Suchergebnisse

' Through a combination of narrative and key historical documents, this Special Edition of the Yearbook offers a picture of the United Nations' extraordinary achievements over the past fifty years ', observes Secretary-General of the UN, Dr Boutros Boutros-Ghali in his Foreword to the book. Fully indexed, this Special Edition of the Yearbook recounts the early initiatives that led to the adoption of the Charter of the UN on 25 June 1945 at San Francisco. It captures the major issues and more, and highlights the lasting milestones of the 50 years of UN history, projecting the imperatives of the organization into the next century

When will states receive concessions in multilateral negotiations? And on which issues are those concessions likely to be received? I highlight two factors that influence the likelihood a state will receive concessions on an issue in multilateral negotiations: (1) the degree to which the issues linked together in the negotiation are "differently valued" by the negotiating states, and (2) the costliness of states' "best alternative to a negotiated agreement" on each individual issue. The former creates the opportunity for an exchange of concessions; the latter creates the incentive for that exchange to occur. It is the interaction of having more differently valued issues on the table and having a more costly best alternative to a negotiated agreement on an issue that makes a state more likely to receive concessions on that issue. This argument stands in contrast to the standard negotiation literature, which has shown that having a more beneficial best alternative to a negotiated agreement will yield greater concessions. I argue that these contradictory assertions exist because there are two types of best alternatives to a negotiated agreement that must be taken into account – one at the negotiation level and those at the issue-specific level. The current literature has tended to focus on the former while I focus on the latter. I test my argument on an originally constructed dataset of concessions states received in the Uruguay Round trade negotiations of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade. For each issue in the Round, I coded the costliness of each state's issue-specific best alternative to a negotiated agreement and the level of concessions it received on that issue. The results provide insights into the workings of multilateral negotiations.

The current NATO intervention in Kosovo has no basis in the UN Charter & presents a difficult challenge for international law, placing the principles of territorial sovereignty & human rights & humanitarian intervention at odds. Humanitarian intervention has a long history in Europe & has achieved a status that was never before acknowledged, requiring concrete consequences for violations. Although humanitarian intervention must not become a routine occurrence & requires strict adherence to rules of engagement as well as thoughtful consideration about the appropriate means & strategy, it cannot be considered illegal. For NATO & other participants, the aim of the intervention must be kept in the foreground, & such intervention should never be utilized to achieve political aims. L. Kehl

The information battles of the Bolivian and Cuban Revolutions overlaps the ones of the Cold War. It is fundamental to study the international news agencies activities that covered those revolutions. In this case, I will study Associated Press actions. I will analyze institutional paperwork, UNESCO studies concerning news agencies and revolutionary critics against them. It was a battle to stabilize information about what was the meaning of a Latin American revolution, as well as to transform it in a news material, including commercial issues. ; Las batallas por la información en las revoluciones boliviana y cubana se superponen con las de la Guerra Fría. Es clave estudiar las actividades de las agencias internacionales de noticias en la cobertura de ambos sucesos. En este caso, el centro de mi trabajo será Associated Press. Analizo su papeleo interno, estudios de la UNESCO, y las críticas de los líderes revolucionarios sobre el manejo informativo. Sostengo que se trató de una batalla por estabilizar la información sobre las características de una revolución latinoamericana, a la vez que convertirla en una noticia según determinados criterios de análisis, incluyendo los comerciales. ; As batalhas por informações nas revoluções boliviana e cubana coincidem com as da Guerra Fria. É fundamental estudar a atuação das agências de notícias internacionais na cobertura de ambos os eventos. Nesse caso, o foco do meu trabalho será a Associated Press. Analiso sua papelada interna, estudos da UNESCO e as críticas dos líderes revolucionários sobre a gestão da informação. Defendo que foi uma batalha para estabilizar a informação sobre as características de uma revolução latino-americana, ao mesmo tempo que a transformou em notícia segundo certos critérios analíticos, inclusive comerciais.

This forum presents a snapshot of the current state of neoclassical realist theorizing. Its contributors are self-identified neoclassical realists who delineate their version of neoclassical realism (NCR), its scope, object of analysis, and theoretical contribution. From the standpoint of NCR, they contribute to and reflect on the "end of IR theory" debate. NCR has come under criticism for its supposed lack of theoretical structure and alleged disregard for paradigmatic boundaries. This raises questions as to the nature of this (theoretical) beast. Is NCR a midrange, progressive research program? Can it formulate a grand theory informed by metatheoretical assumptions? Is it a reformulation of neorealism or classical realism or an eclectic mix of different paradigms? The forum contributors argue that NCR, in different variants, holds considerable promise to investigate foreign policy, grand strategy and international politics. They interrogate the interaction of international and domestic politics and consider normative implications as well as the sources and cases of NCR beyond the West. In so doing, they speak to theorizing and the utility of the theoretical enterprise in IR more generally.

Foreword by Paul Arthur Berkman, Alexander N. Vylegzhanin and Oran R. Young -- Preface by Alexander N. Vylegzhanin -- Part 1: Treaties (selected provisions) -- Regional Treaty Law -- Bilateral Treaties of Arctic States -- Bilateral Treaties with Russia -- Bilateral Treaties of other Arctic States -- Part 2: Subsidiary Means for the Determination of Rules of International Law (selected provisions) -- Part 3: Relevant Laws and Other Legal Acts of Russia (selected provisions) -- Part 4: Legislative Fundamentals of Arctic Policies of Foreign States and of the European Union (selected provisions) -- Index

Current literature on International Relations has noted, for quite some time, that international power is undergoing a transformative process and that we are facing a "reconfiguration of the global South." However, our opinion is that these statements exaggerate the depth and nature of the transformations. In this paper we will put forth for discussion the widely used concepts of "reconfiguration of the international order" and "democratization of international relations" and seek to test their scope and limits. Our hypothesis is that, even though since the beginning of the twenty-first century a redistribution of mainly economic resources has taken place globally, the rules, principles, institutions and policies that have structured the international system since the second half of the twentieth century have not changed. The discourse maintained by emerging powers is one of system reform, but in their actions they attempt to converge with traditional powers, following the path of liberal order. For the rest of the "South" this situation does not raise new possibilities for influencing and participating in the international system, but replicates the asymmetries and dependencies of the prevailing order. ; La literatura actual sobre Relaciones Internacionales ha observado, desde hace bastante tiempo, que el poder internacional está experimentando un proceso de transformación y que nos enfrentamos a un "reconfiguración del Sur global." Sin embargo, nuestra opinión es que estas declaraciones exageran la profundidad y la naturaleza de las transformaciones. En este artículo vamos a poner adelante para la discusión de los conceptos ampliamente utilizados de "reconfiguración del orden internacional" y "democratización de las relaciones internacionales" y tratar de poner a prueba su alcance y los límites. Nuestra hipótesis es que, a pesar de que desde el comienzo del siglo XXI una redistribución de los recursos, principalmente económicos ha tenido lugar a nivel mundial, las normas, los principios, las instituciones y las políticas que han estructurado el sistema internacional desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX tienen sin cambio. El discurso mantenido por potencias emergentes es una de la reforma del sistema, pero en sus acciones que tratan de converger con los poderes tradicionales, siguiendo el camino del orden liberal. Para el resto del "Sur" esta situación no plantea nuevas posibilidades para influir y participar en el sistema internacional, pero replica las asimetrías y dependencias del orden imperante. ; A literatura que prevalece nas relações internacionais aponta, nos últimos anos, que o poder internacional está em um processo de transformação e que estaríamos na presença de uma "reconfiguração do sul global". Em nossa opinião, no entanto, estas alegações exageram a profundidade e o caráter das transformações. Este artigo irá discutir os conceitos tão amplamente utilizados de "restruturação da ordem internacional" e "democratização das relações internacionais" e procurará testar o seu alcance e limites. Nossa hipótese é que, embora desde o início do século XXI houve uma redistribuição de recursos principalmente econômicos a nível global, as regras, princípios, instituições e normas que têm vindo a construir o sistema internacional desde a segunda metade do século XX não tinha alterações apresentadas. As potências emergentes estabeleceram um discurso de reforma, mas em suas ações tentam convergir com os poderes tradicionais, em todo o caminho da ordem liberal. Para o resto do "sul" esta ação não gera novas oportunidades para a participação e influência no sistema internacional, mas replica as assimetrias e dependências da ordem vigente.

Current literature on International Relations has noted, for quite some time, that international power is undergoing a transformative process and that we are facing a "reconfiguration of the global South." However, our opinion is that these statements exaggerate the depth and nature of the transformations. In this paper we will put forth for discussion the widely used concepts of "reconfiguration of the international order" and "democratization of international relations" and seek to test their scope and limits. Our hypothesis is that, even though since the beginning of the twenty-first century a redistribution of mainly economic resources has taken place globally, the rules, principles, institutions and policies that have structured the international system since the second half of the twentieth century have not changed. The discourse maintained by emerging powers is one of system reform, but in their actions they attempt to converge with traditional powers, following the path of liberal order. For the rest of the "South" this situation does not raise new possibilities for influencing and participating in the international system, but replicates the asymmetries and dependencies of the prevailing order. ; La literatura actual sobre Relaciones Internacionales ha observado, desde hace bastante tiempo, que el poder internacional está experimentando un proceso de transformación y que nos enfrentamos a un "reconfiguración del Sur global." Sin embargo, nuestra opinión es que estas declaraciones exageran la profundidad y la naturaleza de las transformaciones. En este artículo vamos a poner adelante para la discusión de los conceptos ampliamente utilizados de "reconfiguración del orden internacional" y "democratización de las relaciones internacionales" y tratar de poner a prueba su alcance y los límites. Nuestra hipótesis es que, a pesar de que desde el comienzo del siglo XXI una redistribución de los recursos, principalmente económicos ha tenido lugar a nivel mundial, las normas, los principios, las instituciones y las políticas que han estructurado el sistema internacional desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX tienen sin cambio. El discurso mantenido por potencias emergentes es una de la reforma del sistema, pero en sus acciones que tratan de converger con los poderes tradicionales, siguiendo el camino del orden liberal. Para el resto del "Sur" esta situación no plantea nuevas posibilidades para influir y participar en el sistema internacional, pero replica las asimetrías y dependencias del orden imperante. ; A literatura que prevalece nas relações internacionais aponta, nos últimos anos, que o poder internacional está em um processo de transformação e que estaríamos na presença de uma "reconfiguração do sul global". Em nossa opinião, no entanto, estas alegações exageram a profundidade e o caráter das transformações. Este artigo irá discutir os conceitos tão amplamente utilizados de "restruturação da ordem internacional" e "democratização das relações internacionais" e procurará testar o seu alcance e limites. Nossa hipótese é que, embora desde o início do século XXI houve uma redistribuição de recursos principalmente econômicos a nível global, as regras, princípios, instituições e normas que têm vindo a construir o sistema internacional desde a segunda metade do século XX não tinha alterações apresentadas. As potências emergentes estabeleceram um discurso de reforma, mas em suas ações tentam convergir com os poderes tradicionais, em todo o caminho da ordem liberal. Para o resto do "sul" esta ação não gera novas oportunidades para a participação e influência no sistema internacional, mas replica as assimetrias e dependências da ordem vigente.

Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- List of Tables -- List of Boxes -- Chapter 1 Introduction -- References -- Chapter 2 Evolutionary and Disciplinary Characteristics of Regime Theorization -- Introduction -- Theorization of Regimes in IR: Three "Waves" of Scholarship -- Consequentialist Regime Theories -- Cognitivism and Theories of Regimes -- Radical Constructivist/Post-structuralist Theorization of Regimes -- Heuristic Utility of the Three Waves for the Volume -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 3 Global Security Regimes and International Law -- Global Security Regimes and Legalization -- The Concept of Global Security Regimes -- The Concept of Legalization -- Legalization of Global Security Regimes -- Global Prohibition Regimes -- Global Regulatory Regimes -- Findings and Conclusions -- References -- Chapter 4 Nuclear Non-proliferation Regime: Between Prevention and Prohibition -- Introduction -- Brief Historical Overview -- Regime Norms and Tensions -- The Non-proliferation Regime and Structural Power -- Compulsory Power: Deterrence, Coercive Diplomacy and War -- Institutional Power: Maintenance and Contestation -- Productive Power: Hierarchies, Orders and the States System -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 5 Global Governance of Natural Uranium: An Uneven Patchwork -- Introduction -- Nuclear Safeguards Regime -- Clarifying Paragraph 34(C) -- Nuclear Security Regime -- Conclusion -- References -- Chapter 6 The Biological Weapons Regime -- Introduction -- Defining Biological Weapons -- The Geneva Protocol -- The Genesis of the Biological and Toxin Weapons Convention -- The Evolution and Expansion of the Biological Weapons Regime -- National Implementation -- Effective Verification (Or Lack Thereof) -- International Cooperation -- A Strong Global Prohibition Regime? -- Conclusion -- References.