Suchergebnisse

Vaikka kaupunkien, teollisuuden ja maatalouden jätevedenpuhdistamot ovat olleet vesiensuojelun tärkeimmät välineet kaikissa teollisuusmaissa, ei yhdenkään suuren teollisuusmaan vesiensuojelun ympäristöhistoriasta ole tehty monitieteistä ja kattavaa kansallista tutkimusta. Tämä koskee myös Neuvostoliittoa. Useimmat tutkimukset käsittelevät Neuvostoliiton ympäristöteemoja laajasti, jolloin suurtenkin yksittäisten sektoreiden, kuten vesiensuojelun, esittelyt ovat jääneet pinnallisiksi. Tästä syystä artikkelimme tavoitteena on pyrkiä luomaan ensimmäinen, suomeksi kirjoitettu yleiskuva Neuvostoliiton vesiensuojelun ympäristöhistoriasta vuosina 1917–1991. Keskitymme kolmeen alateemaan: vesistöjä koskevan lehdistökeskustelun, vesistöjen luonnontieteellisen tutkimuksen ja jätevedenpuhdistuksen kehityksen ympäristöhistoriaan. Esittelemme myös vesiensuojelun normatiivisen ohjauksen päävaiheita. Tutkimuskirjallisuuden lisäksi olemme käyneet läpi luonnontieteilijöiden ja insinöörien ammatillisia raportteja, artikkeleita ja kirjoja sekä neuvostolehdistöä (Pravda ja Izvestija). Metodologisesti tutkimuksemme edustaa autoritaaristen yhteiskuntien ympäristöhistorian tutkimuksen uutta koulukuntaa, jonka tavoitteena on tarkastella eri yhteiskuntajärjestelmiä edustavia maita monitieteisten lähestymistapojen ja empiiristen lähdeaineistojen avulla aiempaa avoimemmin. Ilmeisistä ongelmista huolimatta vesistöjen saastumisesta muotoutui Neuvostoliiton varhaisin ja merkittävin yleisesti tunnustettu ympäristöongelma ja vesiensuojelusta tuli sen ympäristönsuojelun vanhin, laajin ja ehkä tehokkain sektori.

Although urban, industrial and agricultural wastewater treatment plants have been the main instrument for water protection in all industrialised countries, no multidisciplinary and comprehensive national study has been conducted on the environmental history of water protection in any of the major industrialised countries. This also applies to the Soviet Union. Most studies deal extensively with Soviet environmental themes, leaving presentations of even large individual sectors, such as water protection, superficial. For this reason, the aim of our article is to try to create the first overview, written in Finnish, of the environmental history of water protection in the Soviet Union in 1917–1991. We focus on three sub-themes: the press debate on water pollution and protection, the environmental history of scientific research on water pollution, and the construction of wastewater treatment plants. We also present the main stages of the normative control of water protection. In addition to research literature, we have reviewed professional reports, articles and books by natural scientists and engineers, as well as the Soviet press (Pravda and Izvestiya). Methodologically, our research represents a new school of thought on the study of the environmental history of authoritarian societies, with the goal of looking more openly at countries representing different social systems through multidisciplinary approaches and empirical source data. According to our results, water pollution became the most significant and widely recognised environmental problem in the Soviet Union, and water protection became its oldest, largest, and perhaps most effective sector of environmental protection.

Preface -- Contents -- Editors and Contributors -- 1 Introduction: Secession and Recognition in the Twenty-first Century -- References -- Theoretical Perspectives -- 2 Making Peace with De Facto States -- 1 Making Peace with-While also Extending: The Concept of De Facto States -- 2 Making Peace with Non-recognition -- 3 How to Make Peace with De Facto States -- 4 Conclusion -- Acknowledgements -- References -- 3 Unrecognized States and National Identity -- 1 Collective Identities and Recognition -- 2 State Recognition and National Identity -- 3 Unrecognized States and National Identity -- References -- 4 Ontological Security of the Post-Soviet de Facto States -- 1 The Perspective of Ontological Security -- 2 The Application of Ontological Security to Post-Soviet de Facto States -- 3 Ontological Security and Honour in the Caucasus -- 4 Case Study: The Chechen Republic of Ichkeria 1996-1999 -- 5 Conclusion -- References -- 5 Contemporary Referendum on Independence (RI) and Linguistic Aspects of an Intelligible Referendum Question (RQ) -- 1 Evolution of the Principles of Intelligibility of a Referendum Question (RQ) -- 2 Selection of Secessionist Groups for Investigation -- 3 Emerging Democracies: The Soviet Union and Yugoslavia -- 3.1 Disintegration of the Soviet Union -- 3.2 Dissolution of Yugoslavia -- 3.3 Summary -- 4 Internationally Supervised RI: From Eritrea to South Sudan -- 4.1 Eritrea -- 4.2 East Timor -- 4.3 Montenegro -- 4.4 South Sudan -- 4.5 Summary -- 5 Micro-states -- 5.1 Nevis -- 5.2 Palau -- 5.3 Tokelau -- 5.4 Summary -- 6 Liberal Democracies -- 6.1 Québec -- 6.2 Scotland -- 6.3 Catalonia -- 6.4 Summary -- 7 Concluding Remarks -- 7.1 Purely Evolutionary Dimension -- 7.2 Time-Spatial Dimension -- 7.3 Liberal Democratic Dimension -- 7.4 Negotiating Dimension -- References -- 6 (Super)Power Rule: Comparative Analysis of Parent States

Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Abbreviations -- List of Figures -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Conceptual Framework: From National to Transnational and Global History -- Shifting Borders: Tours and Touring -- Institutional Imbrications and Epistemic Communities -- Acting, Artists and Art between the Battlefronts -- Postcolonial Perspectives -- Notes -- Part I: Shifting Borders: Tours and Touring -- Chapter 2: A Cold War Battleground: Catfish Row versus the Nevsky Prospekt -- Notes -- Chapter 3: Spirituals, Serfs, and Soviets: Paul Robeson and International Race Policy in the Soviet Union at the Start of the Cold War -- Minorities in the Soviet Union -- The 1934 Trip -- The 1936 Tour -- The 1949 Visit -- Robeson's Shift of Counter-discourse -- Notes -- Chapter 4: The Politics of an International Reputation: The Berliner Ensemble as a GDR Theatre on Tour -- The Importance of Touring to the Young Berliner Ensemble -- The Breakthrough Years -- Negotiating the Travel Ban after the Wall -- The International Dimension as Constant Presence -- Concluding Remarks on a Lop-sided, Symbiotic Relationship -- Notes -- Chapter 5: 'A tour to the West could bring a lot of trouble…'-The Mazowsze State Folk Song and Dance Ensemble during the First Period of the Cold War -- A New Cultural and Folklore Tradition -- The Birth of Mazowsze -- On Tour -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 6: Song and Dance Ensembles in Central European Militaries: The Spread, Transformation and Retreat of a Soviet Model -- Introduction -- Military Song and Dance Ensembles: Building on Three Older Cultural Traditions -- The Triangle of Tension: Artistic Needs, Political Requirements and Military Utilitarianism -- Artistic Needs -- Political Requirements -- Military Utilitarianism -- Foundation of Ensembles 'As Alike as Two Peas in a Pod'

This paper is dedicated to the history of the Women's International Democratic Federation (further WIDF), the influential transnational organization of the period of the Cold War. The scholars who were dealing with the history of this organization have different opinions about its activities and historical role. Indeed, several researches have shown that the federation realized a lot of solidarity work; the federation was important not least with respect to the anti-colonial and anti-racist struggles as well for cooperation between women from inside and outside Europe. But on the other hand, historically this organization was seen as dependent from the Soviet Union or as the organization where Communist ideas and Soviet bloc's geopolitical interests have played an important role. The aim of this paper is to explore some of the contradictory aspects of the WIDF's ideology and activities. I use the WIDF's official publications, first of all, the federation's journal Women of the Whole World/ Zhenshchiny mira (published from 1951 in English, French, Russian and, later on German, Spanish and Arabic) vis-à-vis the material from the archive in Moscow, belonging to the WIDF's member organization from the Soviet Union (GARF, Fond of the Committee of the Soviet Women). In this paper I discuss the federation's use of the achievements of the state socialist countries on the way to women's emancipation as well as WIDF's main political concepts and some of their interpretations. Thus, I explore the contradictions with respect to how the concepts as human rights, democracy and women's rights were used in WIDF's documents from different periods as well as discuss conflicts connected to their use.

AbstractContrary to its initiators' intentions, the Cultural Revolution laid political foundations for a transition to a market-oriented economy whilst also creating circumstances that helped to ensure the cohesion and survival of China's Soviet-style party-state. The Cultural Revolution left the Chinese Communist Party and civilian state structures weak and in flux, and drastically weakened entrenched bureaucratic interests that might have blocked market reform. The weakening of central government structures created a decentralized planned economy, the regional and local leaders of which were receptive to initial market-oriented opportunities. The economic and technological backwardness fostered by the Cultural Revolution left little support for maintaining the status quo. Mao put Deng Xiaoping in charge of rebuilding the Party and economy briefly in the mid-1970s before purging him a second time, inadvertently making him the standard-bearer for post-Mao rebuilding and recovery. Mutual animosities with the Soviet Union provoked by Maoist polemics led to a surprising strategic turn to the United States and other Western countries in the early 1970s. The resulting economic and political ties subsequently advanced the agenda of reform and opening. China's first post-Mao decade was therefore one of rebuilding and renewal under a pre-eminent leader who was able to overcome opposition to a new course. The impact of this legacy becomes especially clear when contrasted with the Soviet Union in the 1980s, where political circumstances were starkly different, and where Gorbachev's attempts to implement similar changes in the face of entrenched bureaucratic opposition led to the collapse and dismemberment of the Soviet state.

В статье раскрывается состояние современных отношений России со странами Африки, акцентируется внимание на важности и актуальности использования советского опыта в регионе, готовности в этой связи руководства ряда африканских стран предоставлять Москве преференции. Отмечается, что Африка на рубеже ХХ-ХХI вв. является объектом экономического соперничества как между бывшими странами-метрополиями, так и между новыми политическими акторами США и Китаем. В этой связи Россия как правопреемник СССР могла бы использовать потенциал, наработанный еще в советский период, с учетом того, что в африканских государствах сохраняется положительный образ СССР как страны, которая внесла решающий вклад в освобождение континента от колониализма. Автор определяет перспективы дальнейшего сотрудничества РФ с государствами Африки, прежде всего в экономической и военно-политической сферах. ; The article reveals the state of modern Russia's relations with African countries, focuses on the importance and relevance of the Soviet experience in the region and willingness of African countries authorities to provide preferences to Moscow. It is noted that Africa at the turn of XX-XXI centuries is the subject of economic rivalry like between the former metropolitan countries and the new political factors like the US and China. In this regard Russia as the legal successor of the Soviet Union could use the potential accumulated during the Soviet period, taking into account the fact that the African states still maintain a positive image of the Soviet Union as a country that has made a decisive contribution to the liberation of the continent from colonialism. The author defines the prospects of further cooperation of Russia with the countries of Africa, especially in the economic, military and political spheres.

Discusses Jan. 23, 1968 North Korean seizure of the Pueblo, a US Navy ship operating under joint direction of the National Security Agency (NSA) and Naval Intelligence, based on archival material on foreign policy decision-making.

EXAMINES THE VIEWS OF SOVIET MILITARY THEORISTS ON THE IMPACT THAT PERCEPTIONS OF A WAR AS BEING "UNJUST" MAY HAVE ON THE MILITARY AND POLITICAL ASPECTS OF THE WAR. THEY BELIEVE THAT WHEN SOLDIERS FIGHTING IN A WAR BELIEVE IT TO BE "UNJUST" THIS CAN DIRECTLY LEAD TO ILITARY SETBACKS WHICH IN TURN CAN LEAD TO THE EROSION OF DOMESTIC SUPPORT FOR THESE "UNJUST" WARS.

Examines issues in Russian-Ukrainian relations; atomic weapons, the former Soviet Black sea fleet, Crimea, collective security, and US interests.

ELECTIONS TO THE 'ELEVENTH CONVOCATION' OF THE USSR SUPREME SOVIET TOOK PLACE ON 4 MARCH 1984. THE PROCESS BY WHICH THE ELECTIONS TOOK PLACE IS EXAMINED HERE IN DETAIL, FROM THE CALLING OF THE ELECTION ON 16 DECEMBER 1983, THROUGH THE NOMINATION, APPROVAL AND REGISTRATION OF THE CANDIDATES, TO THE PRE-ELECTION MEETINGS WITH CONSTITUENTS AND THE POLL ITSELF. THE LEVEL OF TURNOUT AND THE VOTE IN FAVOUR OF THE SINGLE LIST OF CANDIDATES WERE IN EACH CASE THE HIGHEST IN SOVIET HISTORY; THEY MUST, HOWEVER, BE ADJUSTED FOR THE USE OF 'ABSENTEE CERTIFICATES' AND AN APPARENT INCREASE IN THE NUMBER OF CITIZENS NOT RECORDED ON THE ELECTORAL REGISTER. THE AUTHOR MAINTAINS THAT ELECTIONS WITHOUT CHOICE, AS IN THE USSR, ARE NOT NECESSARILY ELECTIONS WITHOUT POLITICAL SIGNIFICANCE. HE POINT OUT THAT THE SOVIET ELECTIONS APPEAR IN FACT TO PERFORM AT LEAST THREE IMPORTANT FUNCTIONS: LEGITIMATION; POLITICAL COMMUNICATION BETWEEN REGIME AND CITIZENRY; AND POLITICAL MOBILIZATION AND SOCIALIZATION. GIVEN THE INCREASING ECONOMIC DIFFICULTIES THEY ARE LIKELY TO FACE IN THE LATER 1980S AND BEYOND, THE AUTHOR FEELS SOVIET AUTHORITIES MAY BE EXPECTED TO MAKE EVEN MORE USE OF SUCH MECHANISMS IN THE FUTURE IN ORDER TO SECURE ACCEPTANCE OF THEIR DECISIONS WITHOUT RESORT TO OVERTLY COERCIVE MEANS.