La política Europea de transporte pretende alcanzar un sistema donde la sostenibilidad juegue un papel predominante. La reducción de lasemisiones contaminantes, de la accidentabilidad, la descongestión del tráfico en las carreteras constituyen un pilar fundamental paraalcanzar tal objetivo.La Unión Europea, a través de la Estrategia para un Desarrollo Sostenible del Libro Blanco de Transporte, ha manifestado en repetidasocasiones su preocupación por los impactos generados por el sector de los transportes; es por eso que existe la aplicación de medidaspara la solución de estos problemas para la integración de las cuestiones medioambientales en las políticas de transporte y los sectoresafines.En el conjunto del transporte, la carretera genera más del 80 por 100 de las emisiones de CO2, siendo con diferencia el modo máscontaminante, mientras que el transporte marítimo se mantiene como el modo menos contaminante. Esta situación, favorable al transportemarítimo se mantiene también para las emisiones de NOx a la atmósfera. Del total de este tipo de emisiones de la Unión Europea, el 51por 100 procede de los vehículos por carretera y un 12 por 100 de los medios de transporte.Hoy en día muchos países están trasladando el tráfico de mercancías de las autopistas congestionadas a otros modos de transporte.Muchas veces el tráfico marítimo, a parte del tráfico ferroviario de mercancías, son la alternativa más plausible para prevenir el incrementode transporte por carretera y las fuertes consecuencias económicas que comporta.A raíz de la firma del Tratado de Adhesión de España a la Unión Europea el año 1986, con el cual el transporte por carretera adquirió uncierto protagonismo, las tasas de crecimiento de tráfico, durante ese año, pasaron del 2,8% al 8,4%, manteniendo y totalizando unmovimiento de 70 millones de toneladas en ambos sentidos, lo que se traduce en una media de 3.500 camiones diarios en tránsito, através de los pasos de La Jonquera e Irún. Para el año 2020, aplicando una tasa de crecimiento similar a la experimentada estos últimosaños, el tráfico de mercancías podría verse incrementado a unos 250 millones de toneladas en total, y más de 30.000 camionesatravesando los Pirineos.Ante esta situación y las consecuencias derivadas de la congestión, es deseable lograr un trasvase de las clásicas cadenas de transporteunimodales a las cadenas multimodales, con la participación de medios terrestres y marítimos. Hoy en día, el reparto del tráfico demercancías se mantiene a un 50% entre ambas cadenas, aunque con una ligera ventaja del camión, sobretodo en recorridos cortos comoes el caso de trayectos entre España y Francia, mientras que a medida que las distancias se amplían lógicamente existe un trasvase haciael modo marítimo.De acuerdo con la revisión del Libro Blanco del Transporte de la Unión Europea, se espera que el Transporte Marítimo de Corta Distancia,en inglés Short Sea Shipping, crezca un 59% en toneladas métricas, desde el año 2000 al año 2020.La principal ventaja del Transporte Marítimo de Corta Distancia consiste en la posibilidad de combinar las ventajas inherentes de losdistintos modos de transporte implicados, reduciendo los costes e incrementando la capacidad de transportar gran volumen de carga enlargas distancias. Pero para poder convertir el transporte multimodal en una alternativa real al transporte unimodal por carretera a parte decuantificar y reducir los costes de fricción al cambiar de modo se deben identificar y estudiar un número de variables relacionadas con eltransporte de mercancías que nos permitirán conocer la viabilidad de una ruta.Para este trasvase de mercancías al modo marítimo se consideran principalmente los buques convencionales como la solución más viable,ya que pueden penetrar en el mercado por carretera reduciendo, en algunos casos, los costes internos y externos. Mientras esteargumento está basado en que el transporte por mar debería competir en precio (por ejemplo ofreciendo un precio más bajo que otrosmodos de transporte) también se debe de considerar la importancia de los buques de alta velocidad que ofrecen calidad al servicio. Losbuques de alta velocidad pueden ser unos posibles competidores del transporte terrestre en determinadas rutas; aunque estos buquespresentan problemas de operación cuando navegan con mal tiempo.El Transporte Marítimo de Corta Distancia debe responder a una serie de requisitos básicos para su identificación y puesta en servicio:buenas conexiones con un hinterland intermodal, un transporte mayoritariamente especializado en tráfico Ro-Ro, una velocidad mínima enlos buques, una alta frecuencia con un mínimo de salidas semanales y ofrecer la máxima fiabilidad aportando al mismo tiempo una mejorasignificativa de los costes de la cadena logística. A su vez, existen elementos críticos para su puesta en marcha que hay que tener encuenta: la consolidación de los flujos, la calidad del conjunto de la cadena de transporte, el compromiso de todos los elementos de lacadena de suministro y la compatibilidad con las otras vías de transporte hacia un modelo multimodal.Se evidencia la voluntad de la Comisión Europea para promocionar el Transporte Marítimo de Corta Distancia, como un modo mássostenible. Uno de los posibles caminos para mejorar su competitividad frente al transporte por carretera y el aéreo, puede pasar por eluso extensivo de buques rápidos o de alta velocidad.Es evidente que los buques de alta velocidad reducen el tiempo de viaje, pero para mantener la ganancia en tiempo en la mar, lasoperaciones en puerto también deben de reducirse para poder mantener la ventaja en el tiempo de viaje.Sin embargo más velocidad implica mayor consumo y más emisiones contaminantes. El aumento de velocidad es viable comercialmenteen unas rutas concretas y en unas condiciones determinadas: buen tiempo durante todo el año, una demanda suficientemente alta paracubrir la necesidad de una alta frecuencia y una situación geográfica favorable. ; The European transport policy aims to achieve a sustainable communication system. A reduction in pollutant emissions, accident rate andtraffic congestion is central to reaching this goal.Through the Strategy for Sustainable Development of the EU White Paper on Transport Policy, the European Union has expressed concernabout transport-related impacts. For this reason, appropriate policies to balance transport growth and its environmental effects are being made.In general, road transport accounts for over 80% of CO2 emissions. It is, therefore, the most polluting mode of transportation whereas seatransport remains the least polluting. The same applies to NOx emissions. Road transport is responsible for 51% of these pollutant emissionsin the European Union, as opposed to 12% for the other modes.In many countries a shift from congested highways to other alternatives for freight transport has been observed. Apart from railway transport,the maritime option is often preferred to relieve road traffic congestion and its negative environmental effects.After Spain joined the European Union at 1986, the traffic volume increase had grown from 2.8% to 8.4% per year, accounting for a movementof 70 million tonnes in both directions. This means a daily average of 3,500 trucks travelling through La Jonquera and Irún passes. At this rate,by the year 2020, freight transport could increase to a total of 250 million tonnes, with over 30,000 trucks crossing the Pyrenees.In view of this and the consequences of traffic congestion, a change from traditional unimodal to multimodal transport chains involving the seaand road modes is desirable. Freight transport is currently shared by both chains, with a slight advantage of road over maritime transport,particularly in short distances like trips between France and Spain while the sea option logically becomes more common as distances increase.According to the review of the EU White Paper on Transport Policy, a 59% increase in tonnes carried by Short Sea Shipping is expectedbetween 2000 and 2020.The main benefit of Short Sea Shipping lies in the possibility of combining the inherent advantages provided by the involved modes, thusreducing costs and increasing freight transport capacity over long distances. However, for multimodal transport to become a real alternative tothe road-only mode, the feasibility of routes must be explored with several variables related to freight transport. Moreover, friction costs derivedfrom the mode shift must be quantified and reduced.Conventional ships are typically regarded as the most viable solution since they can penetrate the road market, sometimes leading to a declinein internal and especially external costs. While this opinion is based on the fact that sea transport should compete price-wise with other modes,it must be born in mind that high-speed vessels offer greater speeds, which may be perceived as quality of service by some shippers. In someroutes, high-speed vessels can become serious competitors to road transport although these ships pose operational problems in bad weather.Short Sea Shipping must meet a number of basic requirements to be efficiently implemented: good links with an intermodal hinterland, atransport mode specialised in Ro-Ro traffic, fast enough ships, sufficient number of weekly trips, maximum reliability and sharp decline in costsderived from the logistic chain. Also, certain critical factors must be taken into account, i.e. consolidation of flows, quality of the whole transportchain, commitment and compatibility of all elements of the supply chain with other transport modes with a view towards a multimodal model.The European Commission's interest in promoting Short Sea Shipping as a more sustainable mode is made clear. One possible way ofincreasing competitiveness against road and air transport may be the extensive use of fast conventional or high-speed vessels.It is evident that high-speed vessels reduce travel time, but in order to maintain this advantage, port operations must also take less time.However, more speed implies greater consumption and a higher level of pollutant emissions. An increase in speed is commercially feasible incertain route and freight types and under specific conditions: good weather all year around, a demand large enough to justify high tripfrequency and a favourable geographical location.The use of fast conventional and high-speed ships is not always the best solution. It was necessary to examine each particular case. If in thefuture more policies towards sea transport are implemented and freight volume increases, high-speed services will have a market share largeenough to be commercially and economically feasible.The purpose of this thesis is to find alternatives to relieve road traffic congestion by using sea transport more extensively with a view toachieving sustainable mobility. To this end, the use of conventional, fast conventional and high-speed vessels in multimodal transport wasexamined. However, the above objective should not be achieved by the competition of sea transport with railway transport. Instead, thesemodes must capture part of the road transport share. It must also be clear that no direct competition exists between maritime and roadtransport but rather the need for both to be complementary. ; Postprint (published version)
, ri^iiifitiisiiriTrrirraxTTjfxxitrrrTf j,t. '■ ' I* ' i ixxiixu - mj.Jumin-Unxjt-' 'if'.' IJsH/iA ■ j.1 .1H Ml- £1 ri= * -:- THE ~:~ Gettysburg mERGURY. FEBRUARY—MARCH, 1898. CONTENTS: [ Biographical Sketch of Dr. S. S. Schmucker,(continued), P. Austadt, D. D 103 The Kalevala, E. M. Stahl, '94, 108 The Ocean of Sleep, 115 Parasites,. 116 Education Among the General Synod Lutherans in the East, Grayson Z- Stup, A- B., '96 nS American Humor,. 123 A Modern Bellerophon, 129 Look Before You Leap 130 , Winter Crystal, [31 Blossoms, 132 [Sifted from Our Exchanges, 132 Editors' Desk, 135 I Sheer Nonsense, '. : 13S ■ : • ■ ' &: m I. M LLHR, PRINTER GETTYSBURQ. Imjig IIII ! IV Q'BURG C. LIB. I yiii&ai ■i ■^■■H I FAVOR THOSE WHO FAVOR US. J. R. STINE & SON, Qepts' ••• pdrpis^er, CHAMBERSBURG ST. C. B. KITZMILLER, --DEALER IN— flats, fopg, Boots and jSjoeg, GETTYSBURG, PA. Ready for Fall ant Winter. Suits to Order—Prices $12.00 to $35.00; Trousers, #2.50 to $9.00 ALL KINDS OF REPAIRING DONE. All the new effects in Check and i iv.'i- Plaids you will 11 ml at THE LEADING TAILOR, CLOTHIER AND GENTS' FURNISHER, J. H- JVl/ers, 11 Balto. St., Gettysburg, Pa. S. B. ALCOTT, —AGENT l'UR— Browning King & Co., iiiTi-iiiiiii Tailor, New York. Suits #12.00 up, Overcoats #12.00 up, Pants #4.00. Fit and workmanship guaranteed. ■ ~R. A. WONDERS'" Corner Cigar Parlors. A FULL LINE OF Cigars, Tobacco, Pipes, &c. Scott's Cor. Opp. Eagle Hotel, Gettysburg EPH. H, MINNIGH, Manufacturer, Wholesale and Retail Dealer in Confectionery and Ice Cream, Oysters in Season. News Depot & Subscription Agency, MAIN ST. GETTYSBURG, PA. Sole Mauuf r of Dr. Tyler's Congh Drops SAMUEL FABER. FINE CIGARS .AND. SMOKER'S mm. Chambersburg St., GETTYSBURG JOJW Jfl. TO(G)i CONFECTIONERY AND ICE CREAM, OYSTERS STEWED AND FRIED. No: 17, BALTIMORE STREET. COLLEGE OK P^-sldans § Surgeons, BAI.TIMORK.MI>. The College of Physicians ami Surgeons of Baltimore, Maryland, is a well equipped school. Four ses-sions are required for graduation. For full information send for the annual catalogue, or write to THOMAS OPIE, M. D., Dean. Cor. Calvert and Sarato u r~ ■ •f \ \ \3 I S. S. S. SCHMUCKER, D. D. The [jeiifojglHtfij ^eiwij, Entered at the Post Office at Gettysburg as secoud-class matter. VOL. V. GETTYSBURG, PA., FEBRUARY, 1898. No. 10. STAFF: EDITOR-IN-CHIEF, AI.UMNI EDITOR, IV. H. Bruce Carney. ' should take more time to think before we act and not rush on as if there were no future. We must not permit our humor to satisfy our religion nor supersede it. The motto "be temperate in all things" applies here as elsewhere. Humor, the necessary product of our fundamental princi-ples of government, stands to us as an emblem of prosper-ity, wealth, happiness, pleasure, contentment and freedom. It is a wonderful national platform and if not carried to excess we can proudly boast as the most humorous of all people. w. E. B., '99. A MODERN BELLEROPHON. The boy was in a lonely mood, The common fate he shared ; Examination day was nigh And he was unprepared. He pondered long upon the thought How best he might proceed ; For willing though the spirit seemed The flesh was weak indeed. At length o'ercome by doubts and fears, He fell into a dream In which a Senior came to him And told him of a scheme. Said he, "Young man, arise at once, The bridle's by thy side ; Go quickly catch the winged steed And on thy foray ride." Up leaped the lad at break of day, Free from his grave despair ; To fou7itain Pen he sped in haste And caught Pegassus there. He bridled him and mounted him, And rode off with a zest; Assured that some day on his brow The ivy vine would rest. But sad indeed 'tis to relate, This verdant Freshman boy, Unlike Bellerophon of old, No triumphs could enjoy. 130 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. The Prof's, keen eyes in rolling round Soon saw the horse awing; And sending out a gad-fly stare Surprised him by its sting. The jade burst forth iu accents grave, And made a fearful balk ; He threw the lad ; but since I've heard It taught him how to walk. —J. 13. BAKER, 1900. LOOK BEFORE YOU LEAP." When we come to examine the different professions of life, we see many who do not and in fact can not, do honor to themselves nor to the profession in which they are. It is a fact and one much to he lamented that there are men at present in the Christian ministry and other respon-sible positions, whose proper positions would be on the farm or on the road. There is no one profession from the lowest to the high-est, but that is disgraced by men who are not able to fill honestly the positions which they occupy. If there are any who would inquire why this is so, they can themselves find by observation that many of the young of the present day, as it has been in the past, do not look rightly before they enter a profession. Many desiring to become rich as soon as possible, enter any profession whatever, providing it promises riches in the future. They rush forward and do not take into consideration their own qualifications nor the real nature of the vocation. Thus urged on not by reason and judgment, but by the golden fruit of riches, they behold in the distance the tree laden with glittering fruit, and may finally be able to grasp some of the golden apples, but alas ! they find them to be ashes. Either in an unpropitious moment the whole fortune may be taken away, or if it even remains in their hands it will be their eternal ruin. The weary traveler upon the desert journeys along hirsty and fainting, when all at once he beholds in the distant horizon, water glittering in the sun. He is urged THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 131 on by this glorious sight. Yet to his surprise, when he ar-rives at the spot the water is not there, but in some other position; thus as he advances the water recedes, and after some fruitless efforts he finds that he has been de-ceived by the mirage of the desert. Thus it is with these seekers after fame. They may even attain to their object in view but when they have fame it will give them about as much pleasure as the burning sands of the desert give to the weary traveler. The idea that one can enter any profession he desires is false, although we are free agents we must always con-sider before we choose a calling for life. We are not at liberty to do anything carelessly and with indifference. But it is our duty in all matters to act honestly and thoughtfully. It is our duty to examine ourselves truth-fully to see whether we have the real qualifications for the position we are about to assume. We often hear men say they can do as much good in one profession as in another. Perhaps they can, providing they enter with proper motives and with the conscious-ness that they are truly performing their duty. But how frequently men just enter upon a course the very oppo-site of what reason and their own consciences tell them to do. In consequence of the object of our creation we must choose such a course of life as will enable us to do most good in the world. We must not take our own selfish mo-tives into consideration, but the honor and glory of God and the welfare of humanity. c. s. B., 1900. WINTER CRYSTAL Sweet, in silent winter night, The little church stands out Against the landscape crisp and white, So pure aud so devout. The mellow light shines soft aud kind Upon the ice-bound stream, And o'er the traveler's weary mind Sheds peace and joy serene. "TiJSS.' MML 182 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. BLOSSOMS. The violet 'long the traveler's way, Its sweetness gives to cheer his weary heart; The rarest rose on royal breast Though worn by queens plays not a nobler part. No wild rose e'er has bloomed in vain, Though but a beggar stoop to offer praise, Who reads its message pure and sweet, And bows before the thoughts of better days. But sweeter far than lowly flower, The life, a true and loving heart unfolds; Its sweetest fragrance, purity, Inspires the soul, and noble action moulds. j. N. K H., 99- SIFTED FROM OUR EXCHANGES. Is the literary or debating society less worthy than in the days of our fathers, or do we, in the great wisdom of our age, have less need of the training they offer ? There is cause for concern and the "problem" should receive earnest consideration by every college man. Rival inter-ests are said to be the chief cause of decline. Athletics, fraternities, clubs, etc., are generally cited as being the means of diverting interest from the literary society. But why does the student allow himself to be diverted ? Temp-tation is almost as old as the race. None of these things are comparable in value to the good old literary society, and it is the mark of honor to stand by that which is best. Students in earlier times were no doubt tempted to give their time to other interests as much as we, but they made their literary society of first importance. The modern col-lege debater or essayist would feel justly ashamed were he to be transported for an evening back to the old literary society of Longfellow and Hawthorne. If the proper lit-erary zeal existed to-day, rival interests would not inter-fere. The problem must be solved in the individual. His honor as a student should direct him to active participa-tion in literary work.—Ursinus College Bulletin. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 133 I write, not in criticism of any deficiency in library facilities in any college, but in earnest desire to further your good purpose, and to increase interest among your fellow students in the use of libraries. First, books must be AVAILABLE. The college library must cease to depend upon the occasional donation of out-worn private libraries, or the whim of some special friend for special literary or other fads. The income for new books should be as steady and as reliable as for the endow-ment of any chair. This income should be wisely appor-tioned to the needs of all departments of instruction main-tained by the institution, without partiality or undue dis-crimination. It goes without saying that it should be ad-equate to actual needs. Second, the existing treasures on the shelves, and the new ones to be secured must be ACCESSIBLE, (a) There should be a general library with the reading room in close proximity, and also (b) special departmental collection in the several buildings devoted to their respective uses. The general library should be open for the consultation and drawing of books from 8 A. M. to 10 p. M., in winter, and 7 A. M. to 10 p. M., in spring and summer. It should be open on all holidays and on Sunday afternoons. The departmental libraries should be in charge of a student librarian for each, and be open as occasion may warrant. Free access to the shelves should be given to all users of the books. The seeing, the handling, the examining of books by young people is a very helpful part of their edu-cation. To be accessible is also to be arranged systematically, to be classified, scientifically, to be catalogued, and, in a degree, to be indexed.—Prof. William E. Martin, Librarian Bucknell University, in The Lafayette. T t t In my opinion the Ideal College Life embraces the fol-lowing elements : 1. The student should keep in constant view the ob- 134 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. ject for which he is sent to college and apply himself closely to his studies so as to maintain a good, honorable standing in his class for scholarship. 2. He should be careful to take the proper exercise to develop along with his intellectual attainments a sound, healthy body, and not weaken or enervate it. 3. He should cheerfully comply with all the rules and regulations of the college, so as to carry with him when he graduates the recollection that he was a loyal, faithful student, and did all in his power to maintain the honor and good name of his alma mater. 4. He should in all his intercourse with the Faculty and his fellow-students be manly and gentlemanly, so as to have the respect and esteem of all. 5. He should, along with his physical, intellectual and social culture, so develop his moral and religious na-ture as to blend them all in such delightful harmony as to attain the life of a Christian, the highest and noblest type of manhood.—Geo. W. Williard, D. D., L. L. D.,in College Student. ttt Two things may justly be expected of college students more than any uther class of men ; one may be a more difficult accomplishment than the other, yet both may be acquired and go hand in hand with one another. The first is the ability to read ; the second, the ability to think. —The Wittenberger. t t t It is no small part of a College education to form habits of observation, acquisition and application. What a man is when he leaves College he will be for life. Among the most subtle temptations that will come to the student is that of wasting what is most common and yet most precious—time. Small pieces of time are like small coins, they disappear very readily without leaving any trace. The man who can conserve the minutes will not waste the hours, and yet how much can be accomplished THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY 135 in a few stray minutes if we but seize the opportunities and make them count. It is so easy to sit down in one's chair and chat for five or ten minutes, or drop in on a neighbor, wasting his as well as our own time. It is not the minutes themselves that are so valuable ; it is the habit of wasting them that proves destructive. Formed while in college, it clings through after life, and its victim becomes one of those people who are always behind.—Vox Wesleyuna. EDITORS' DESK. We believe that books and articles which are not worth a second reading are scarcely worth the first. With this conviction in mind we endeavor to publish some real literature, something which will awaken thought and arouse sentiment, something which will be helpful to our varied class of readers. We are conscious that it is almost impossible to publish matters of value and interest alike to undergraduate whose life is young, spirits buoyant whose mind is centered upon the literature and questions of the past, and to our alumni sobered by the trials of life and occupied with the questions of the living present. However hard the task, we have relied upon your love for Alma Mater's interests to blind you to our short comings and to assist us in getting into the current of popular ap-proval. We have received many appreciated comments in the columns of our exchanges, clippings have been frequently made from our articles. Kind words and substantial evi-dence come in private letters, for all of which we are thankful; but we are grieved at the number who have asked for discontinuance and the tardiness of many de-linquents. We are passing through a crisis period in the history of our institution and especially is this true in re-gard to our publications. Although not in thick darkness* we will be lost if we do not go hand in hand as students and alumni, keeping cool heads and stout hearts, laboring not for selfish ends but for the common good of Gettys- 13(5 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. burg. Have you done your duty ? Let us in this day of patriotic awakening, rise also to a full measure of the de-votion due to Gettysburg and her interests. We are sorry that for causes which need not here be explained, the Feb. number of THE MEKCURY could not be issued. We have tried to make this number worthy your careful reading. Read everything, and the best things twice, not forgetting the advertisements. * * * "The Morning Watch." This subject was ably hand-led and forcefully presented at the last State convention. Every one prestnt could not help but realize the wonder-ful blessings, which came to all who faithfully observe it. If there is a class of people to whom the morning watch is more especially adapted than any other, it is the student. By the morning watch is meant the setting apart of a certain period of the early morn, say a half hour, to get alone with God, to meet Hira in some secret place, where silence reigns and the cares of this world are barred out. Where nothing interrupts the study of His Word, deep meditation, and sweet communion. Surely this ideal way of beginning the day cannot help but appeal to every reader. Do you want to develop character ? Do you want to be uplifted to higher planes of living ? Do you want to become more and more like the Master ? In short, do you want power ? Then observe the morning watch. Yours shall be the reward. Not infrequently does it happen that a student or stu-dents at a college or university have original ideas and plans by which the best interests of the institution might be advanced. It may be that these plans, if carried out. would meet a need which the particular institution has for a long time felt. It is, however, often the case that such plans and "schemes" are never put into execution for the simple reason that there exists no student organization of a kind to which such matters could be suggested, and THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. i:)7 which would be competent to carry through, in a syste-matic way, any student undertaking arising in this manner. The originator of the ideas so far from taking steps to bring his plans to a successful issue, sometimes does not even mention them to his companions. In this way much valuable activity on the part of the stu-dents is often lost to an institution of learning. At Gettysburg the advantage of an organization of the kind indicated above, was recognized by an alumnus. He lost no time in making known to the students his views as to the good, he felt sure, would accrue to our college through such an organization. The student body heartily favored the movement; and the Society of Pen and Sword was organized. The scope of activity of this Society, prac-tically includes every field in which the college has inter-est. In athletics and the college publications the Society is particularly interested. The only conditions of election to membership in the Society are a manifestation on the part of the student of sincere and active interest in all matters which concern the good of the college, and unmistakable evidence of loy-alty t^> alma mater. It is hardly necessary to add that already, at the end of the first year of its existence, the Society has accom-plished a half dozen very important undertakings in be-half of Gettysburg. Let us all join in our hearty wishes for another successful year. * * * IT is most gratifying to every lover of Old Gettysburg to note the greatly increased spirit of activity which now prevails throughout our entire institution. This spirit is particularly manifest among the boys who are musically inclined, and, as a result, the College has musical organi-zations of which she may well be proud. Moreover the recent organization of a good second Glee Club makes the prospect for the future very bright. We heartily com-mend the zeal of the Clubs and predict for them great suc-cess in their coming trip. They deserve it. 138 THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. THERE has been an unusual number of lectures and entertainments in Brua Chapel this year. In general they have been quite well patronized by the students and the citizens of the town. This is a commendable way of rais-ing money for worthy objects, but we fear that too many entertainments will have a bad effect on the regular Y. M. 0. A. course which is provided every year. Might it not be better to have less in number and then aim to secure only the best ? SHEER NONSENSE. "Genius is a diffikult thing to hide. I hav even seen it revealed in blowing the noze or handling a toothpick. "It iz a pleasant thing to kno that cunning men, sooner or later, git kaught in the traps they set for others. "There is now and then a man who can make a cir-kumstanse, but as a general thing, cirkumstanses make men."—Josh Billings. It seems the wittiest things e'er heard By him who hears them told, Are those which he himself relates No matter if they're old. Thus you see 'tis verified The sayiug old and true, I know not who it's author was "Laugh, the world laughs with you." -Ex. FOOT-BALL TERMS. First down—Chawlie's moustache. Half-back—$2.50 paid on a borrowed $5. -Ex. Breathes there a man with soul so dead, Who never to himself (?) has said, As he stubbed his toe against the bed: « i it in ? -Ex. THE GETTYSBURG MERCURY. 139 Some student, in searching through classic (?) literature, has come across the following fragment: "Darkibus uightibus, No lightiorum, Strikibus postibus, Breechibus torum."—Ex. Do you think she loves you? I don't know. I'm all in the dark. Well, if she entertains you that way, I think it's pretty good proof. There are two reasons why some people don't mind their own business. One is that they haven't any niiud, the other, that they haven't any business. —Han ard Lampoon. David Ward, the lucky gold miner, who brought back the news of a rich find of gold on the American side of Alaska, and who says that the rush next spring will be far down the Yukon on the American side, spent three years prospecting in Alaska, and in that time only received seven letters from home. Since his return he has had more than that many thousands of letters from would-be argonauts in three mouths. He is now in Philadel-phia, Pa., and tries to answer every inquiry concerning the Far North, its perils, rigors of climate and wonderful riches. 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When looking at the literature surrounding the Iran Hostage Crisis, many scholars focus solely on the events that occurred in Iran leading up to the embassy being taken. This focus tends to paint Iranians as the "bad guys" in all situations. However, there was a large population of Iranian students in the US at the time, and these students had a completely different experience than those often remembered from the nightly news. Few scholars have set out to demonstrate the lives of those Iranian students, but those who have often describe the controversy that surrounded them. Scholars recognize how Iranian students in the US faced discrimination and how the US government was looking to deport them. These scholars tend to look at the lives of students who had it the worst, assuming all Iranian students' lives were atrocious in the US. They do not take into account those who were still welcomed at their universities throughout the crisis, as students disregarded diplomatic tensions and looked at the humans they spent their days with instead. By looking at more universities and more student experiences, a broader picture can be understood about the lives of Iranian students in the US during the crisis. ; Winner of the 2020 Friends of the Kreitzberg Library Award for Outstanding Research in the University Archives category. ; A Diplomatic Fiasco: How Iranian Students in the US were Affected Throughout the Iran Hostage Crisis Faith Privett Professor Boonshoft HI 249 Historical Methods 0800 5 December 2019 3979 Words 2 Not long after Ronald Reagan's inauguration as President of the United States on January 20th, 1981, former President Jimmy Carter was meeting the hostages he tried so desperately to release for 444 days. One of the bleakest moments of United States foreign policy history is the Iranian Hostage Crisis, which lasted from November 4th, 1979 to Reagan's inauguration day. In total, 66 people were taken hostage initially, but 52 were held for the full 444 days. America and the rest of the world watched as the days in captivity kept getting longer and longer, and their hopes conversely dropped. However, those accounts rarely showed the perspectives of the thousands of Iranian students in the US who suffered discrimination, harassment, and questioning throughout the crisis. They were seen as the enemy in a country that is supposed to be the "Land of the Free" and the "Great American Melting Pot." Nevertheless, this was not the case for all students; some were accepted with open arms throughout the crisis, as all so desperately sought world peace. Some students who did not necessarily feel the general American abhorrence were those who attended Norwich University, a private military college in central Vermont. Even though the rest of the country had conflicting views towards Iranian students in the US during the late 1970s, the Iranian Imperial Navy students at Norwich University were welcomed and well respected because of the well-developed program, the shared military experience and respect for authority, and the outward-looking ideals taught by the university, despite the tensions between the US and Iranian governments at the time. When looking at the literature surrounding the Iran Hostage Crisis, many scholars focus solely on the events that occurred in Iran leading up to the embassy being taken. This focus tends to paint Iranians as the "bad guys" in all situations.1 However, there was a large population of Iranian students in the US at the time, and these students had a completely different experience 1 Scott, "Bound for Glory." 3 than those often remembered from the nightly news. Few scholars have set out to demonstrate the lives of those Iranian students, but those who have often describe the controversy that surrounded them.2 Scholars recognize how Iranian students in the US faced discrimination and how the US government was looking to deport them. These scholars tend to look at the lives of students who had it the worst, assuming all Iranian students' lives were atrocious in the US.3 They do not take into account those who were still welcomed at their universities throughout the crisis, as students disregarded diplomatic tensions and looked at the humans they spent their days with instead. By looking at more universities and more student experiences, a broader picture can be understood about the lives of Iranian students in the US during the crisis. The US and Iran have a tumultuous diplomatic relationship that continues to this day, or better put does not continue to this day. The US had an interest in Iran during World War II and later into the start of the Cold War due to the fear of communism spreading and the fact that Iran had copious amounts of oil. In 1953, this came to a head when the leader of Iran, Mohammed Mossadegh, showed some "communist" tendencies that did not support US and British interests. The two countries staged a coup that removed Mossadegh and placed the previous ruler, Muhammed Reza Shah, back into power. This jumpstarted US involvement in Iran through diplomatic means that continued until the overthrow of the Shah in 1979. According to research by Dr. David Patrick Houghton, this involvement consequently may have led to the interest of the revolutionaries to take the hostages in 1979, as they saw the US as a threat to their sovereignty once again.4 2 Shannon, "American-Iranian Alliances." 3 Teague, "Hostages of the Crisis." 4 Houghton, US Foreign Policy and the Iran Hostage Crisis, 58-59. 4 Iranians may also have related the actions of the Shah to US involvement because the US supported him despite his authoritarian tendencies. Dr. Matthew Shannon notes the injustices that took place under the Shah in numerous works. When the Shah came into power, he instilled policies that led to "rapid socioeconomic modernization," but the process in which he did it brings about questions of civil rights and democracy.5 The modernization process that took place in Iran, known as the White Revolution, made the country incredibly western by allowing capitalist practices in land and factory holdings and giving women the right to vote, among other things.6 However, the vote that supposedly put these acts into power was not necessarily ratified by the legislative body of Iran at the time, although the Shah made it look as such.7 By taking away democratic practices such as these, the Shah furthered his cause of becoming an authoritarian ruler without opposition. Along with taking away democratic practices, the Shah also limited expression in Iran, especially for those that may have come out against his reign. Much of this was enforced by SAVAK, or the National Intelligence and Security Organization, who was known for repressing any anti-government sentiments, especially anti-Shah sentiments. Starting in the 1950s, SAVAK was trained in the US by government officials, and their only oversight and command came from the Shah, meaning they did whatever they were told to do by him directly.8 News came out in the 1970s that SAVAK was using torture to suppress anti-government acts within Iran. Military tribunals, which were open to the public for a time, were moved behind closed doors for over a year by the Shah after a defendant showed scars during a tribunal they had obtained from torture by SAVAK.9 These human rights abuses and the fact that 5 Shannon, "American-Iranian Alliances," 662. 6 Shannon, "American-Iranian Alliances," 675. 7 Shannon, Losing Hearts and Minds, 63. 8 Shannon, Losing Hearts and Minds, 25-27. 9 Shannon, "American-Iranian Alliances," 681. 5 SAVAK could be anywhere instilled fear in the hearts of Iranians both at home and abroad, which helped the Shah uphold his authoritarian regime. Besides support for the Shah by the US, Shannon also focuses on how US involvement in Iran from 1953 to 1979 focused highly on education, as many of those who worked in the Iranian government in the early days of the Shah were educated at American universities. The exchange rate of students from Iran to the US to study in college was greater than any other country at the time, with over 50,000 Iranian students enrolled in US universities in the 1979-1980 school year, and in the years following, post-secondary education in Iran was oftentimes structured after American universities.10 The cooperation between the US and Iran regarding education before the Shah's removal helped to modernize the country, which was seen differently by each party involved. Luckily for historians, many of the documents from the era are still preserved in university archives, including those at Norwich University, where upwards of 134 Iranian students were attending in the spring of 1979.11 Numerous student newspaper articles, administrative files, and oral histories tell the stories of Iranian students at Norwich from 1976 to 1980. The President Loring Hart files describe the administrative set up of the program, which was modeled after the program at the Virginia Military Institute (VMI), where Iranian students had been attending for a few years before the program starting at Norwich. Deputy Commander LTC Paul Lafond went down to VMI to review their program in early May 1976, and he detailed a report that helped to eventually flesh out Norwich's Iranian student program. Some of the recommendations Lafond had were that Iranian students should room with American students, not with other Iranian students, because this would help them adapt to American life and learn 10 Hamidreza, "A Follow-Up Study on U.S.-Trained Iranian Faculty Members," 1038-1039. 11 Hart, "The President's Corner," Norwich University Record. 6 English quicker.12 Because of the Corps of Cadets' lifestyle at both VMI and Norwich, other recommendations were made regarding how cadre, or student military leaders, should train the Iranian cadets, as their learning styles were not the same. Lafond recommended that Iranian students respond well to clear orders, but they do not always respond well to negativity or derogatory or vulgar language. They should also be told when something is wrong, as they are oftentimes eager to fix it, but they will not understand if it is not brought to their attention. Lastly, Lafond notes that English proficiency is the biggest issue on campus, and even though the students attended a summer program that focused on English, it was not enough.13 This information was taken into account when designing the Norwich program. The administration designed an eighteen-week summer program that prepared the first fifty Iranian students with classes mainly focused on English, Math, Physical Education, and Naval ROTC, before the start of the school year in August 1976.14 With each year that Iranian students were on campus, more and more were able to attend as they worked out some of the issues with the program, and it became better established. Early on, Iranian students on campus ran across a few issues in their daily lives that highlight some of the changes that Norwich went through from 1976 to 1980 to improve the program. In a Norwich Guidon article published in October 1976, American author Gerard Grimes interviewed "Recruit Mohammad Zerehi from Iran" about what life was like at Norwich and how students could better understand their international counterparts.15 Zerehi noted some of the issues he and his fellow Iranian students were having on campus included English proficiency, adapting to the climate, and the diet. Zerehi asks readers that they do not 12 Lafond to Hart, 7 May 1976. 13 Lafond to Hart, 7 May 1976. 14 "Iranian Students Come to Norwich" Norwich Guidon. 15 Grimes, "Iranian Students at Norwich" Norwich Guidon. 7 discriminate against the Iranian students on the issue of pork, which many chose not to eat, because it is a religious practice.16 Other accounts by Iranian students recognize the issue with pork as well, but that over time, both the students and the school were able to resolve these problems and continue growing.17 Because this was written so early on in the program, it is noticeable that eventually, American and Iranian students got used to each other's practices, which led to their friendship and respect for one another throughout the years. Vital to the descriptions of life at Norwich from 1976-1980 are the oral histories of Iranian cadets Arsalan Namdar and Benjamin Heydary. Both men described what training was like, how they got along with their classmates, struggles they had, and how they eventually had to leave. Namdar described Rook Week as a "Piece of cake" because they had already been through years of more intense training in the Iranian Imperial Navy (IIN).18 Namdar also noted the Iranians "goofed off" at the beginning of training, much to the chagrin of their American classmates. This behavior transitioned once tasks started getting more intense. Another issue they ran into was the fact that their cadre were often younger and more inexperienced than they were, which created difficulties when they would get yelled at and disciplined.19 Heydary described similar feelings towards younger authority figures, but that he often kept his head down and dealt with it due to his humble upbringing.20 Another issue that arose earlier in the Iranian student's time at Norwich was that they often had more money than their American classmates because they were still getting paid their full salaries while attending school. This created a bit of strife between students, as the Iranians were not afraid to spend their money on cars and stereos.21 16 Grimes, "Iranian Students at Norwich" Norwich Guidon. 17 Namdar, interview by Yahm, April 2, 2015, transcript. 18 Namdar, interview by Yahm, April 2, 2015, transcript. 19 Namdar, interview by Yahm, April 2, 2015, transcript. 20 Heydary, interview by Yahm, March 10, 2015, transcript. 21 Namdar, interview by Yahm, April 2, 2015, transcript. 8 Dr. Matthew Shannon also describes the Norwich Iranian Cadets in his book Losing Hearts and Minds. Without saying much, he recognizes that Norwich had one of the largest programs in the US training Iranian Naval officers and that it trained women as well, which was new in the era and especially in the Middle East. He also describes some of the programs at Maine Maritime Academy, The Citadel, the Virginia Military Institute, and the United States Naval Academy. In general, these programs were similar because they were building off of each other's programs; Iranian students studied engineering and business most often while receiving Naval ROTC training and improving their English.22 He finds that Iran sent their naval officers to US military schools because they wanted a standard education, which was difficult when they sent their cadets to numerous other countries to train as Iran did not have an officer training facility at the time. Also, Shannon notes that the US had an interest in training Iranian cadets because of the protection of oil assets in the Middle East.23 The Nixon Doctrine, which was President Nixon's plan to support conflicts in the Pacific through management and materials but not manpower, was also being upheld through the act of training and providing military aid.24 Iranian students throughout the rest of the country were not as lucky as those at Norwich, as protests against them often occurred on college campuses. Will Teague described some of the protests held on college campuses in the South throughout the entire hostage crisis, but mainly in 1979 as the news was fresh in the minds of Americans. Teague documents protests at Lamar University in Beaumont, Texas, the University of Tulsa, the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, the University of Arkansas at Fayetteville, and the University of Arkansas at Little Rock. These protests included gatherings of hundreds of students marching against Iranians, 22 Shannon, Losing Hearts and Minds, 105. 23 Shannon, Losing Hearts and Minds, 103. 24 Gannon. "25 July 1969: The Nixon Doctrine." https://www.nixonfoundation.org/2008/07/25-july-1969-the-nixon-doctrine/ [accessed 20 Nov 2019]. 9 burnings of flags and images of Ayatollah Khomeini, and derogatory and threatening signs all directed towards the Iranian students that were on these campuses.25 Newspapers were also an outlet for protest, as correspondence and letters to the editor called Iranian students, "savages, barbarians, bandits, and terrorists."26 However, Teague also notes that Iranian students were writing to newspapers as well, trying to show their side of the issue. Overall, they described their confusion about the event, just as much as American students were confused, but they wanted their fellow students to know the Shah was not whom they thought he was, and because they were not the ones who experienced his reign, they should not be quick to let him into the US.27 Besides the protests against Iranians on college campuses, Iranian students in the US themselves were protesting, for other reasons. The Iranian Student Association in the United States (ISAUS) was a student led-group with chapters around the country that organized protests and lobbied against the Shah's actions. Because they were in the US, they were able to use their freedom of speech rights to express their beliefs, where if they were in Iran, they most likely would not have been able to express their opinions for fear of getting imprisoned. Early on in the history of the ISAUS, their goals were to advocate for more democratic practices in Iran, including freedom of expression. They lobbied the Kennedy administration, specifically Robert Kennedy, to try and influence US foreign policy towards Iran and the Shah's regime.28 After news of SAVAK's torture started coming to the US from new students arriving, the ISAUS switched their tactics and started advocating for bringing to light the crimes against humanity that the Shah and SAVAK were committing. The ISAUS issued "On the Violation of Human Rights in Iran," which outlined the abuses under the Shah and called for the US to stop 25 Teague, "Hostages of the Crisis," 115-116. 26 Teague, "Hostages of the Crisis," 120. 27 Teague, "Hostages of the Crisis," 116-118. 28 Shannon, "American-Iranian Alliances," 672-674. 10 supporting him. They were able to get attention in newspapers around the world, but the US continued to support the Shah due to their prior commitments.29 Protests against the Shah continued throughout the US the entire time he was in power. However, both Namdar and Heydary describe what set Norwich Iranian cadets apart from the rest of the Iranian students in the US at the time. Namdar states, "In later years…Americans and Iranians really became friends based on the values…."30 He goes on to say, "I think Norwich taught me a lot in terms of quality and integrity…experiencing life, and trying hard, and just trying to work with others and be friendly."31 At first, things were difficult for the students because of the language barrier and the fact that the Iranian and American cultures were so different. As Namdar recognizes, through time, both the American and the Iranian cadets learned more about one another and grew to respect the fact that they were different, which improved how they worked together. One can hypothesize that this might have something to do with the military training that all students received at Norwich. The military encourages the fact that soldiers need to work together to produce the best outcome in the field, despite their differences at home, which allowed the Iranian and American cadets to look past their many differences and unite on common ground. President Loring Hart described the impact that the Iranian students had on the American students at Norwich as, "They have brought to all of us broader horizons, and a new awareness…. They have provided a current which has flowed through our campus and our town…, reminding us that our college and our community is indeed a part of the greater scene beyond us."32 This statement describes the worldly perspective that Iranian students brought to the school and how it made Norwich students more aware of others who were not like 29 Shannon, "American-Iranian Alliances," 682-684. 30 Namdar, interview by Yahm, April 2, 2015, transcript. 31 Namdar, interview by Yahm, April 2, 2015, transcript. 32 "The Rest of the Story," Norwich University Record. 11 themselves. Like Heydary states, there were instances of discrimination or derogatory slang terms used against the Iranian students at the beginning of their time at Norwich, but once students got to know each other and the barriers were broken down, they were able to become friends despite their differences.33 After all of the unrest occurring in Iran at the time, 1979 was the icing on top of the cake. The Shah left Iran in early 1979, and Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, a popular religious leader who was incredibly anti-Shah and anti-American and who became an icon for revolutionary voices within Iran while in exile, took power shortly after.34 The entire country was calling for the Shah's return so he could face charges in front of the people he oppressed for so many years. Instead, the Shah sought cancer treatment in the US, which is what most people think caused the hostage situation to occur. A substantial diplomatic issue arose as President Carter considered allowing the Shah into the US, which many Iranians thought was the US harboring their criminal and preventing them from exerting their sovereignty. When the Shah was admitted into the US, the unrest came to a peak, and protesters outside the US embassy in Tehran, Iran, many of which were US-educated students, stormed the embassy and took 66 Americans inside hostage, 52 of which they held for the entirety of the crisis. With so many people protesting the Shah both in the US and Iran, there is much to say about how the media spun the story to make all Iranian's the bad guys in the situation when they faced discrimination in the US themselves. Professor Catherine Scott explained the "captivity narrative" that was portraited throughout the crisis by the media and the government, which convinced the American citizens to hate Iran more than they ever had before. A captivity narrative is best described when a story is portraited in such a way that the victims' actions 33 Heydary, interview by Yahm, March 10, 2015, transcript. 34 Shannon, Losing Hearts and Minds, 70. 12 against the captors are justified because of the actions that were committed against them.35 What she is saying is that the Americans knew they were the victims during the hostage crisis, and they played into it, but they were not willing to take into account the atrocities that they themselves committed beforehand. Retaliation, by any means, was not only justified but also necessary to protect the American people. This only increased the abhorrent treatment by Americans against Iranians because it was for the public good, even if the public included over one hundred thousand Iranians. The fact that the media portraited the US as victims, and the federal government was retaliating against Iranians just made it more acceptable for the everyday Americans to lash out against their Iranian counterparts. Because of the backlash against Iranians by the US public, there was also government backlash as well. President Carter issued Section 214.5, which called for the investigation into Iranian students in the US to ensure that they were abiding by their visas. If they were not, they were to be deported. This turned into somewhat of a witch hunt as Iranian students could be investigated and deported at any point. According to Tinsley Yarbrough, the deportations were supposed to reduce the number of protests in the US against Iranians so they would not get in the way of hostage negotiations.36 However, many people outside of the government sector questioned the constitutionality of the act, including members of the ISAUS, who brought a case forward against Section 214.5 in late 1979. The original ruling on the case by DC District Court Judge Joyce Green was that the students were correct, and the order was unconstitutional due to discrimination.37 The Appeals Court overruled Judge Green's decision because Section 214.5 had to due with foreign affairs, and under the Constitution, the judiciary could not shoot down 35 Scott, "Bound for Glory," 180. 36 Yarbrough, "Federal Alienage Doctrine," 248. 37 Teague, "Hostages of the Crisis," 124-125. 13 any law regarding the handling of foreign affairs by the executive.38 This allowed the deportations to continue without question, and arguably set a precedent that is followed today. While the rest of the country was dealing with Section 214.5, Iranian students at Norwich encountered a different dilemma. Because they were members of the Iranian military, they had different travel visas than Iranian students at other universities around the US. On April 9th, 1980, President Carter issued a deportation order that all, "non-diplomatic and consular officials and employees of Iran in the US leave no later than Friday April 11th."39 This made it clear that the Iranian cadets at Norwich had to leave for good because their visas made them fall under this category. A newspaper article from the Iranian students' departure day describes the fact that President Loring Hart and the administration contacted as many agencies as possible, trying to allow the cadets to remain at school to finish the year, but there were no loopholes they could use as students at the Citadel and VMI also had to leave. The article then goes on to describe the last few days of the Iranian students on campus, their rush to pack and sell their belongings, and the "emotional farewell" that awaited them on April 11th.40 Cadet Kazem Yahyapour stated in an interview on the day he was forced to leave that he wished he could kiss everyone goodbye, and that, "friendships…made at Norwich will never be forgotten."41 The article also says that Cadet Yahyapour hugged Cadet Colonel William Elliott in a "symbolic gesture."42 This symbolic gesture represents the experiences Iranian cadets had at Norwich, and how their time was much different from that of their counterparts at other American universities, as Norwich welcomed 38 Yarbrough, "Federal Alienage Doctrine," 252-253. 39 "Fond Farewell to Iranian Students" Norwich Guidon. 40 "Fond Farewell to Iranian Students" Norwich Guidon. 41 "Fond Farewell to Iranian Students" Norwich Guidon. 42 "Fond Farewell to Iranian Students" Norwich Guidon. 14 these students with open arms despite the hard times in their country, when they could have turned against them as so many others in the US did at the time. Overall, the Norwich program tried incredibly hard to welcome the Iranians into the US by basing their training and education off of other programs in the US and using their misgivings to make their program the best they could be. The values of respect, tolerance, friendship, integrity, and hard work made people from different backgrounds, and even different countries, able to work together instead of hate one another when diplomatic ties between the two countries fell apart. This was not the case in the rest of the United States at the time, when tensions ran high among neighbors, and Iranian students were constantly on edge, wondering when the government was going to send them back to their revolution-torn homeland. Today, diplomatic ties still have not been reestablished, and the situation with Iran created a deeply divided society in which blame was able to be placed on anyone at any time based on where they came from, a sight not unseen throughout history before and since then. However, the precedent set by Norwich students during the crisis could be an example to the rest of the world of how people from different backgrounds can learn to work together when their two countries could not seem to get along. 15 Bibliography Primary Sources Arsalan M. Namdar, interview by Sarah Yahm, April 2, 2015, transcript, Norwich Voices Oral History Project, Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Northfield, VT. • Arsalan Namdar was an IIN student at Norwich and faced the issue of deportation in April 1980. His oral history was recorded in 2015, and he looks back on his time at Norwich, as well as his experiences in the US in general and back home in Iran. Benjamin Heydary, interview by Sarah Yahm, Northbridge, MA, March 10, 2015, transcript, Norwich Voices Oral History Project, Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Northfield, VT. • Heydary's oral history works alongside Namdar's oral history to describe what was going on at Norwich from 1976 to 1980 when they were both IIN cadets at Norwich. Heydary also explains how he got to Norwich and how he actually went back to do his military service under the Ayatollah before coming to the US. "Degree Status of Deported Iranian Students" Norwich University Record, May 1980. • The article describes a meeting with the Board of Trustees to determine the degree status of those Iranian seniors who were deported but who were supposed to graduate in May or in the summer. It states that they can get their degrees eventually once relations with Iran are restored, which to this day have yet to be formally restored. "Fond Farewell to Iranian Students" Norwich Guidon, May 10, 1980. • In an article written in the Guidon following the deportation of the Iranian students, the author describes the scene in the last few days the students were on campus. They note specifically that the Iranians had to leave because of the Executive Order issued by 16 President Carter on April 9th that all, "non-diplomatic and non-consular officials and employees of Iran in the U.S. leave no later than Friday April 11th." They state the overall good relations that everyone had on campus, even though the rest of the country was deeply divided along the lines of their country of origin. Grimes, Gerard. "Iranian Students at Norwich" Norwich Guidon, October 31, 1976. • A Guidon writer, Gerard Grimes, interviewed an Iranian recruit, Mohammad Zerehi, about his experiences and those of his fellow Iranians during their first year at Norwich. It describes the overall good treatment the students received, although this was before tensions rose too much between Iran and the US. Hart, Loring. "The President's Corner" Norwich University Record, March 1979. • The article describes President Loring Hart's views about the IIN students at Norwich at the time. He mentions how there is currently turmoil in the country, and that he wishes for peace. He also notes how many students are at Norwich and that Iranian women are now enrolled. "Iranian Students Come to Norwich" Norwich Guidon, May 6, 1976. • The article describes the beginning of the program at Norwich after the students arrived and some of their expectations overall, including some of the characteristics of the new students. Report from Deputy Commandant LTC Paul Lafond to President Loring Hart, 7 May 1976. Loring Edward Hart Records, Box 12, Norwich University Archives, Kreitzberg Library, Northfield, VT. • The report states the observations that LTC Lafond made when he went to VMI to go over their Iranian exchange program to see what would work best for Norwich. This 17 bases their program off of the VMI program, based on their mistakes and successes, including how the language barrier made a difference. "The Rest of the Story" Norwich University Record, Winter 2012. http://thenorwichrecord.com/the-rest-of-the-story/ [accessed 20 November 2019]. • This is a story from the alumni newspaper was written long after the Iranian students left campus. However, it takes into account the memories of IIN students of their time at Norwich, departure day, and what it was like going back to Iran. It paints a picture of the Iranian students on campus and when they left. Secondary Sources Chaichian, Mohammed A. "The New Phase of Globalization and Brain Drain: Migration of Educated and Skilled Iranians to the United States." International Journal of Social Economics 39, No. 2 (2012): 18-38. • Dr. Chaichian is a professor of sociology at Mount Mercy University. His article recognizes the "brain drain," which is the emigration of educated individuals that is currently occurring from Iran to other western nations, like the US. He states that this is caused not only by a shift in the internal structure of Iran and its acceptance of western-based education but also the international economic opportunities that are available outside of the country. Gannon, Frank. "25 July 1969: The Nixon Doctrine." https://www.nixonfoundation.org/2008/07/25-july-1969-the-nixon-doctrine/ [accessed 20 Nov 2019]. • This article makes note of President Nixon's words regarding the announcements he made about his plans for Asia, which explains what came to be known as the Nixon 18 Doctrine. He wanted to get away from using manpower and focus more on management and support for countries attempting to fight oppressive or communist regimes than by providing troops. Hamidreza, Arasteh. "A Follow-Up Study on U.S.-Trained Iranian Faculty Members: Satisfactions and Dissatisfactions." College Student Journal 43, No. 4 (Dec 2009): 1037- 1045. • Dr. Hamidreza is a professor of education and psychology at a university in Tehran, Iran, and his study is based on US-educated college faculty in Tehran, giving him access to the information. He notes some of the problems that US-educated faculty have because of the openness of American education and the structured, hierarchal nature of Iranian that do not always agree with each other. However, Iranian higher education is still based on the American system of higher education. Houghton, David Patrick. US Foreign Policy and the Iran Hostage Crisis. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2001. • Dr. Houghton is a professor of National Security Affairs at the US Naval War College and is an expert on US foreign policy. This book goes into depth about the actions taken both in Iran and the US to solve the Iranian Hostage Crisis, while also going into depth about the causes of the crisis from both perspectives. He analyzes how each group, Americans and Iranians, looked at the historical background of the situation and drew upon different events to support their reasoning for their actions during the crisis. The argument is that it was their own experiences that validated their analogies and their actions. The issue of foreign policy is brought up as there was no precedent for this, so 19 they analyze the information that was used as the basis of American and Iranian decisions. Kessel, John H. "The Structures of the Carter White House." American Journal of Political Science 27, No. 3 (Aug 1983): 431-463. • This article is from 1983 and was written shortly after President Carter left office. Professor Kessel was a distinguished scholar at Ohio State, and he interviewed the members of the Carter administration upon their phasing out, getting information straight from the source. He sets up what the Carter administration did, how it changed over time, and how the goals and interests of the President are carried out through his staff. It never uses the words "Iran Hostage Crisis" at all. Mobasher, Mohsen. "Cultural Trauma and Ethnic Identity Formation Among Iranian Immigrants in the United States." American Behavioral Scientist 50, No. 1 (Sept 2006): 100-117. • Dr. Mobasher is a professor of anthropology at the University of Houston. This article recognizes the shift in pride within Iranian immigrants to the United States during and after the crisis, and how it has affected them to this day. Because of their status as both Iranians and as Muslims, American society automatically looks down on them and makes assumptions, which puts them in a position to suppress their heritage and culture. Scott, Catherine V. "Bound for Glory: The Hostage Crisis as Captivity Narrative in Iran." International Studies Quarterly 44, No. 1 (Mar 2000): 177-188. • Scott is a professor of political science at Agnes Scott College. In her article she describes the use of the media to influence the stories coming out of crises, such as the Iran Hostage Crisis, that made America rally behind the hostages and the President as the 20 victims who were fighting brutal and vicious Islamic captors, changing the narrative for years to come. Shannon, Matthew K. "American-Iranian Alliances: International Education, Modernization, and Human Rights During the Pahlavi Era." Diplomatic History 39, No. 4 (Sept 2015): 661- 688. • Professor Shannon is educated at UNC and Temple and teaches history at Emory and Henry College. He also authored Losing Hearts and Minds about Iranian relations. Shannon tells the story of American-Iranian relations that began and ended with the shah. Iranian students in the US tried multiple times to get the US to dump the shah because of his authoritarian tendencies and campaign against human rights, although the US's international policy regarding them eventually failed. Shannon, Matthew K. Losing Hearts and Minds: American Iranian Relations and International Education During the Cold War. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2017. • By describing the events of the Iran Hostage Crisis and those that lead up to it, Shannon focuses on the importance of education throughout. He recognizes how the Iranian students that came to the US and went back helped to support the White Revolution and how all Iranian students, in turn, became voices for their country outside of its borders because they could not within. The main argument is that it was the students who inevitably brought about the Iranian Revolution and the actions that came with it due to their activeness in government, including how they used their American educations to further their causes and cause the destruction of US-Iranian relations. 21 • The book actually mentions the military programs at the SMCs that were in place and how they inevitably influenced the educational training aspect of both country's diplomacy towards one another. Teague, Will. "Hostages of the Crisis: Iranian Students in Arkansas, 1979-1981." The Arkansas Historical Quarterly 77, No. 2 (Summer 2018): 113-130. • When writing this journal article, Teague was a doctoral student of history at the University of Arkansas Fayetteville, so he had the access and resources to make a clear argument for examples within the state of Arkansas and its experience with Iranian students. He also uses sources from other universities, mostly throughout the South, which painted a picture of what protests were like and how often they occurred on college campuses with Iranian students. This can be used to compare Norwich to the rest of the country. He also adds some of the challenges that came up with deportation, and how America was trying to decide whether or not it was legal, which can be related to past events like Executive Order 9066 and even today with President Trump's Muslim ban. Yarbrough, Tinsley E. "Federal Alienage Doctrine and the Iranian Student Litigation." Human Rights Quarterly 4, No. 2 (Spring 1982): 243-260. • Tinsley Yarbrough is an expert on the mid-20th century US Supreme Court and has published numerous books and articles on the topic. By relating the Iranian student litigation in 1979 to numerous cases and rulings throughout the 20th century regarding immigration issues, he establishes a precedent for the decisions made that can be brought into question in the modern-day by explaining the arguments of the case against Section 214.5.
Since we introduced the term "middle-income trap" in 2006, it has become popular among policy makers and researchers. In May 2015, a search of Google Scholar returned more than 3,000 articles including the term and about 300 articles with the term in the title. This paper provides a (non-exhaustive) survey of this literature. The paper then discusses what, in retrospect, we missed when we coined the term. Today, based on developments in East Asia, Latin America, and Central Europe during the past decade, we would have paid more attention to demographic factors, entrepreneurship, and external institutional anchors. We would also make it clearer that to us, the term was as much the absence of a satisfactory theory that could inform development policy in middle-income economies as the articulation of a development phenomenon. Three-quarters of the people in the world now live in middle-income economies, but economists have yet to provide a reliable theory of growth to help policy makers navigate the transition from middle- to high-income status. Hybrids of the Solow-Swan and Lucas-Romer models are not unhelpful, but they are poor substitutes for a well-constructed growth framework.
The Thai economy runs on a single engine: external demand. The economic roller coaster since the onset of the global financial crisis can be overwhelmingly attributed to fluctuations in the output of three sectors most sensitive to external demand: manufacturing, logistics (transportation and storage), and tourism (hotels and restaurants). As global trade contracted between the fourth quarter of 2008 and first quarter of 2009, Thailand's real gross domestic product (GDP) fell 6.3 percent, before rebounding 6.9 percent through the end of 2009 on a revival in actual and expected external demand. At the end of 2009, real GDP was back to pre-crisis levels, as measured in seasonally adjusted terms. For 2009 as a whole, however, real GDP fell 2.2 percent. The dominance of sectors linked to external demand over Thailand's growth dynamics is not new. Both sets of sectors grew at about the same pace prior to the 1997 financial crisis. However, a structural break took place in the aftermath of the crisis, when sectors linked to external demand grew an average of 6.1 percent between 2001 and 2007 compared to a 4.3 percent growth rate of other sectors. While the sectors linked to external demand are expected to grow below the historical average in the near term due to lower growth in demand from advanced economies, a reversal of the structural change observed since 1998 is unlikely. This will require an acceleration of the growth of the sectors linked to domestic demand. But the constraints that limited the growth of these sectors in the past not only remain but have been compounded in the near term by the escalation of the political conflict. This will ensure that growth rates in sectors linked to domestic demand will also remain below their (already low) historical averages and the dominance of external demand on the economy will continue to increase.
Als einer der korruptesten Staaten ist seit vielen Jahren Indonesien gekennzeichnet. In der vorliegenden Arbeit wird der Frage nachgegangen, ob sich an der Art und dem Niveau der Korruption im Zuge der Demokratisierung und Dezentralisierung in den ersten Jahren nach Suhartos Sturz im Vergleich zu den Suharto-Jahren, in denen Indonesien autokratisch geführt wurde, viel geändert hat. Die vorliegende Studie ist in vier Teile gegliedert. Der erste Teil erläutert die Grundlagen und den Stand der Literatur zur Korruption, die politische Kultur sowie die im Betrachtungszeitraum beleuchteten politischen Systeme Indonesiens. Der zweite Teil widmet sich der Korruption in Indonesien und ihre Auswirkungen. Der dritte Teil beschreibt die Maßnahmen zur Korruptionsbekämpfung in Indonesien; in diesem Teil wird auch auf die Aufarbeitung der Altlasten der 'Neuen Ordnung' und der Asienkrise eingegangen. Abschließend werden im vierten Teil die Befunde zusammengefasst, die Arbeit in die internationale Debatte um Korruption vor allem im Kontext (Süd)Ostasiens eingeordnet und ein Ausblick gegeben. Suhartos Name steht für KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi, Nepotisme) und ist damit unauslöschlich mit Korruption in Indonesien verknüpft. Nach seiner Machtübernahme gelang es ihm, sich an die Spitze eines weitreichenden Patronagenetzwerks zu stellen, welche sich nahezu über das gesamte Land erstreckte. Diese Spitzenposition hat Suharto sich sowohl durch Repression als auch Kooptation gesichert, wobei das zweite Kriterium vorrangig war. Um sich, seiner Familie und seinen Kumpanen wirtschaftliche Vorteile zu sichern, erließ Suharto zahlreiche sie bevorteilende Gesetze und Regelungen (state capture). Reformasi hat mit dem Anspruch begonnen, Demokratie nach Indonesien zu bringen und KKN zu beenden. Letzteres gelang jedoch nicht; geändert hat sich im Wesentlichen nur der Zentralisierungsgrad der Korruption. Gezeigt wird, dass die Beteiligten an Groβkorruption in Reformasi im Wesentlichen dieselben sind wie in der Suharto-Ära, Patronagenetzwerke – insbesondere in der Bürokratie – weiterhin bestehen, die Demokratisierung mit einer kräftigen Selbstbegünstigung der Parlamentarier verbunden war, die Dezentralisierung Korruption unvorhersehbarer machte und zudem die Neugründung zahlreicher (rohstoffreicher) Regionen und Distrikte begünstigte. Unter Suharto wurde allenfalls "petty corruption" verfolgt. Aber auch nach seinem Sturz wurde der Kampf gegen Korruption – wenn überhaupt – nur halbherzig vorangetrieben, denn kaum eine staatliche Institution sah sich dem Kampf gegen Korruption verpflichtet. Dasselbe gilt für die Aufarbeitung der Altlasten der 'Neuen Ordnung' und der Asienkrise. Dargestellt wird des Weiteren am Beispiel Indonesiens, dass Demokratisierung, Dezentralisierung und Gehaltserhöhungen für öffentliche Angestellte nicht unbedingt zu einer Reduzierung der Korruption beitragen. Darüber hinaus scheint insbesondere Rohstoffreichtum die Korruption zu befördern. Eine Schlüsselrolle für den Korruptionskampf fällt der Justiz zu; nimmt sie den Kampf gegen Korruption – wie im Fall Indonesiens – nicht auf, wird kaum mit einer Reduzierung der Korruption zu rechnen sein. Deshalb ist von einem starken Rückgang der Korruption in Indonesien in nächster Zeit nicht auszugehen. ; It has been known for many years that Indonesia is one of the most corrupt countries in the world. The question examined here is whether the types and/or levels of corruption have changed much since the time of Suharto's autocratic rule to the period of democratization and decentralization immediately following his fall. This study is divided into four sections: The first section examines the basis for and the status of literature of corruption, as well as the political culture and the two political systems in Indonesia during the period under review. The second section depicts the corruption and its consequences in Indonesia. The third section describes the steps Indonesia has taken to combat corruption; this part also addresses the legacies of the 'New Order' as well as the Asian crisis. In conclusion, the fourth section summarizes the findings, reviews the results of the international debate regarding corruption, especially as it relates to (South)east Asia and gives an outlook. Suharto is synonymous with corruption, collusion and nepotism (KKN – Korupsi, Kolusi, Nepotisme ). After his rise to power, Suharto managed to establish himself at the apex of a wide ranging network of patronage stretching over almost the whole country. Suharto secured his dominant position atop society through repression and co-option, the latter being the more important. In order to secure economic spoils for himself, his family and his cronies, Suharto enacted many self-serving laws and regulations (state capture). Reformasi originally began by demanding democracy be brought to Indonesia and KKN be ended. That latter goal was not achieved; the only change is that corruption has become more decentralized. The most prominent perpetrators of large scale corruption within Reformasi are more or less the same as in the Suharto-years. The patronage networks, especially within the bureaucracy, remain largely intact, allowing democratization to be combined with self-enrichment of legislators, resulting in the decentralization of corruption and the creation of many (natural resource rich) regions and districts. Under Suharto only petty corruption was prosecuted. But, even after his fall, the fight against corruption was only half-heartedly supported, if at all, since no public institution really felt obligated to take on the fight. The same holds true for the legacies of the 'New Order' as well as the Asian crisis. The study illustrates Indonesia as a further example that democratization, decentralization and salary increases for civil servants do not necessarily result in a reduction in corruption. Furthermore, abundant natural resources seem to have a significant positive effect on corruption. A key role in the fight against corruption falls to the justice sector. If – as in the case of Indonesia – the justice sector chooses not to take up this fight, then a reduction of corruption cannot really be expected. As a consequence, a significant reduction in corruption in Indonesia in the near term cannot be anticipated. ; L'Indonésie est connue depuis plusieurs années comme étant l'un des Etats les plus corrompus. L'étude se demande si les méthodes et le niveau de corruption, ont vraiment changé dans les premières années de démocratisation et de décentralisation suivant la chute de Suharto, comparé à la période du "Nouvel Ordre", durant laquelle l'Indonésie était dirigée de manière autocratique. L'étude est structurée en quatre parties. La première partie élucide les fondements ainsi que l'état de la littérature de la corruption, la politique culturelle et les deux systèmes politiques de la période inspectée. La deuxième partie se concentre sur la corruption en Indonésie et ses conséquences. La troisième partie décrit les mesures anti-corruption; elle explique aussi les poids du "Nouvel Ordre" et la crise asiatique. Pour finir la quatrième partie donne une perspective, et récapitule les constats, positionne l'étude dans le débat international de la corruption et dans le contexte de l'Asie du (Sud) Est. Suharto représente KKN (Korupsi, Kolusi, Nepotisme) et est associé inéluctablement à la corruption en Indonésie. Après son accession au pouvoir, il s'installe à la pointe d'un réseau clientéliste étendu, couvrant presque tout le pays. Cette place dominante, lui a été assurée grâce à la répression et la cooptation ; ce deuxième critère étant le plus important. Il a pu conforter des avantages pour lui-même, sa famille et ses compagnons en promulguant plusieurs lois et règlements favorables (state capture). Reformas i a commencé avec l'intention d'amener la démocratie en Indonésie ainsi que de mettre un terme à KKN. Cependant, la corruption ne changeait pas, c'était principalement son degré qui variait. Il a été démontré que les participants à la "Grande corruption" dans Reformasi , étaient principalement les mêmes que sous Suharto. Les réseaux clientélistes et plus particulièrement dans la bureaucratie subsistaient. Le processus de démocratisation était connexe à l'auto-favorisation. De plus la décentralisation rendait les effets de la corruption plus imprévisibles encourageant la création de nouvelles régions et districts particulièrement ceux riches en matières premières. Sous Suharto était au mieux poursuivi la "Petty corruption". Mais après sa chute, le combat contre la corruption demeure hésitant, car presque aucune institution ne s'est impliquée dans le combat contre la corruption. Ceci vaut également pour la prise en charge de l'impact du "Nouvel Ordre" et la crise asiatique. L'exemple de l'Indonésie, montre que la démocratisation, la décentralisation et la hausse de salaires des employés publics ne contribuent pas forcément à une réduction de la corruption. En outre, il semble que l'existence de matières premières riches, accroît la corruption. Un rôle clé dans le combat contre la corruption échoit à la justice. Si elle n'entame pas ce combat, comme c'est le cas en Indonésie, une réduction de la corruption ne peut aboutir. C'est pourquoi un fort recul de la corruption en Indonésie ne semble pas envisageable dans les années à venir.
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Reports Monday that Israel has killed a major Hezbollah commander comes after what is described as the militants' first act of retaliation against Israel following the assassination of senior Hamas official Saleh Al-Arouri in southern Beirut. This development threatens to jeopardize U.S.-led efforts to calm the situation on the Lebanese-Israeli front, after Hezbollah's leadership appeared to signal a conditional willingness to engage in such a processReuters reported on Monday that an Israeli strike on south Lebanon killed Wissam al-Tawil a senior commander in Hezbollah's elite Radwan force.Meanwhile, Hezbollah issued a statement Saturday saying it had launched a barrage of 62 rockets at an Israeli air surveillance base located at Mount Meron in Northern Israel. According to the statement the rocket attack struck the intended target in what it said was a preliminary response to the assassination of Al-Arouri, indicating that the score with Israel has yet to be settled over the killing of the Hamas official. The Israeli side meanwhile confirmed that 40 rockets were launched towards the base, without further elaborating as to whether the rockets had reached their target. But according to Israeli daily Haaretz on Sunday night, the Israelis are now saying the operation inflicted heavy damage on its military facility. The Israeli military meanwhile announced that it carried out a large-scale operation against Hezbollah targets in south Lebanon in response to the Shiite movement's operation. According to the Israeli army "significant assets" belonging to the movement were hit in the attacks. These developments come after Hezbollah's secretary general Hassan Nasrallah on Friday vowed retaliation for Al-Arouri's assassination, which marked the first Israeli military operation targeting the Lebanese capital since the 2006 war with Hezbollah.Despite the soaring tensions however the situation remains tenuous but contained, at least for now. "Hezbollah's operation is more than escalation and less than conflagration," explained retired Lebanese army general Elias Hanna in an interview with RS. "For its part Israel is relying on America for munitions and firepower," he added, stressing that Hezbollah was 10 times stronger than Hamas. "In case of full-blown war with Hezbollah, Israel would therefore need to rely even more on the U.S., which is against such a war," he stated.The latest round of escalation on the Lebanese-Israeli front has nevertheless sparked fears of a full-blown conflict. Addressing reporters in Beirut, EU foreign policy chief Josep Borrell warned of the risks of Lebanon becoming embroiled in a large-scale conflagration. "It is absolutely necessary to avoid Lebanon being dragged into a regional conflict," he underscored. Borrell's agenda in Beirut also included talks with the head of Hezbollah's parliamentary bloc Mohammad Raad. This marked the first meeting between a senior Western official and a representative from the Shiite movement since the eruption of violence on the Lebanese-Israeli front on October 8. It comes as the Biden administration is intensifying its efforts to reach a land demarcation deal between Lebanon and Israel. Washington's push for launching talks over a potential deal stems from its fears of a full-blown war on the Lebanese-Israeli front.President Joe Biden's special advisor for energy and infrastructure Amos Hochstein is spearheading these efforts. Hochstein, who successfully mediated the maritime border deal reached between Lebanon and Israel in 2022, recently visited Israel to discuss the situation on the Lebanese-Israeli front and a possible land border agreement. Nasrallah did not rule out his party's readiness to engage in U.S.-sponsored talks over such a deal, emphasizing, however, that this cannot take place before a permanent ceasefire is reached in Gaza."Any talks, negotiation or dialogue will only take place or achieve a result after halting the aggression against Gaza," declared Nasrallah in his Friday address.Hezbollah's leader also appeared to lay down his conditions for a potential deal. They not only included Israel's withdrawal from what Lebanon says is occupied territories in the villages of the Shebaa farms and Ghajjar, but also an end to all Israeli violations of Lebanese sovereignty. "We stand before a historic opportunity to liberate every inch of Lebanese territory and to prevent the enemy from violating Lebanese sovereignty on land, in the air and at sea," he asserted.Nasrallah's statements echo what Hezbollah officials privately say about the movement not being opposed in principle to the idea of talks or negotiations over the border."Declaring that there will be no talks pertaining to this issue prior to a ceasefire in Gaza indicates that Hezbollah is open in principle to such talks," according to one Hezbollah official who spoke to RS on condition of anonymity. RS can also reveal that officials from the Shiite party have stated in closed-door meetings with European diplomats that the U.S.-brokered maritime deal between Lebanon and Israel could facilitate talks over a possible land agreement. Importantly, these statements suggest that Hezbollah remains ready to engage in U.S.-led mediation efforts despite the Biden administration's virtually unconditional support for Israel in the current conflict in Gaza.Hezbollah's conditional readiness to engage in such a process under U.S. auspices, and its continued reluctance to take action that would initiate all-out war, provide a strong impetus for the Biden administration to pressure Israel into agreeing to a permanent ceasefire in Gaza, not least given Washington's stated goal of preventing a major flare-up on the Lebanese-Israeli front. Full-scale conflict on this front would undermine U.S. interests in Lebanon, which remains one of the region's most pivotal countries and the gateway of the West to the Middle East. Despite its close ties with Israel, Washington continues to wield significant influence in Lebanon. The Lebanese army, which is the country's most respected institution, is one of the world's largest recipients of American military aid. Army officers and soldiers also frequently travel to the United States as part of their training programs. Washington's success in brokering the maritime border deal further cemented its role as a critical player in Lebanon, particularly given that the country technically remains in a state of war with Israel. By failing to push for a permanent ceasefire in Gaza, on the other hand, the U.S. runs a real risk of war on the Lebanese-Israeli front. This owes in no small part to a "real men go to Beirut '' mindset that appears to be prevalent amongst some members of the Israeli political and military elite. Just as U.S. neoconservatives adopted the slogan "real men go to Tehran" after the U.S. invaded Iraq and toppled the Saddam Hussein regime in 2003, so do some of the more radical Israeli officials appear to be itching for war with Hezbollah. The Washington Post has also revealed that U.S. officials are increasingly concerned that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu may resort to escalation on the Lebanese front for domestic political considerations. Regardless of how such a war would play out, it will be seen by many, particularly across the Arab world, as backed and enabled by Washington. However, contrary to the situation in 2006 when the Israelis last attacked the Lebanese capital, the world has returned to an era of great power competition with nations like China and Russia seeking to enhance their role in the Middle East. Both Beijing and Moscow are challenging U.S. influence in the region, with the former successfully mediating the resumption of ties between Iran and Saudi Arabia, and the latter intervening militarily on behalf of Syrian President Bashar Assad. China and Russia's refraining from adopting an anti-Hamas stance in the conflict in Gaza is another indicator of their intent to compete with the United States in the region. An all-out war on the Lebanese-Israeli front will only serve to undermine U.S. influence in Lebanon in ways that can only benefit China and Russia. Both countries would likely be tempted to expand their influence in Lebanon given its geopolitical importance. And it likely would add to the already formidable influence enjoyed by Iran, which backs Hezbollah, in Lebanon.
Today, in many countries around the world, the role of religion in the public sphere is strengthening. This causes the methodological problems of the theory of secularization, which claimed the gradual and irreversible decline of religion. At the same time, the processes of religious revival in societies that have undergone secularization do not lead to the restoration of religion in the forms that preceded it. To denote this state of society, which occurs after secularization, Jürgen Habermas proposed to use the term "post-secular". A number of both foreign and domestic scientists became interested in this issue. But the purposeful study of postsecularity is still in its infancy and is mostly descriptive. In the scientific works devoted to its research, insufficient attention is focused on specific characteristics of postsecular societies. Therefore, there is a need to generalize these characteristics in order to better understand post-secular society. To achieve this goal, the article analyzes some conceptual approaches to the study of postsecularity. These approaches argue that the "return" of religion does not preclude the preservation of a powerful (or even dominant) secularization cluster in society. Post-secularization is a move forward and the creation of a new system characterized by religious freedom, pluralism, competition between different denominations, rather than a return to the traditions of the pre-modern era. In a post-secular society, as the authors of the works analyzed in the article prove, religion has all the opportunities from secular power for its development. At the same time, there is a reduction in the role of religious institutions and the individualization of religious practices, ie the "privatization" of religion, which is an element of secularization. But this "privatization" is significantly different from secularization, because it is not due to coercion, but to pluralism of choice. According to many researchers, a post-secular situation is possible under the condition of ideological pluralism and parity between religious and non-religious people, when each party has the opportunity to propagate its opinion, but does not impose it, when there is no place for privileged and discriminated, but awareness of mutual coexistence. That is, post-secularity is possible only in democratic and legal societies. The post-secular situation is also characterized by religious competition, intensification of missionary work, manifestations of fundamentalism, globalization of religious piety, transformation of religion into a commodity and the emergence (mostly in the West) of the phenomenon used to refer to the term "spirituality". The situation of post-secularism is a situation of uncertainty, when it is not known how the processes of interaction between the secular and the religious will take place in the future, and it is impossible to make any predictions about how stable this situation is. As the analysis carried out in the article shows, the post-secular approach has not become a full-fledged theory, but is perceived mostly as a program of what should be paid attention to, as a certain correction and continuation of the secularization approach. But with its help, scientists are trying to describe religious processes in modern societies. ; Сейчас во многих странах мира происходит усиление роли религии в публичной сфере. Это обуславливает методологических проблемах теории секуляризации, которая утверждала постепенный и необратимый упадок религии. При этом процессы религиозного возрождения в обществах, которые подверглись секуляризации, не приводят к восстановлению религии в тех формах, которые предшествовали ей. Для обозначения такого состояния общества, которое наступает после секуляризации, Юрген Хабермас предложил использовать термин «постсекулярное». Этой проблематикой заинтересовались ряд как зарубежных, так и отечественных ученых. Но целенаправленное изучение постсекулярности еще находится в стадии своего формирования и преимущественно носит дескриптивный характер. В научных трудах, посвященных ее исследованию, недостаточное внимание акцентируется на конкретных характеристиках постсекулярных обществ. Поэтому возникает потребность обобщения этих характеристик с целью более четкого понимания постсекулярного общества. Чтобы достичь этой цели в статье осуществляется анализ некоторых концептуальных подходов к исследованию постсекулярности. В рамках этих подходов утверждается, что «возвращение» религии не отрицает сохранения мощного (или даже доминирующего) секуляризационного кластера в обществе. Постсекуляризация представляет собой движение вперед и создание новой системы, которая характеризуется религиозной свободой, плюрализмом, конкуренцией различных конфессий, а не возвращение к традициям домодерной эпохи. В постсекулярном обществе, как доказывают авторы проанализированных в статье робот, религия имеет все возможности от секулярной власти для своего развития. В то же время происходит уменьшение роли религиозных институтов и индивидуализация религиозных практик, то есть «приватизация» религии, которая является элементом секуляризации. Но эта «приватизация» имеет существенное отличие от секуляризацийной, поскольку она обусловлена не принуждением, а плюрализмом выбора. По мнению многих исследователей, постсекулярная ситуация возможна при условии мировоззренческого плюрализма и паритетных отношений между религиозными и нерелигиозными людьми, когда каждая сторона имеет возможность пропагандировать свое мнение, но не навязывает его, когда нет места привилегированным и дискриминированным, а есть осознание взаимного сосуществования. То есть постсекулярность возможна только в демократических и правовых обществах. Также для постсекулярной ситуации характерны религиозная конкуренция, активизация миссионерской работы, проявления фундаментализма, глобализация религиозного благочестия, преобразования религии в товар и возникновение (преимущественно на Западе) феномена, для обозначения которого используется термин «духовность». Ситуация постсекулярности является ситуацией неопределенности, когда неизвестно, как будут происходить процессы взаимодействия секулярного и религиозного в будущем, и делать какие-то прогнозы относительно того, насколько устойчивой является эта ситуация, невозможно. Как свидетельствует осуществленный в статье анализ, постсекулярный подход не стал полноценной теории, а воспринимается в основном как программа того, на что стоит обратить внимание, как определенная коррекция и продолжение секуляризационного подхода. Но с его помощью ученые пытаются описать религиозные процессы в современных обществах. ; Нині у багатьох країнах світу відбувається посилення ролі релігії публічній сфері. Це зумовлює методологічні проблеми теорії секуляризації, яка стверджувала поступовий і незворотній занепад релігії. При цьому процеси релігійного відродження в суспільствах, які зазнали секуляризації, не призводять до відновлення релігії в тих формах, які передували їй. Для позначення такого стану суспільства, який настає після секуляризації, Юрген Габермас запропонував використовувати термін «постсекулярне». Цією проблематикою зацікавилась низка як зарубіжних, так і вітчизняних учених. Але цілеспрямоване вивчення постсекулярності ще знаходиться в стадії свого формування і переважно носить дескриптивний характер. У наукових працях, присвячених її дослідженню, недостатня увага акцентується на конкретних характеристиках постсекулярних суспільств. Тому виникає потреба в узагальненні цих характеристик з метою більш чіткого розуміння постсекулярного суспільства. Щоб досягти цієї мети у статті здійснюється аналізі деяких концептуальних підходів до дослідження постсекулярності. В рамках цих підходів стверджується, що «повернення» релігії не заперечує збереження потужного (або навіть домінуючого) секуляризаційного кластеру в суспільстві. Постсекуляризація являє собою рух вперед і створення нової системи, яка характеризується релігійною свободою, плюралізмом, конкуренцією різних конфесій, а не повернення до традицій домодерної епохи. У постсекулярному суспільстві, як доводять автори проаналізованих у статті робіт, релігія має всі можливості від секулярної влади для свого розвитку. Водночас відбувається зменшення ролі релігійних інституцій та індивідуалізація релігійних практик, тобто «приватизація» релігії, що є елементом секуляризації. Але ця «приватизація» має суттєву відмінність від секуляризаційної, оскільки вона зумовлена не примусом, а плюралізмом вибору. На думку багатьох дослідників, постсекулярна ситуація можлива за умови світоглядного плюралізму і паритетних стосунків між релігійними і нерелігійними людьми, коли кожна сторона має можливість пропагувати свою думку, але не нав'язує її, коли немає місця привілейованим і дискримінованим, а є усвідомлення взаємного співіснування. Тобто постсекулярність можлива лише в демократичних і правових суспільствах. Також для постсекулярної ситуації характерні релігійна конкуренція, активізація місіонерської роботи, прояви фундаменталізму, глобалізація релігійного благочестя, перетворення релігії на товар і виникнення (переважно на Заході) феномену, для позначення якого використовують термін «духовність». Ситуація постсекулярності є ситуацією невизначеності, коли невідомо, як відбуватимуться процеси взаємодії секулярного та релігійного в майбутньому, і робити якісь прогнози щодо того, наскільки сталою є ця ситуація, неможливо. Як засвідчує здійснений у статті аналіз, постсекулярний підхід не став повноцінною теорією, а сприймається здебільшого як програма того, на що варто звернути увагу, як певна корекція і продовження секуляризаційного підходу. Але з його допомогою науковці намагаються описати релігійні процеси в сучасних суспільствах.
Objective. The interest of the article focuses on the analysis of the social integrity phenomenon and its deformation practices in the modern society. The character's sociality of the modern era indicates serious problems and contradictions that actualize the possibility of social integrity. The cultural crisis, spiritual vacuum, updated existential problems of the modern humanity forces to turn to the problem of the integrity constructing and maintaining and social reality functioning, as well as to the mechanisms and practices of its deformation. Methodology. Thus, in the analysis of the above mentioned points the problem of desires is getting more relevant, and these desires are actively being invested by the civilization progress in the human life. As simulacra of the natural mechanisms of individual activity (needs) desires help to transform the personality harmonious development process (cultural consumption) in a destructive civilization strategy – consumerism. Under these conditions consumption is losing its traditional meaning. From the natural processes of meeting the needs and developing the world it is transforming into a total destructive act that implements certain desires. Consumption grows borders of the traditional practice (it has not been already determined only by food, clothes, car, etc.). It is turning into an active mass orientation; practice of the materialization that is aimed to transform the surrounding world into a thing, a symbol of use. Thus, consumption transforms into a practice of total consumerism. The scientific novelty. In this context, the aim of the research is to analyze the destructive potential of consumerism, which nature is getting a real threat to the integrity of both individual world and social reality. This pattern of consumption determines the gap between a real purpose of the things and their contrived sense that gives them the desired effect (prestige, power, material wealth, etc.). In this situation, we can see updating of the tendency when things lose their true purpose, and man loses his active role. He is no longer a creator of qualitatively new products that fill his life with meaning. He is a conformal trimmer who routinely plays ersatz and fills his live with them. Material aspects rather than spiritual ones determine the value and meaning of human's life, they represent a desired object that he wants to receive. His choice is ruled not by creative work, but by the civilization "benefits" bondage. Conclusions. Such deformation of harmonious development of the man and society, and of the traditional order transforms nature of the human relations to turn them into a banal practice of consumerism – usage. The desire to own, exploit, use makes a human to devalue surrounding reality and its members, turns a human into a homo economics, who calculates his circle of friends, communication, relationships. Exactly such "commercialization of relationship" overcomes the limits of the economic, political and legal spheres and encroaches on the family, friendship sphere to determine the whole character of the modern society. ; Цель. Фокус исследования сосредоточен на анализе феномена социальной целостности и практиках его деформации в современном обществе. Характер социальности современной эпохи указывает на те глубинные проблемы и противоречия, которые актуализируют вопрос о ее возможности. Культурный кризис, духовный вакуум, актуализация экзистенциональных проблем современного человека заставляют обратиться к проблеме конструирования, поддержания и функционирования целостности социальной реальности, а также механизмах и практиках ее деформации. Методология. В ракурсе анализа последних приобретает актуальность проблематика желаний, активно инвестирующихся цивилизационным прогрессом в человеческую жизнь. В качестве симулякров естественных механизмов индивидуальной активности – потребностей, желания выступают источниками трансформации процесса гармоничного развития личности (культурного потребления) в деструктивную стратегию цивилизации – потребительство. В этих условиях само потребление утрачивает свое традиционное значение. Из естественного процесса по удовлетворению потребностей и освоению окружающего мира, оно трансформируется в тотальный разрушительный акт по реализации конкретизированных желаний. Потребление перерастает границы традиционной практики (оно уже не определяется лишь продуктами питания, одеждой, машиной и т.п.). Оно становится активной массовой ориентацией, практикой материализации, основанной на превращении окружающего человека мира в вещь, символ использования. Таким образом, потребление трансформируется в практику тотального потребительства. Научная новизна. В связи с этим, целью исследования выступает анализ потенциала деструктивности потребительства, чей характер становится реальной угрозой целостности как индивидуального мира, так и социальной реальности, поскольку детерминирует разрыв между реальным предназначением вещей и их придуманным смыслом, наделяющим их желаемым эффектом (престижа, власти, материального богатства и т.п.). В этой ситуации актуализируется тенденция, когда вещи утрачивают свое действительное предназначение, а человек – свою активную роль. Он больше не творец, создатель качественно новых продуктов, наполняющих его жизнь смыслом, а конформный приспособленец, рутинно воспроизводящий эрзацы, которыми наполняет свою жизнь. Материальное, а не духовное определяет ценность и смысл его жизни, желаемый объект, на получение которого он и направляет все свои силы. Не творческий созидательный труд, а раболепская зависимость от цивилизационных «благ» руководит его выборами. Выводы. Такая деформация гармоничного развития человека и общества, традиционного порядка трансформирует характер человеческих отношений, превращая их в банальную практику потребительства – использование. Желание обладать, эксплуатировать, использовать заставляет человека обесценивать окружающую реальность и ее участников, превращает личность в homo economics, калькулирующего свои знакомства, связи, отношения. Именно такая «коммерционализация отношений», преодолевая границы экономической, политической, правовой сфер, посягая на сферу семейных, дружеских отношений, определяет в целом характер современного общества. ; Мета. Фокус дослідження зосереджений на аналізі феномена соціальної цілісності і практиках його деформації в сучасному суспільстві. Характер соціальності сучасної епохи вказує на ті глибинні проблеми і протиріччя, які актуалізують питання про її можливості. Культурна криза, духовний вакуум, актуалізація екзистенційних проблем сучасної людини змушують звернутися до проблеми конструювання, підтримання та функціонування цілісності соціальної реальності, а також механізмів і практик її деформації. Методологія. У ракурсі аналізу останніх набуває актуальності проблематика бажань, що активно інвестуються цивілізаційним прогресом в людське життя. В якості симулякрів природних механізмів індивідуальної активності – потреб, бажання виступають джерелами трансформації процесу гармонійного розвитку особистості (культурного споживання) в деструктивну стратегію цивілізації – споживацтво. У цих умовах саме споживання втрачає своє традиційне значення. З природного процесу щодо задоволення потреб і освоєння навколишнього світу, воно трансформується в тотальний руйнівний акт щодо реалізації конкретизованих бажань. Споживання переростає межі традиційної практики (воно вже не визначається лише продуктами харчування, одягом, машиною і т.п.). Воно стає активною масовою орієнтацією, практикою матеріалізації, заснованою на перетворенні оточуючого людини світу в річ, символ використання. Таким чином, споживання трансформується в практику тотального споживацтва. Наукова новизна. У зв'язку з цим, метою дослідження виступає аналіз потенціалу деструктивності споживацтва, чий характер стає реальною загрозою цілісності як індивідуального світу, так і соціальної реальності, оскільки детермінує розрив між реальним призначенням речей і їх придуманим сенсом, що наділяє їх бажаним ефектом (престижу, влади, матеріального багатства і т.п.). У цій ситуації актуалізується тенденція, коли речі втрачають своє дійсне призначення, а людина – свою активну роль. Вона більше не творець якісно нових продуктів, що наповнюють її життя змістом, а конформний пристосуванець, що рутинно відтворює ерзаци, якими наповнює своє життя. Матеріальне, а не духовне визначає цінність і сенс її життя, бажаний об'єкт, на отримання якого вона і спрямовує всі свої сили. Не творча праця, а рабська залежність від цивілізаційних «благ» керує людськими виборами. Висновки. Така деформація гармонійного розвитку людини і суспільства, традиційного порядку, трансформує характер людських відносин, перетворюючи їх на банальну практику споживацтва – використання. Бажання володіти, експлуатувати, використовувати змушує людину знецінювати навколишню реальність і її учасників, перетворює особистість в homo economics, що калькулює свої знайомства, зв'язки, відносини. Саме така «коммерціоналізація відносин», долаючи кордони економічної, політичної, правової сфер, посягаючи на сферу сімейних, дружніх відносин, визначає в цілому характер сучасного суспільства.
Objective. The interest of the article focuses on the analysis of the social integrity phenomenon and its deformation practices in the modern society. The character's sociality of the modern era indicates serious problems and contradictions that actualize the possibility of social integrity. The cultural crisis, spiritual vacuum, updated existential problems of the modern humanity forces to turn to the problem of the integrity constructing and maintaining and social reality functioning, as well as to the mechanisms and practices of its deformation. Methodology. Thus, in the analysis of the above mentioned points the problem of desires is getting more relevant, and these desires are actively being invested by the civilization progress in the human life. As simulacra of the natural mechanisms of individual activity (needs) desires help to transform the personality harmonious development process (cultural consumption) in a destructive civilization strategy – consumerism. Under these conditions consumption is losing its traditional meaning. From the natural processes of meeting the needs and developing the world it is transforming into a total destructive act that implements certain desires. Consumption grows borders of the traditional practice (it has not been already determined only by food, clothes, car, etc.). It is turning into an active mass orientation; practice of the materialization that is aimed to transform the surrounding world into a thing, a symbol of use. Thus, consumption transforms into a practice of total consumerism. The scientific novelty. In this context, the aim of the research is to analyze the destructive potential of consumerism, which nature is getting a real threat to the integrity of both individual world and social reality. This pattern of consumption determines the gap between a real purpose of the things and their contrived sense that gives them the desired effect (prestige, power, material wealth, etc.). In this situation, we can see updating of the tendency when things lose their true purpose, and man loses his active role. He is no longer a creator of qualitatively new products that fill his life with meaning. He is a conformal trimmer who routinely plays ersatz and fills his live with them. Material aspects rather than spiritual ones determine the value and meaning of human's life, they represent a desired object that he wants to receive. His choice is ruled not by creative work, but by the civilization "benefits" bondage. Conclusions. Such deformation of harmonious development of the man and society, and of the traditional order transforms nature of the human relations to turn them into a banal practice of consumerism – usage. The desire to own, exploit, use makes a human to devalue surrounding reality and its members, turns a human into a homo economics, who calculates his circle of friends, communication, relationships. Exactly such "commercialization of relationship" overcomes the limits of the economic, political and legal spheres and encroaches on the family, friendship sphere to determine the whole character of the modern society. ; Цель. Фокус исследования сосредоточен на анализе феномена социальной целостности и практиках его деформации в современном обществе. Характер социальности современной эпохи указывает на те глубинные проблемы и противоречия, которые актуализируют вопрос о ее возможности. Культурный кризис, духовный вакуум, актуализация экзистенциональных проблем современного человека заставляют обратиться к проблеме конструирования, поддержания и функционирования целостности социальной реальности, а также механизмах и практиках ее деформации. Методология. В ракурсе анализа последних приобретает актуальность проблематика желаний, активно инвестирующихся цивилизационным прогрессом в человеческую жизнь. В качестве симулякров естественных механизмов индивидуальной активности – потребностей, желания выступают источниками трансформации процесса гармоничного развития личности (культурного потребления) в деструктивную стратегию цивилизации – потребительство. В этих условиях само потребление утрачивает свое традиционное значение. Из естественного процесса по удовлетворению потребностей и освоению окружающего мира, оно трансформируется в тотальный разрушительный акт по реализации конкретизированных желаний. Потребление перерастает границы традиционной практики (оно уже не определяется лишь продуктами питания, одеждой, машиной и т.п.). Оно становится активной массовой ориентацией, практикой материализации, основанной на превращении окружающего человека мира в вещь, символ использования. Таким образом, потребление трансформируется в практику тотального потребительства. Научная новизна. В связи с этим, целью исследования выступает анализ потенциала деструктивности потребительства, чей характер становится реальной угрозой целостности как индивидуального мира, так и социальной реальности, поскольку детерминирует разрыв между реальным предназначением вещей и их придуманным смыслом, наделяющим их желаемым эффектом (престижа, власти, материального богатства и т.п.). В этой ситуации актуализируется тенденция, когда вещи утрачивают свое действительное предназначение, а человек – свою активную роль. Он больше не творец, создатель качественно новых продуктов, наполняющих его жизнь смыслом, а конформный приспособленец, рутинно воспроизводящий эрзацы, которыми наполняет свою жизнь. Материальное, а не духовное определяет ценность и смысл его жизни, желаемый объект, на получение которого он и направляет все свои силы. Не творческий созидательный труд, а раболепская зависимость от цивилизационных «благ» руководит его выборами. Выводы. Такая деформация гармоничного развития человека и общества, традиционного порядка трансформирует характер человеческих отношений, превращая их в банальную практику потребительства – использование. Желание обладать, эксплуатировать, использовать заставляет человека обесценивать окружающую реальность и ее участников, превращает личность в homo economics, калькулирующего свои знакомства, связи, отношения. Именно такая «коммерционализация отношений», преодолевая границы экономической, политической, правовой сфер, посягая на сферу семейных, дружеских отношений, определяет в целом характер современного общества. ; Мета. Фокус дослідження зосереджений на аналізі феномена соціальної цілісності і практиках його деформації в сучасному суспільстві. Характер соціальності сучасної епохи вказує на ті глибинні проблеми і протиріччя, які актуалізують питання про її можливості. Культурна криза, духовний вакуум, актуалізація екзистенційних проблем сучасної людини змушують звернутися до проблеми конструювання, підтримання та функціонування цілісності соціальної реальності, а також механізмів і практик її деформації. Методологія. У ракурсі аналізу останніх набуває актуальності проблематика бажань, що активно інвестуються цивілізаційним прогресом в людське життя. В якості симулякрів природних механізмів індивідуальної активності – потреб, бажання виступають джерелами трансформації процесу гармонійного розвитку особистості (культурного споживання) в деструктивну стратегію цивілізації – споживацтво. У цих умовах саме споживання втрачає своє традиційне значення. З природного процесу щодо задоволення потреб і освоєння навколишнього світу, воно трансформується в тотальний руйнівний акт щодо реалізації конкретизованих бажань. Споживання переростає межі традиційної практики (воно вже не визначається лише продуктами харчування, одягом, машиною і т.п.). Воно стає активною масовою орієнтацією, практикою матеріалізації, заснованою на перетворенні оточуючого людини світу в річ, символ використання. Таким чином, споживання трансформується в практику тотального споживацтва. Наукова новизна. У зв'язку з цим, метою дослідження виступає аналіз потенціалу деструктивності споживацтва, чий характер стає реальною загрозою цілісності як індивідуального світу, так і соціальної реальності, оскільки детермінує розрив між реальним призначенням речей і їх придуманим сенсом, що наділяє їх бажаним ефектом (престижу, влади, матеріального багатства і т.п.). У цій ситуації актуалізується тенденція, коли речі втрачають своє дійсне призначення, а людина – свою активну роль. Вона більше не творець якісно нових продуктів, що наповнюють її життя змістом, а конформний пристосуванець, що рутинно відтворює ерзаци, якими наповнює своє життя. Матеріальне, а не духовне визначає цінність і сенс її життя, бажаний об'єкт, на отримання якого вона і спрямовує всі свої сили. Не творча праця, а рабська залежність від цивілізаційних «благ» керує людськими виборами. Висновки. Така деформація гармонійного розвитку людини і суспільства, традиційного порядку, трансформує характер людських відносин, перетворюючи їх на банальну практику споживацтва – використання. Бажання володіти, експлуатувати, використовувати змушує людину знецінювати навколишню реальність і її учасників, перетворює особистість в homo economics, що калькулює свої знайомства, зв'язки, відносини. Саме така «коммерціоналізація відносин», долаючи кордони економічної, політичної, правової сфер, посягаючи на сферу сімейних, дружніх відносин, визначає в цілому характер сучасного суспільства.
Los chicos y chicas aprenden a interaccionar y comunicarse con sus iguales a partir de las relaciones interpersonales que mantienen en la escuela. Relaciones que pueden verse enturbiadas o alteradas por situaciones de desequilibrio y abuso entre los iguales que llegan a afectar a su propio desarrollo psicosocial. El acoso escolar es un fenómeno que quebranta la convivencia positiva entre los escolares que ha llamado la atención de las familias, profesores, políticos, investigadores y de la sociedad en general durante las últimas décadas. El acoso escolar puede definirse como una agresión intencional y repetida en el tiempo que uno o más individuos hacen sobre otro igual (Olweus, 1993). Entre víctima y agresor se establece un desequilibrio de poder sostenido del que la víctima se encuentra indefensa y sin posibilidades de parar la situación de abuso (Ortega-Ruiz, 2010). La intencionalidad de la agresión refleja que esta conducta puede ser una estrategia instrumental para el logro o mantenimiento del estatus y del dominio social (Hawley, 1999; Pouwels et al., 2018). El acoso escolar también se caracteriza por su naturaleza inmoral, pues atenta contra los valores de respeto y afecto hacia los demás (Ortega & Mora-Merchán, 1996). Este tipo de violencia entre iguales viola los principios éticos y fomenta la injusticia, el desprecio, la coacción y la soledad. A través del desarrollo de la tecnología y el acceso a Internet, el ciberacoso ha emergido como una nueva forma de acoso. El ciberacoso se define como un comportamiento agresivo intencionado y repetido en el tiempo mediante dispositivos digitales a cargo de uno o varios individuos contra alguien que no puede protegerse (Campbell & Bauman, 2018). Si bien el ciberacoso comparte características del acoso escolar, es necesario matizar algunas distinciones (Smith, 2016). En el ciberespacio la repetición en el tiempo está vinculada con la posibilidad de que una sola conducta de agresión puntual puede multiplicarse en la red, más que con la repetición de la conducta por parte del agresor (Olweus & Limber, 2018). El hecho de quedar almacenada y ser accesible hace que pueda ser reenviada por terceras personas. En el ciberacoso el desequilibrio de poder se vincula con el dominio de las habilidades tecnológicas (Kowalski et al., 2014), así como con el anonimato, que facilita la deshibibición de la agresión, además de dificultar su identificación (Nickerson et al., 2018). Si bien la intencionalidad en el cara a cara tiene por objetivo dañar a la víctima, en el ciberespacio la reducida comunicación hace que el daño causado no sea directamente percibido por el agresor. Además, la accesibilidad permanente hace que la víctima sea vulnerable 24/7 (24 horas los 7 días de la semana), lo cual puede agudizar sus consecuencias psicosociales (DePaolis & Williford, 2019). Numerosos programas de prevención e intervención han emergido para tratar de reducir la implicación de los escolares en acoso escolar y ciberacoso. No obstante, la investigación psicoevolutiva respalda la necesidad de continuar profundizando en los mecanismos que explican por qué algunos escolares se implican en conductas de agresión. A través de la presente tesis se desarrollan tres estudios independientes—aunque relacionados entre sí—con la finalidad de contribuir al avance científico que permita comprender cómo diferentes variables de naturaleza individual y grupal se vinculan con la implicación de los escolares en acoso escolar y ciberacoso. En el primer estudio se analiza la relación entre la desconexión moral, la necesidad de popularidad y el acoso escolar en los escolares. Vinculado con la naturaleza inmoral de la agresión, uno de los factores asociados con la implicación de los escolares en el acoso escolar es la desconexión moral, entendida como el conjunto de estrategias cognitivas que permiten eludir las emociones asociadas al incumplimiento de las normas morales interiorizadas (Bandura, 2002). A través de la desconexión moral los escolares pueden desactivar selectivamente su proceso de autorregulación y llegar a considerar que la agresión puede ser legítima. La desconexión moral se ha analizado como un factor de riesgo en la agresión del acoso escolar principalmente de forma transversal (véase meta-análisis; Gini et al., 2014; Killer et al., 2019). Un menor número de estudios longitudinales han evidenciado cómo aquellos escolares con mayor desconexión moral se involucran posteriormente en la agresión entre iguales (Bjärehed et al., 2021; Falla et al., 2020, 2021; Georgiou et al., 2021; Teng et al., 2019, 2020; Wang et al., 2017). Sin embargo, no existen resultados concluyentes que permitan afirmar que el acoso escolar puede predecir la desconexión moral (Georgiou et al., 2021; Teng et al., 2019; Visconti et al., 2015; Wang et al., 2017). La relación longitudinal entre desconexión moral y acoso escolar se ha analizado teniendo en cuenta que este mecanismo cognitivo es una característica estable del individuo (Thornberg et al., 2021). No obstante, aún se necesitan estudios que aborden la desconexión moral como un estado o un proceso que puede cambiar y derivar o ser el resultado de un aumento o disminución de la implicación en acoso escolar a corto plazo. El acoso escolar, además de ser definido como un fenómeno inmoral también se caracteriza por su marcado carácter social pues surge y se mantiene en el seno del grupo de los iguales. En ese sentido, se ha demostrado que la popularidad tiene una gran influencia en las conductas de los escolares. La popularidad otorga a los chicos y chicas el acceso a los recursos del grupo (visibilidad, prestigio y atención), lo que les permite tener cierto dominio social. Estos beneficios posibilitan que muchos de ellos desempeñen conductas destinadas a ser reconocido como popular, movidos precisamente por lo que se denomina necesidad de popularidad (Santor et al., 2000). En algunos casos, la agresión se convierte en una estrategia efectiva para acceder a ese deseado estado de dominio e influencia sobre los demás (Malamut et al., 2020). La necesidad de popularidad se ha reconocido como un factor de riesgo del acoso escolar (Caravita & Cillessen, 2012; Duffy et al., 2017; Garandeau & Lansu, 2019; Romera et al., 2017; Sijtsema et al., 2009) e incluso, en menor medida, se ha considerado como un resultado del acoso escolar (Dumas et al., 2019; Malamut et al., 2020). Aunque la necesidad de popularidad y la desconexión moral no se han vinculado previamente, determinadas perspectivas teóricas apuntan a una posible asociación entre motivación y moralidad. En la desconexión moral, las motivaciones personales constituyen un elemento clave en la desactivación selectiva de las estrategias de autorregulación de la conducta social. En base a ello, las motivaciones de naturaleza egoísta, como puede ser la necesidad de ser popular, pueden determinar el juicio moral de los escolares (Thomas, 2021). La necesidad de popularidad se ha analizado en estudios previos como un rasgo estable a lo largo del tiempo (Dawes & Xie, 2017). No obstante, se necesitan estudios longitudinales que aborden la necesidad de popularidad como un estado, es decir, como una característica que puede variar a corto plazo y que puede influir o ser influenciada por un aumento o disminución del acoso escolar y la desconexión moral (McDonald & Asher, 2018). ; Boys and girls learn to interact and communicate with their peers from the interpersonal relationships they maintain at school. These relationships can be disturbed or altered by situations of imbalance and abuse among peers, which can affect their psychosocial development. Bullying is a phenomenon that interrupts the positive convivencia among schoolchildren and has attracted the attention of families, teachers, politicians, researchers, and society in general during the last decades. Bullying can be defined as intentional and repeated aggression over time that one or more individuals carry out against another peer (Olweus, 1993). A sustained imbalance of power is established between victim and aggressor, in which the victim is defenseless and cannot put an end to the situation of abuse (Ortega-Ruiz, 2010). The intentionality of the aggression shows that this behavior can be an instrumental strategy to achieve or maintain social status and dominance (Hawley, 1999; Pouwels et al., 2018). Bullying is also characterized by its immoral nature, as it violates the values of respect and affection for others (Ortega & Mora-Merchán, 1996). This type of peer violence violates ethical principles and fosters injustice, contempt, coercion, and loneliness. Through the development of technology and Internet access, cyberbullying has emerged as a new form of bullying. Cyberbullying is defined as aggressive behavior, intentional and repeated over time through digital devices by one or more individuals against someone who cannot protect themselves (Campbell & Bauman, 2018). Although cyberbullying shares bullying characteristics, some distinctions need to be qualified (Smith, 2016). In cyberspace, repetition over time is linked to the possibility that a single behavior of punctual aggression can multiply in the network, rather than the repetition of the behavior by the aggressor (Olweus & Limber, 2018). The fact that it is stored and accessible means that it can be forwarded by third parties. In cyberbullying, the imbalance of power is linked to the mastery of technological skills (Kowalski et al., 2014), as well as anonymity, which facilitates the disinhibition of aggression, also making it difficult to identify the bully (Nickerson et al., 2018). Whereas face-to-face intentionality aims to harm the victim, in cyberspace, reduced communication means that the damage caused is not directly perceived by the bully. Further, permanent accessibility makes the victim vulnerable 24/7 (24 hours a day, 7 days a week), which can exacerbate the psychosocial consequences (DePaolis & Williford, 2019). Numerous prevention and intervention programs have emerged to try to reduce the involvement of schoolchildren in bullying and cyberbullying. However, psychodevelopmental research supports the need to continue delving into the mechanisms that explain why some schoolchildren engage in aggressive behaviors. Through this thesis, three independent—albeit related—studies are performed, to contribute to the scientific advance that allows to understand how different variables of a motivational, moral, emotional, and cognitive nature are linked to schoolchildren's engagement in bullying and cyberbullying. The first study analyzes the relationship between moral disengagement, the need for popularity, and bullying perpetration in schoolchildren. Linked to the immoral nature of aggression, one of the factors associated with schoolchildren's involvement in bullying is moral disengagement, understood as the set of cognitive strategies that allow avoiding the emotions associated with the breach of internalized moral norms (Bandura, 2002). Through moral disengagement, schoolchildren can selectively deactivate their self-regulation process and come to consider aggression as legitimate. Moral disengagement has been analyzed mainly transversally as a risk factor in aggression in school bullying (see meta-analyses; Gini et al., 2014; Killer et al., 2019). A smaller number of longitudinal studies have shown how schoolchildren with greater moral disengagement subsequently engage in peer aggression (Bjärehed et al., 2021; Falla et al., 2020, 2021; Georgiou et al., 2021; Teng et al., 2019, 2020; Wang et al., 2017). However, there are no conclusive results that allow to affirm that bullying can predict moral disengagement (Georgiou et al., 2021; Teng et al., 2019; Thornberg, Wänström, Pozzoli, et al., 2019; Visconti et al., 2015; Wang et al., 2017). The longitudinal relationship between moral disengagement and bullying has been analyzed considering that this cognitive mechanism is a stable characteristic of the individual (Thornberg et al., 2021). However, studies are still needed that address moral disengagement as a state or process that can change and derive from or be the result of an increase or decrease in involvement in bullying in the short term. Bullying, in addition to being defined as an immoral phenomenon, is also characterized by its marked social nature because it arises and is maintained within the peer group. In that sense, it has been shown that popularity greatly influences schoolchildren's behaviors. Popularity gives boys and girls access to the group's resources (visibility, prestige, and attention), which allows them to have some social dominance. These benefits allow many of them to perform behaviors that are considered popular, driven precisely by the so-called need for popularity (Santor et al., 2000). In some cases, bullying becomes an effective strategy to access that coveted state of dominance and influence over others (Malamut et al., 2020). The need for popularity has been recognized as a risk factor for bullying (Caravita & Cillessen, 2012; Duffy et al., 2017; Garandeau & Lansu, 2019; Romera et al., 2017; Sijtsema et al., 2009) and, to a lesser extent, it has even been considered an outcome of bullying (Dumas et al., 2019; Malamut et al., 2020). Although the need for popularity and moral disengagement have not been previously linked, certain theoretical perspectives point to a possible association between motivation and morality. In moral disengagement, personal motivations constitute a key element in the selective deactivation of the self-regulatory strategies of social behavior. In this sense, selfish motivations, like the need to be popular, can determine schoolchildren's moral judgment (Thomas, 2021). The need for popularity has been analyzed in previous studies as a stable trait over time (Dawes & Xie, 2017). Nonetheless, longitudinal studies are needed that address the need for popularity as a state, that is, a characteristic that may vary in the short term and that may influence or be influenced by an increase or decrease in bullying and moral disengagement (McDonald & Asher, 2018).
Criticizing one-empire approaches, calls to apply much-needed transnational perspectives and methodologies to colonial history have recently emerged. This groundbreaking scholarship has already revealed that the competition between different European empires after 1850 has typically been overemphasized; in fact, a transnational perspective reveals extensive cooperation between the "great powers" of the age, along with myriad examples of exchanges and transfers of colonial knowledge. In this dissertation, I argue that during the height of the New Imperialism during the latter half of the long nineteenth century, one can go even further and describe the co-production of a "global trans-imperial culture" by all of the colonial powers of the age, facilitated by a common "knowledge infrastructure," including international congresses, trans-imperial scholarly exchange and expositions. I contend that Japan was an important member of this "colonial club" that was deeply engaged with evolving global colonial discourse and practice throughout this period. Emerging trans-imperial historiography has largely neglected Japan, while historians of Japan have tended to exaggerate its uniqueness in global imperial history and often missed important global trends in colonial policy that explain many characteristics of Japanese expansionism. Furthermore, an oversimplified description of Meiji expansionism as "mimetic imperialism" shared by some Japan scholars and global imperial historians ignores the degree to which all imperial powers imitated each other during this period and the great extent to which Japan was involved in multidirectional inter-imperial exchanges. The dissertation has three interrelated aims. First, it applies cutting-edge theories of inter-imperial exchanges and cooperation to the Japanese Empire, arguing that Japan took part in a developing global trans-imperial culture throughout the Meiji period. Focusing on connections rather than comparison, it traces how and when different examples of Western colonial knowledge came to Japan and ways in which Japan influenced other empires, investigating trans-imperial conduits like foreign consultants, scholarly texts and international expositions. Secondly, it works to dismantle persistent notions of Japan as a marginal latecomer to this community of imperial powers by demonstrating that Japan engaged with inter-imperially circulating discourses and practices from as early as 1868 and contributed to the development of the culture as a whole. The dissertation joins a growing body of critical work that argues that Meiji-era Hokkaidō is best understood as a colony in which modern technologies of settler colonialism were systematically employed starting directly after the Meiji Restoration. Finally, it employs theories of colonial association as a kind of overarching case-study to illustrate how ideas and practices of colonial governance circulated over imperial boundaries and concurrently influenced all empires of the time. During the second half of the nineteenth century, the strategy of assimilating colonized peoples became increasingly discredited among the colonial policy elite worldwide. New notions of how best to rule a colonial territory based on Social Darwinism and British and Dutch experiments in indirect rule, later collectively referred to as the "association" of colonizer and colonized with minimal cultural interchange, became correspondingly influential. Although assimilation and association are frequently treated as unchanging traits of specific empires (with France and Japan typically identified as assimilationist and Britain and the Netherlands as associationist), this dissertation contends that shifts between assimilation and association happened concurrently in different empires around the world, providing important evidence of a common trans-imperial culture. I will demonstrate that Japanese colonial elites engaged with these ideas at the same time as their counterparts in Western empires, with Japan's famous radical assimilation campaign coming only in the final years of its empire. Revealing the strong influence of associationist thought among Meiji leaders helps to illuminate the consistency and "timeliness" of Japanese colonial discourse and practice and challenges anachronistic notions of the Japanese Empire always being characterized by a unique form of colonial assimilationism. The empirical "body" of the dissertation is divided into three large, thematic sections. Part I investigates the trans-imperial linkages between Japan and the United States during Japan's colonization of Hokkaidō around the 1870s. Chapters 1 - 3 consider the role of three American professors, William Smith Clark, William Wheeler and David Pearce Penhallow, who were hired to establish an agricultural college as part of the colonial development of Hokkaidō. I argue that these American professors contributed to Japan's colonial expansionism in at least three ways: by helping the Kaitakushi physically transform Hokkaidō into a Japanese settler colony, by spreading a colonial worldview according to which the Ainu were portrayed as a primitive, dying race similar to Native Americans, and finally by acting as propagandists for Japanese expansionism after their return. Chapter 4 considers continuing links to American technologies of settler colonialism in the next generation through the writings of Satō Shōsuke on Hokkaidō's colonial status. Satō graduated in Sapporo Agricultural College's first class and later studied land policy in America before returning and becoming president of his alma mater. Part II investigates Japan's early colonization of Taiwan and the debates over its colonial status, which remained highly ambiguous for more than a decade after its acquisition by Japan in 1895. Chapter 5 considers the opinions of three Western colonial consultants from France, Britain and the United States who were engaged by the Japanese government in 1895 from the perspective of assimilation and association. I contend that contrary to previous assertions, all three individuals should be understood as proponents of globally fashionable theories of colonial association rather than as advocates of different national colonial cultures. Chapter 6 is devoted to the writings of Takekoshi Yosaburō, a prominent Japanese proponent of association. I argue that the position of his 1905 book Japanese Rule in Formosa in the domestic political debate over Taiwan's status has not been fully appreciated and that its 1907 English translation played a crucial role in linking Japan into the trans-imperial academic field of colonial policy studies. Thanks to the efforts of Takekoshi and other propagandists, Taiwan came to be seen as a model colony in the West, especially in the United States where it was widely considered to be a good example for the Philippines, raising Japan's status among world colonial powers. Part III shifts focus from colonial territories to expositions, which Japan used to present its empire to a mass public in Japan, its colonies and the West. I argue that expositions were one of the most important sites at which the global trans-imperial culture was created and maintained. Chapter 7 investigates how the Japanese Empire was presented to a Western public at the 1910 Japan-British Exhibition in London, where it displayed its various colonial territories in detail for the first time outside of Japan. Chapter 8 analyzes presentations of the constituent parts of the Japanese Empire at the Takushoku hakurankai or Colonization Exposition that was held in Tokyo two years later. Based on the above case studies, this dissertation concludes that contrary to common assertions, colonial assimilation was not a salient characteristic of Meiji imperialism, and that Japanese leaders did not emulate specific French assimilationist models as is commonly asserted. Instead, leading colonialists in both France and Japan, as well as other empires, were concurrently influenced by new, anti-assimilationist ideas of colonial association, including conserving resources by allowing indigenous laws and customs to be maintained as much as possible, making colonies financially self-sufficient and endowing a separate colonial administration with vast discretionary power. This is not to say that assimilation did not have proponents in Japan and that it did not sometimes inform Japanese colonial policy, but rather that it did not form the dominant mode of Japanese colonialism at this time. While examples of assimilationism can be found in Meiji Japan, I contend that these have been anachronistically exaggerated by later historians as a result of their greater familiarity of Japan's later radical assimilation drive. The ideas that would later be collectively known as association so dominated the global trans-imperial discourse of colonial administration at this time that countries like Japan that aspired to influence and respect by the world's "great powers" could hardly afford to ignore them. Assimilation was widely censured as a failed policy by inept "Latin" colonizers like Spain and could therefore only be advocated by Japanese politicians in a domestic context. Even then, opponents of assimilation had a powerful tool at their disposal in the ostensibly scientific arguments of numerous well-known Western theorists. Though not always completely successful, Japanese overseas propaganda still managed to use presentations of Taiwan's efficient management along associationist lines to convince many Westerners of Japan's aptitude for colonization, allowing it to participate in many of the key institutions of the global trans-imperial culture and even, at times, to serve as an inspiration to other empires. ; Research funded by the Linnaeus University Centre for Concurrences in Colonial and Postcolonial Studies and Forskarskolan i historiska studier (Lund University)
За останні роки активно дискусується питання про розвиток сільських територій, і в цьому покладають надії на кооперацію. Саме слово кооперація стало часто вживаним. Проте розвиток сільськогосподарської обслуговуючої кооперації, домінуючої в економіках у розвинутих країнах світу, в тому числі і в Європейському Союзі ще не став домінуючим в Україні. Зважаючи на те, що Україна є потужною аграрною країною, розвиток кооперації повинен сприяти як розвитку сільських територій, так і гарантувати продовольчу безпеку. Сьогодні сільська громада є основою побудови громадського суспільства і відродження національних традицій. Українське село і селянство було і залишається носієм моралі, національної культури і забезпечення здорового способу життя країни. У національному і державному вимірах актуальність дослідження цих проблем визначається викликами сучасного суспільства, орієнтованого на глобалізацію, що загрожує втратою національної ідентичності. Одним з виявів і наслідків цього процесу є посилення соціально-економічного занепаду і культурної деградації села, що стало гострою проблемою сучасного розвитку України та гальмує реалізацію всього державотворчого потенціалу. Одним із шляхів виходу з цієї кризової ситуації є виховання господарської культури через створення позитивного іміджу сільського господаря та реалізації декларованого державою курсу на збереження та сталий розвиток села, запровадження ефективних господарських механізмів, піднесення загального і культурного рівня населення, його добробуту. В цьому плані кооперативний сектор економіки повністю відповідає поставленим суспільством завданням високоефективної трансформації сільського способу життя українського селянства, вирішенню нагальних питань повномасштабної зайнятості, прискореного становлення середнього класу, забезпечення продовольчої безпеки країни. Вирішальним кроком до ринкового господарства є прискорене збільшення самостійних товаровиробників – власників, індивідуальних, колективних, кооперативних, інших, без яких ринкова економіка неможлива і саме це для наших реалій, є надзвичайно важливим в розумінні обов'язкової присутності в ній масової, всесторонньо розвинутої обслуговуючої кооперації. Головною сутністю обслуговуючої кооперації є її головний стратегічний принцип, пов'язаний з об'єднанням сільськогосподарських товаровиробників із споживачами виробленої ними продукції на умовах окупності й дохідності її виробництва в умовах розвинутого ринкового господарства. Кооперування (об'єднання) громадян (домогосподарств), інших невеликих товаровиробників, які виробляють не значну кількість різної товарної продукції сільськогосподарського призначення і яка на продовольчих ринках має великий регіональний споживчий попит в силу об'єктивних обставин неможуть її туди доставляти власними зусиллями у зв'язку з незначними об'ємами, віддаленістю від продовольчих ринків, відсутністю переробки і зберігання, а також в наявності постійних споживачів тощо, спонукає їх створювати обслуговуючі кооперативи, тобто за рахунок власних зусиль і коштів напрацьовувати інфраструктурну надбудову у вигляді кооперативних утворень різних типів, характерних для конкретних умов даних територій, які на правах приватної власності належатимуть їх засновникам. Особливо важливим для гарантування продовольчої безпеки українського суспільства в сьогоднішніх умовах є логічний розвиток і збереження громадського тваринництва, зокрема молочного скотарства, яке для сільського населення має стратегічне значення як ресурс для власного споживання дешевої і вкрай необхідної молочної продукції, а з іншого боку, ресурс постійних грошових надходжень для відтворення життєдіяльності домогосподарств, які утримують корів. Маркетингова стратегія підприємств молочної промисловості орієнтована виключно на кінцевий продукт, майже повністю виключила із ланцюга проходження молока і молокопродуктів до споживача первинного виробника. Значні зміни в структурі сукупних ресурсів домогосподарств (особливо в сільській місцевості) пов'язані зі скороченням грошових надходжень від реалізації сільськогосподарської продукції, ростом трудової міграції економічно активного населення, підвищенням рівня пенсійного забезпечення. Низькі закупівельні ціни на молоко, як сировину і високі ціни на молочну продукцію переробних підприємств та націнки у торговій мережі провокують стагнатації внутрішнього ринку із зростання цін на неорганізованих ринках, які майже зрівнялися з цінами у супермаркетах. Доходимо висновку, що при існуючій закупівельній спроможності населення збільшення виробництва молока і його заготівель втрачає свою економічну мотивацію. Необхідними для практичної діяльності кооперативних утворень будуть поглиблені дослідження взаємозв'язків між наявним поголів'ям корів в домогосподарствах населення, їх продуктивністю, а також товарністю реалізованого молока (реалізовано до виробленого), які мають безпосередній вплив на окупність утримання корів і ефективність господарської діяльності. Обслуговуюча кооперація на селі – реальна основа продовольчої безпеки. ; In recent years, the issue of the development of rural areas has been actively debated, and hopes for co-operation are in it. On the contrary, that exactly is the word co-operation has become used in our communication. However, the development of agricultural servicing cooperation, dominant in economies in developed countries, including the European Union, has not yet become dominant in Ukraine. Given the fact that Ukraine is a powerful agricultural country, the development of co-operation should promote the development of rural areas and guarantee food security. Today, the rural community is the foundation of building a civil society and reviving national traditions. Ukrainian village and peasantry was and remains the bearer of morality, national culture and ensuring a healthy lifestyle of the country. In the national and state dimensions, the relevance of the study of these problems is determined by the challenges of modern society, focused on globalization, which threatens the loss of national identity. One of the manifestations and consequences of this process is the increase of socio-economic decline and cultural degradation of the countryside, which has become an acute problem of the modern development of Ukraine and impedes the realization of all state-building potential. One way out of this crisis situation is to cultivate economic culture through the creation of a positive image of the rural owner and the implementation of the course declared by the state on the preservation and sustainable development of the countryside, introduction of effective economic mechanisms, raising the general and cultural level of the population and its welfare. In this regard, the cooperative sector of the economy fully meets the goals set by the society for highly effective transformation of the rural lifestyle of the Ukrainian peasantry, solving urgent issues of full employment, accelerating the formation of the middle class, and ensuring the country's food security. A decisive step towards a market economy is the accelerated growth of independent commodity producers – owners, individual, collective, cooperative, others, without which the market economy is impossible and this is precisely this, for our realities, is extremely important in the sense of the mandatory presence in it of a mass, fully developed service co-operation. The main essence of the service of cooperation is its main strategic principle connected with the association of agricultural producers with consumers of their products produced on the terms of payback and profitability of its production in a developed market economy. Co-operation (association) of citizens (households), other small commodity producers who produce a small amount of different commodity products for agricultural purposes and which in the food markets has a large regional consumer demand because of objective circumstances, it can not deliver it there by their own efforts in connection with insignificant volumes of remoteness from food markets, the lack of processing and storage, as well as the presence of regular consumers, etc., causes them to create service cooperatives, that is, for using its own efforts and means to develop an infrastructure superstructure in the form of cooperative formations of different types, specific for the specific conditions of these territories, which, on the rights of private property, will belong to their founders. Especially important for ensuring food security of Ukrainian society in today's conditions is the logical development and preservation of public livestock, in particular dairy cattle breeding, which for the rural population has a strategic importance as a resource for own consumption of cheap and extremely necessary dairy products, and, on the other hand, a resource of constant money revenues to restore the livelihoods of households that hold cows. The marketing strategy of dairy enterprises is focused solely on the final product, almost completely excluded from the chain of milk and milk products passing to the consumer of the primary producer. Significant changes in the structure of aggregate household resources, especially in rural areas, are associated with a reduction in cash receipts from agricultural sales, an increase in labor migration of the economically active population, and an increase in the level of pensions. Low purchasing prices for milk as raw materials and high prices for dairy products from processing enterprises and mark-ups in the trading network provoke stagnation of the domestic market with rising prices on unorganized markets, which almost equaled the prices in supermarkets. We conclude that, with the existing purchasing power of the population, an increase in milk production and its harvesting loses its economic motivation. Necessary for practical activity of cooperative formations will be deepened studies of the interrelations between the existing cow population in households, their productivity, and also the commodity of sold milk (sold to the produced), which directly have a direct impact on the payback of cows and the efficiency of economic activity. The cooperative operation in the countryside is a real basis of food security.
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On Wednesday, President Joe Biden announced that he would stop sending offensive weapons to Israel "'if they go into Rafah." It is the most notable sign of his administration's shift in its support for Israel's war to date, but questions remain over how and when the president will follow through on his words. Meanwhile, the administration paused a recent shipment of bombs to Israel, but it is not a permanent decision, and the president's claim that "they haven't gone in Rafah yet" — despite the fact that Israel is continually striking the southern Gazan city, have tanks positioned on the periphery, and took control of the the Rafah crossing — suggests that U.S. support may otherwise continue so long as the campaign remains relatively limited.Behind the scenes in the U.S. government, there has been a bit of turmoil.At least four federal employees, including three from the State Department, have publicly resigned, explicitly in protest of the administration's response to the war. This comes amid a number of stories about internal tension in the Biden administration concerning its largely unwavering rhetorical and material support for Benjamin Netanyahu's government as it prosecutes a war that has now killed nearly 35,000 Palestinians. In addition, hundreds of civil servants from various government agencies have signed a series of open letters calling on Biden to push for a ceasefire in Gaza and de-escalation in the wider region. Unfortunately, one federal employee with more than 15 years of service in two government agencies told RS, "the internal messaging to staff mirrors the external messages. And that has been a source of both disappointment and deep frustration." (Sources asked for anonymity in order to discuss internal dynamics.) In other words, the informal 'dissent channel' doesn't seem to be moving the needle, seven months into the war.Critics within the administration are not motivated by their moral qualms alone. There is a growing sense among staff, according to another source, that the long-term alliance with Israel does not serve U.S. interests. Specifically, they are worried that Washington is itself being drawn into a regional war, that its actions are increasing instability in the region, and that "ironclad" support for Israel's conduct in Gaza is undermining any claim that the U.S. is a champion for global human rights and democracy. The dissent also extends beyond the departments that are typically considered responsible for implementing Gaza policy, such as the State Department or USAID. It includes officials in other agencies whose work is tangentially related to the war and still others who are simply outraged by American complicity in the rising death toll and humanitarian crisis. "Having worked in the administration during the Afghan withdrawal and also the Russian invasion of Ukraine, so many efforts were spearheaded and led, and normal procedures were bypassed given the urgent humanitarian situation. Here, however, it has been a totally different ballgame. There are systemic issues with how we issue Palestinian cases," says a homeland security official. "Any kind of initiative to expedite help for Palestinians has been blocked or quelled or slowed down dramatically in a way that I've never seen before." The signs were there in the early days of the war, sources say. "The decision was made from the top very early on," says an official with 25 years of national security experience. "Experts have been shut out from the decision-making process, making it very hard to change that policy."Annelle Sheline, a former staffer in the State Department's Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor, who resigned in protest of the administration's Gaza policy in March, says her experience was similar."There are so many people who know the region really well working at State, who were raising concerns from all kinds of angles: the U.S. national interest angle, the legalistic angle or the human rights angle," Sheline tells RS. "People who spent their whole careers working on these things, and nobody was being listened to. Even relatively senior officials inside State who are very concerned and very opposed were not being listened to." (Sheline was previously a research fellow at the Quincy Institute, which publishes RS.) Federal employees who are disillusioned with the approach to Gaza say they have explored multiple avenues to make their position clear. One federal employee told RS that when staffers raised concerns about unconditionally supporting Israel in the early stages of the war, they realized that doing so through formal channels was ineffective."As the months dragged on, it became evident that the dissent channels that the State Department likes to tout are about placating staff more than actually listening to those with deep regional and policy expertise and making changes," says the 15-year federal employee. The dissidents say only a handful of individuals in the upper echelons of the State Department, at the National Security Council and, and ultimately Biden himself, have decision-making power, and no amount of dissent has made a difference. According to one report, Biden's own staunch pro-Israel position has been solidified over five decades in Washington, and his commitment to the Jewish state is not easily shaken. In the months since October 7, a number of staffers have resorted to quieter and more informal forms of protest — having unsanctioned conversations with journalists; changing social media avatars to express solidarity with Palestinians; or wearing keffiyehs during work meetings — to express their unhappiness or distress within the administration.When RS spoke to these federal employees, they noted the importance of May 8, the day the Biden administration was supposed to produce a report for Congress on Israel's compliance with international humanitarian law. It would have been a clear sign of how far Biden and other top officials are willing to go to back the war effort. That date came and went with no report on Wednesday. There are conflicting reports on whether the report is delayed "indefinitely" or whether it is expected to be delivered soon. As the staffers noted, the Israeli blockade of aid — at the very least — has been so blatant that it would be hard to believe that any official acting in good faith would sign a report asserting the contrary. And this is an argument that many other notable individuals have made publicly."The determination regarding compliance with international law is one of fact and law. The facts and law should not be ignored to achieve a pre-determined policy outcome. Our credibility is on the line," Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), the lawmaker who led the effort to require a report be submitted to Congress, recently said. In late April, more than 90 lawyers signed a letter to the Biden administration calling on it to suspend military aid to Israel. "The law is clear and aligned with the majority of Americans who believe the U.S. should cease arms shipments to Israel until it stops its military operation in Gaza," read the letter. At least 20 of the signatories work in the administration, according to Politico. Politico reported on Tuesday that there has been an uptick in the number of non-public resignations by officials and that more resignations, both public and non-public, will soon follow.Sources tell RS that there have been discussions of larger-scale resignations, though ultimately it remains unclear whether such dramatic steps would make much difference, given how little impact the public dissent has made to date. Many staffers are reluctant to quit their jobs because of family or financial considerations.Sheline, who was the third official to publicly resign over Gaza policy, says that there have been efforts to delegitimize her resignation, as well as those that preceded it. "I think if there were a lot more public resignations, I do think it would be very hard for the administration to pretend that it was just a one-off. So I do hope that there will be more."
