In: Zeitschrift für ausländisches öffentliches Recht und Völkerrecht: ZaöRV = Heidelberg journal of international law : HJIL, Volume 77, Issue 1, p. 125-160
This study analyzes the peace and reconciliation initiatives of the AK Party governments (2002 until 2017) to address the Kurdish Question, with a special focus on the Reconciliation Process. Steps taken throughout the Reconciliation Process and the strengths and weaknesses of these steps are discussed. It is argued that the main challenges and shortcomings were the shifting political priorities of the Kurdish political actors, the changing balance of power within Turkish domestic politics, new opportunities presented to the Kurdish Movement by the Syrian civil war and the uncertainties Turkey faced due to this war. The main conclusion of the paper is that the regional turmoil, especially the ongoing civil wars in Syria and Iraq, is the major determinant that blocked the Reconciliation Process. ; WOS:000446417600009 ; 2-s2.0-85038100212
In light of the Egyptian uprising in early 2011, understanding the dynamics that are shaping Egyptian politics and society is more crucial than ever as Egypt seeks to re-define itself after the Mubarak era. One of the most controversial debates concerns the place of religion in Egypt's political future. This book examines the escalation in religious violence in Egypt since 2005 and the public discourses behind it, revealing some of the complex negotiations that lie behind contestations of citizenship, Muslim-Christian relations and national unity. Focusing on Egypt's largest religious minority group, the Coptic Orthodox Christians, this book explores how national, ethnic and religious expressions of identity are interwoven in the narratives and usage of the press and Internet. In doing so it offers insights into some of Egypt's contemporary social and political challenges, and recognises the ways that media are involved in constructing and reflecting formations of identity politics. The author examines in depth the processes through which identity and belonging are negotiated via media discourses within the wider framework of changing political realities in Egypt. Using a combination of methodological approaches - including comprehensive surveys and content analysis - the research offers a fresh perspective on the politics of identity in Egypt. --
Healthcare workers face numerous occupational stressors, including some that may challenge personal and shared morals and values. This is particularly true during disasters and crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, which require critical decisions to be made with little time and information often under personal distress and situational constraints. Consequently, healthcare workers are at risk for moral injuries characterized by stress-related and functional impacts. Although research on the evaluation and treatment of moral injury among military veterans burgeoned in the recent decade, addressing moral injury in healthcare workers and other civilians remains an important gap. In this perspective piece, we identify research gaps and make recommendations to advance future work on assessment, prevention, and treatment of moral injury in healthcare workers. We draw on empirical studies of moral injury in veterans, limited studies of moral injury in health professionals, and our clinical experiences with healthcare workers affected by moral injury.
In a country with a de facto dual state structure, is it possible to build a conflict- & peace-sensitive recovery framework? Adapted from the source document.
In: Africa development: quarterly journal of the Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa = Afrique et développement : revue trimestrielle du Conseil pour le Développement de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales en Afrique, Volume 30, Issue 1-2
Since the abortive coup in October 1993, Burundi has been in a severe crisis, however, lately reaching a more hopeful situation. The international community has made substantial efforts at preventing the escalation of the conflict and at contributing to a process for sustainable peace in the country. This includes the UN system, bilateral countries and in particular the neighbouring states. A number of NGOs have been among the actors. Here the efforts of some major NGOs lending their support to Burundi's peace process are discussed both as regards their support for peace building and for support to peace mediation. The aim has been to assess their performance based on their aims and objectives in relation to respective NGO's overall reasons for coming to Burundi in the first place, as well as their wider aims. Efforts are made to find common denominators and possible conclusions and recommendations useful for others involved in similar activities in Burundi and elsewhere.
The majority of people in Wadas Village work as farmers who use natural resource to support their daily life. The commodities of the Wadas Village area are able to encourage their economic welfare. By the time, the welfare of the community has been disturbed by the planning of building the Bener Dam which exploits andesite stones from Wadas Village. This condition triggers conflict between the local community, the government and also the police. The purpose of this discussion is to review the development plan and the dynamics of social conflict in the plan for the construction of the Bener Dam and ansesite stones mining in Wadas Village which is viewed from the conflict theory of Karl Marx. The method of this research is a qualitative descriptive method with a literature study approach. The results of the study found that the people of Wadas Village refused andesite mining as a material for the Bener Dam because it threatens water sources and erodes agricultural land which is used as an economic source. From the perspective of Karl Marx, the conflict was seen government as the bourgeoisie and the people of Wadas Village as the proletariat. The conclusion from the results of this discussion is that the construction of the Bener Dam creates pros and cons between the community and the government, as well as the opportunity for the formation of social classes that can be studied through Karl Marx's theory of conflict.
This study presents a comparative analysis of two case studies in which attempts were made to resolve intractable ethno-national conflicts: the peace process undertaken in Aceh between the Government of Indonesia and the Free Aceh Movement, which led to the signing of the Helsinki Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) ending the conflict in Aceh; and the process conducted in the Sri Lanka conflict from 2001 through 2004 between the Government of Sri Lanka and the Tamil Tigers, which failed to yield an agreement. The two peace processes will be examined using readiness theory, which focuses on the factors influencing the decision to enter into negotiations. This article also attempts to extend the hypotheses of readiness theory to explore the process of concession-making during the negotiations that took place in the two case studies. The findings indicate that the theory does contribute to understanding the dynamics of the pre-negotiation in both case studies and that applying its hypotheses may contribute to the understanding of the dynamics of the process of reaching an agreement in the Aceh process and of the factors leading to the failure of the negotiations in the Sri Lanka conflict. The analysis also gives rise to some questions that challenge readiness theory and its hypotheses -- empirically and methodologically. Adapted from the source document.
In: Sian , K P 2011 , ' Understanding Inter-Brasian conflict Sikhs and Muslims in the diaspora ' Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture, Theory , vol 7 , no. 2 , pp. 111-130 .