at integrating religious actors in the implementation of the SDGs.
BASE
In: Sociology of religion, Band 57, Heft 2, S. 195
ISSN: 1759-8818
In: Religion, politics and society in Britain
In: Central European history, Band 36, Heft 1, S. 75-105
ISSN: 1569-1616
InJune 1937, a thirteen-year-old boy by the name of Fritz Brüggemann wrote Heinrich Himmler, the Reichsführer-SS and head of the German police, asking for some theological advice. Himmler, a leading "neopagan" in the Nazi movement, had formally left the Catholic Church in 1936, but had been lost to Christianity years before. Fritz Brüggemann had also left his church, which meant that he, like Himmler, formally went by the designationgottgläubig(literally "believing in God"). Those designated as "believing in God" did not just avoid church taxes; they were also making a statement about their rejection of Germany's two confessions and their interest in a newvölkischalternative. Still, for this young Hitler Youth squad leader from Schönebeck, a speech on religion delivered to his troop was causing him concern. He was not sure if he had heard correctly, but he thought he understood the speaker to say that Jesus had been a Jew. He wrote to see if the Reichsführer-SS could perhaps enlighten him on this question. He received a reply from Rudolf Brandt, Himmler's personal assistant and a leading figure in his entourage. "The Reichsführer is of the opinion," wrote Brandt, "that Christ was not a Jew. You must certainly have misunderstood the speaker."
In: Estudios onomástico-biográficos de al-Andalus 14
In: Collection L'Iran en transition
This innovative collection of original essays focuses on the ways in which geography, gender, race, and religion influenced the reception of Darwinism in the English-speaking world of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although studies of Darwin and Darwinism have increased dramatically in the past few decades, knowledge of how various groups and regions responded to Darwinism remains unknown. The contributions to this volume collectively illustrate the importance of local social, physical, and religious arrangements, while showing that neither distance from Darwin's home at Down nor size of community greatly influenced how various regions responded to Darwinism. Essays spanning the world from Great Britain and North America to Australia and New Zealand explore the various meanings for Darwinism in these widely separated locales, while other chapters focus on the difference it made in the debates over evolution
Part One. Scandals, Publics, and the Recent Study of Religion -- Scandalous Controversy and Public Spaces -- Public Spheres/Public Spaces -- The 1990s: Cultural Recognition, Internet Utopias, and Postcolonial Identities -- Ancestors' Publics -- Part Two. Case Studies -- Mother Earth: The Near Impossibility of a Public -- The Construction of Religious Boundaries: Competing Public Histories -- Songs of Wisdom and Circles of Dance: An Emerging Global Public -- The Illegitimacy of Jesus: Strong Publics in Conflict -- God's Phallus: The Refusal of Public Engagement -- K¿lī's Child: The Challenge of Secret Publics -- Part Three. New Publics, New Possibilities -- Scholars, Foolish Wisdom, and Dwelling in the Space Between