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The establishment of relationships between countries in a global era seems to require new strategies that, in some cases, transcend traditional state diplomacy. In this sense, public diplomacy has become a renewed strategy of transnational representativeness in which the country brand exerts an important role as mechanism for agglutinating and transmitting national identities. Thus, the new soft power of geographical representation seems to take place within the weakening of the state-nation and clearly benefits a new way of communicating the identity of a country which is closer to the intervention of different social agents than to the signing of international treaties, a competence traditionally reserved for governments. Based on a review of existing literature, this article presents the state of the art related to the new strategies of international representativeness that have been executed by countries and nations. ; El establecimiento de relaciones entre países en un entorno global parece requerir nuevas estrategias que trascienden la tradicional diplomacia de Estado. La diplomacia pública deviene una renovada estrategia de proyección internacional, donde la marca de país ejerce un importante papel a modo de dispositivo aglutinador y de transmisión de identidades nacionales. De este modo, el nuevo "poder blando" de la representación geográfica parece transcurrir en el seno del debilitamiento del Estado-nación y en claro beneficio de una nueva forma de comunicar la identidad de un país más próxima a la intervención de diferentes agentes sociales que a la firma de tratados internacionales de competencia gubernamental. A partir de una revisión de la literatura existente, este artículo presenta un estado del arte relacionado con las nuevas estrategias de representatividad internacional llevadas a cabo por países y naciones.

The article examines Sino-Russian relations in Central Asia against the background of the deepening partnership between Moscow and Beijing. We have yet to see any substantial Sino-Russian cooperation in Central Asia, even though Xi and Putin pledged at their March 2023 summit meeting to expand such cooperation. China's Central Asian diplomacy has been more active of late, but this has not necessarily come at the expense of Russian influence. While some Chinese experts see Russia's distraction with the war in Ukraine as an opportunity to advance the PRC's economic interests in the region, others point to China's soft-power deficit as an obstacle to further gains. Despite China's growing economic clout, Russia retains considerable negative hegemony and has sought to check Chinese plans for energy connectivity to maintain its own role as a regional energy supplier. Though the two countries share an interest in preventing the expansion of Western influence, Russian and Chinese actions have in fact led the Central Asian countries to seek partners outside the region.

This article provides a review of Chinese official discourse, expert debates, and media narratives on China's relationship with Russia since February 24, 2022. It suggests that it remains an open question whether China's relationship with Russia will develop as one determined by China-US relations or as a genuine endogenous relationship.

The deadly Himalayan border clash between China and India in June 2020 and the ensuing breakdown of China-India relations posed a challenge for Russia's foreign policy. Russia has consistently sought to balance its relations with China and India, while also encouraging cooperation among the members of the Russia-India-China (RIC) triangle in seeking to increase their role in global governance. The deterioration of relations with the West has led Russia to strengthen relations with China, but Russia has also sought to avoid excessive reliance on China through diplomatic outreach to other countries, especially India. Tensions between China and India have long served to hinder Russia's strategy, a problem that the events of 2020 compounded. In the face of growing concerns about China, India in recent years turned to the United States for support, becoming an active participant in the U.S. Indo-Pacific Strategy. This trend is accelerating following the border clash. Both Russia and India seek to maintain strong relations with one another, but the intensification of great-power rivalry in Asia is placing an increasing strain on this relationship, hindering Russia's objectives related to the Russia-India-China triangle.

Russian-Turkish relations have exhibited many contradictory features since summer 2016. Despite the two states' geopolitical alignment in Syria and ongoing energy cooperation, Russia and Turkey continue to favor opposing outcomes in regional crises. This friction prevents the two regional rivals from forging a closer form of partnership.

Florian Hannig: Am Anfang war Biafra - Humanitäre Hilfe in den USA und der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Frankfurt am Main: Campus 2021. 978-3-593-51338-6

The planned Nord Stream 2 (NS2) gas pipeline connecting Germany and Russia is a controversial issue in German political discourse. Even though criticism of the climate impact and security implications of proceeding with Nord Stream 2 tend to dominate the debate, vested interests in government and business have so far successfully defended the project. The poisoning of Alexei Navalny has not led the German government to block the pipeline. However, the case had a substantial discursive impact in Germany, as it made the media more sensitive to Ukraine's security interests and to climate policy considerations. On the latter point, two controversies in early 2021 serve as cases in point: first, the revelation concerning the German government's offer to import LNG from the US on preferential terms if the US would repeal sanctions; and second, the public outcry over Mecklenburg-Vorpommern's controversial state "Climate Foundation," which has been accused of greenwashing the pipeline. Looking ahead, this article holds that Russia and Germany need to look beyond Nord Stream 2 to the hydrogen trade as a potential point of common interest, at least in a world where Russian troops have left Ukraine.