Suchergebnisse

International disputants often have reservations about inviting a peacekeeping body to help them contain or settle their conflict. Either or both sides might worry about certain international consequences of this course. Thus, one side might want to refrain from implying that an international issue really exists; both disputants might be concerned that a peacekeeping body could interfere with their freedom of action; and also that it could furnish critical reports about their behaviour. Then, too, there are certain adverse international possibilities which are special to potential host states. They might be conscious that having a peacekeeping body on their soil could give an impression of weakness or doubtful probity, and also of being less than fully sovereign. There are, additionally, certain domestic complications which might ensue for a host state. It could be concerned about the relations of the peacekeepers with its people, about the presence of such a group becoming a controversial political issue, and about the danger of a peacekeeping force ignoring the ground rules of peacekeeping and behaving in a manner which threatened the government's interests.

Remarks on the rationale for the Holy See's presence in the international community, focusing on the Holy See's evangelization. A world confronting disorder emanating from ideologies requires the constant proclamation of the Gospel of Christ. The activity of the Roman Curia is explained. If the activity of papal nuncios is not seen as a form of apostolate, the higher goals of the Holy See's involvement in the international community will be missed. The Church must also employ institutional means to achieve its goals. The Holy See also continues to maintain nunciatures for its diplomatic relations with states. Archibishop Angelo Giuseppe Roncali is presented as an example of a nuncio. The rise of papal representation in international organizations is touched on in closing. J. Zendejas

First published in 1920, Paul Miliukov's book concerns the international nature of Bolshevism, both in terms of its ideologically internationalist doctrine of World Revolution and in terms of the attempts to spread Bolshevism in the period immediately preceding and following the First World War and the Russian revolution of October 1917. This reissue is a must for anyone interested in the rise of Bolshevism as an international force.

Le droit international est-il efficace, est-il respecté? Ces questions sont souvent posées et on y répond généralement de manière négative. Ce bref article tente de remettre la question en perspective en scrutant sur le vif les acquis et les déconvenues du droit international. Outre qu´incontournable, ce droit s´avère de surcroît mieux respecté qu´on ne le croit.

"This book examines the evolution of customary international law (CIL) as a source of international law analyzing the substantive definitions of state practice and opinio juris, the methods of their discovery and their increasing interlinked nature. It focuses on the importance of CIL in the development of international criminal law and in particular the ways in which international criminal courts and "hybrid" criminal tribunals can be said to be changing the ways in which CIL is determined. The book examines the role of international courts and tribunals in changing the nature of custom, analyzing the methodologies employed by the International Criminal Tribunal for Former Yugoslavia, the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, Special Tribunal for Lebanon, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia, and the International Criminal Court. Through examination of the case-law and the reasoning of the courts Noora Aräjarvi demonstrates that the tribunals have on occasions tilted towards innovative approaches in their interpretation and methods of finding the applicable customary international law. She shows how and to what extent the court's chosen method of application of CIL affects the process of custom formation as the judges may have the function of both applying and forming rules of CIL. This raises the question as to what level of judicial activism that should be acceptable in international courts as regards CIL"--

Almost thirty-five years ago the General Synod of the Reformed Church in America meeting in this midwestern city, Pella, Iowa, adopted a resolution "that the President be authorized to appoint a Committee on International Justice and Goodwill of five persons to cooperate with the Commission on International Justice and Goodwill of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America in carrying forward the Christian program for a Warless World." Included in the resolution was an endorsement of a Credo of "International Ideals of the Churches of Christ." We beli eve that nations no less than individuals are subject to God's immutable moral laws. We believe that nations achieve true welfare, greatness and honor only through just dealing and unselfish service. We believe that nations that regard themselves as Christian have special international obligations. We believe that the spirit of Christian brotherliness can remove every unjust barrier of trade, color, creed, and race. We believe that Christian patriotism demands the practice of goodwill between nations. We believe that international policies should secure equal justice forall races. We believe that all nations should associate themselves permanently for world peace and goodwill. We believe in international law, and in the universal use of international courts of justice and boards of arbitration. We believe in a sweeping reducti on of armaments by all nations. We believe in a warless world, and dedicate ourselves to its achievement.

The appalling record of the past year and a half ought to make us, interested in international law, extremely modest. Professing that we expound international law as it is, we have been deluding ourselves and really setting forth international law as we believed that it ought to be. The universal bankruptcy of normal international relationships has shown to us how great a gap there is between that which we had conceived to be and that which really exists. Many of the foundations of international law we now see to have rested upon a conception of international society which did not really obtain. Perhaps, too, although professing contact with the actual, we have been living in an unreal world, a world wherein the ideal was given a much wider range and play than we were justified in believing. Any attempt to reconstruct the formal bases of international law—and such reconstruction must be made—must take account not only of the experiences of the present war, but of the long series of half-submerged elements which led to the present disaster almost with the inexorability of the forces of natural law. Shocked and benumbed as we are by the constant revelations of horror in these past months, there is also the awful realization that, after all, what has taken place has been largely the result of factors seemingly without immediate human direction.

Blockchain is the first global mechanism for the transfer and storage of value. Despite being conceived as an alternative to state and law, the technology and its use cases raise many legal questions, most notably, regarding jurisdiction and applicable law with respect to transactions and assets recorded on the blockchain. The issue is complex given the decentralised nature of the network. In this volume, academics and practitioners from various countries try to provide detailed answers to these questions as they relate to crypto-assets, cryptocurrencies, crypto derivatives, stablecoins, Central Bank Digital Currencies and Decentralised Autonomous Organisations (DAOs), as well as specific transactions and issues, such as property rights, secured transactions, smart contracts and bankruptcy. With specific chapters on national approaches (Germany, Japan, Liechtenstein, Switzerland, United States), the volume explores the need and possibility for legal harmonisation of these issues through global fora, such as the Hague Conference on Private International Law (HCCH) UNIDROIT.

The subject of this doctoral thesis revolves around the analysis of the links between foreign policy and international trade, along with one chapter that is of more methodological nature. In chapter1 I show how geopolitical interests are a key motivation for economic integration agreements. Big countries systematically negotiate and sign these agreements with smaller countries that offer political benefits at the expense of economic ones. Chapter 2 provides an empirical analysis into the effect of sanctions on sanctioning countries—their exports in particular. In this joint work with Matthieu Crozet, we study the macro-impact of the sanctions regime against the Russian Federation on export flows from Western countries and the micro-impact on French exporting firms. Chapter 3 takes a closer look at the mechanism through which political relations between countries impact their trade flows. A collaboration with Elsa Leromain, we show how countries adjust their input sourcing pattern to the political climate with the respective trading partner. Finally, in chapter 4 I explore the methodological issue of how trade costs should be aggregated from lower levels of geographic aggregation to higher ones and I compute theory-consistent country to country distances using nighttime satellite imagery for information on the location of economic activity. ; Le sujet de cette thèse porte sur l'analyse des liens entre la politique étrangère et le commerce international, hormis un chapitre qui est de nature plus méthodologique. Dans le chapitre 1, j'étudie dans quelle mesure les intérêts géopolitiques sont une motivation essentielle pour la formation d'accords d'intégration économique. Les grands pays négocient et signent systématiquement des accords avec des pays plus petits qui offrent plus d'avantages en termes politiques qu'en termes économiques. Le chapitre 2 propose une analyse empirique sur les effets des sanctions sur les pays sanctionnant, et plus particulièrement sur leurs exportations. Dans ce travail en collaboration avec Matthieu Crozet, nous examinons l'impact global du régime de sanctions contre la Fédération de Russie sur les flux d'exportation des pays occidentaux, et l'impact micro sur les entreprises exportatrices françaises. Le chapitre 3 centre son analyse sur l'étude du mécanisme par lequel les relations politiques entre pays influent leurs flux commerciaux. Conjointement avec Elsa Leromain, nous montrons comment les pays adaptent leur mode d'approvisionnement au climat politique avec leur partenaire commercial. Enfin, dans le chapitre 4, j'explore une question méthodologique en établissant la façon dont les coûts commerciaux devraient être agrégés des niveaux inférieurs d'agrégation géographique au plus élevés en prenant l'exemple de la définition des distances moyennes entre pays en utilisant l'imagerie satellite sur l'émission de lumière nocturne pour mesurer l'activité économique locale.