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World Affairs Online
Shipping list no.: 94-0119-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE
In: SWP Comment, Band 32/2015
"Moscow's hegemonic stance on the post-Soviet space and its provocations in Ukraine force the European Union to find strategic clarity in its eastern neighbourhood. Often in the midst of discontinuous internal reform processes, the countries to the Union's east find themselves hanging between a vague "wider Europe" proposal from Brussels and Moscow's increasingly forceful idea of a "wider Russia". At the May 2015 Riga Summit the EU heads of state and government will meet with their counterparts from the Eastern Partnership, including the new associates Moldova, Georgia and Ukraine. The EU should grant these countries political guarantees, material assistance and European perspectives. But the European Union can only develop bilateral and plurilateral European perspectives if it faces up to the Russian factor and realigns its relations with Moscow on the Eastern Policy triangle of stability, cooperation and norm-driven transformation."(Autorenreferat)
In: Conflict management and peace science: the official journal of the Peace Science Society (International), Band 27, Heft 3, S. 272-295
ISSN: 1549-9219
Although globalization has become one of the most salient issues in the study of international relations during the past few decades, its net effect on international conflict remains unexplored. I argue that although the manifold phenomena of globalization may conflict (i.e. produce both positive and negative influences), its overall consequences help foster a common peaceful disposition among national leaders who are then less likely to resort to arms in times of crisis. Based on a cross-sectional, time-series dyadic data analysis for 114 countries during the period from 1970 to 2001, this study reports that socio-economic and political globalization in its entirety generates a dampening effect on militarized interstate disputes. Even when common conflict-related control variables such as democracy, economic interdependence, joint membership in international organizations, and others are incorporated into the analysis, globalization emerges as the most powerful explanatory variable. Consequently, globalization when taken in its entirety represents an unambiguous force for interstate peace.
Part 1 The World: New Global Governance Needed -- Chapter 1 What should we expect of "Globalization 2.0"? -- Chapter 2 Global Governance: History, Logic and Trend -- Chapter 3 "Black Swans" of Globalization -- Chapter 4 A World on the Verge of Total Chaos -- Part 2 Open Multilateralism: Evolutionary Results of the International Institutions -- Chapter 5 Idea and Act: Multilateralism in the Governance of Eurasia -- Chapter 6 International Institutions in Contemporary Global Politics -- Chapter 7 Reshaping Global Governance with Genuine Multilateralism -- Chapter 8 UN Security Council Reform: Pro et Сontra -- Chapter 9 Non-neutral Global Governance and BRICS Cooperation -- Part 3 Balance of Power vs. Balance of Interest: Great Powers in Globalization -- Chapter 10 Illusions of a New Bipolarity.
Description based on: 1983. ; Vols. for 1976- printed for the use of the Committees on International Relations and Foreign Relations of the House of Representatives and the Senate respectively; for the use of the Committees on Foreign Relations and Foreign Affairs of the Senate and the House Representatives respectively. ; Vols. for 1976- transmitted by the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. ; At head of title, : Joint committee print. ; Mode of access: Internet.
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Description based on: 1983. ; Vols. for 1976- printed for the use of the Committees on International Relations and Foreign Relations of the House of Representatives and the Senate respectively; for the use of the Committees on Foreign Relations and Foreign Affairs of the Senate and the House Representatives respectively. ; Vols. for 1976- transmitted by the United States Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. ; At head of title, : Joint committee print. ; Mode of access: Internet.
BASE
In: Völkerrecht und Außenpolitik Band 94
Während viele internationale Organisationen bei ihrer Gründung primär als Forum für die Koordination staatlicher Bemühungen gesehen wurden, haben ihnen die Staaten immer mehr Aufgaben übertragen und viele Organisationen handeln mit zunehmender Autonomie. Auch das UN-Hochkommissariat für Flüchtlinge (UNHCR) und die Internationale Organisation für Migration (IOM), beide sind im Bereich Migration tätig, weiteten ihre Aufgaben massgeblich aus, was zu Doppelaktivitäten und Konkurrenz führte. Das Buch betrachtet Konflikte zwischen internationalen Organisationen unter dem Blickwinkel der institutionellen Dimension der Fragmentierung des Völkerrechts. Anhand einer Fallstudie zum UNHCR und zur IOM werden Konfliktsituationen dargestellt und analysiert
In: International legal materials: current documents, Band 13, Heft 6, S. 1478-1499
ISSN: 0020-7829
World Affairs Online
In: Millennium: journal of international studies, Band 37, Heft 1, S. 49-67
ISSN: 0305-8298
World Affairs Online
In: International relations: the journal of the David Davies Memorial Institute of International Studies, Band 2, Heft 8, S. 550-552
ISSN: 1741-2862
The paper reflects on the implications of the foreign investment protection and promotion agreements (fipa) and the investment chapters of the free trade agreements (fta) for countries with a level of development similar to that of Colombia and, consequently, on the importance of establishing clear policies on foreign investment and a robust model to measure the benefits for the country's development but also the risks in terms of regulatory capacity and international liability for non-compliance with the obligations acquired through these agreements. For this purpose, the paper refers to some particularly sensitive protection standards and, from there, analyses the evolution of Colombia's internal investment policy during different government periods based on the relevant provisions of the national development plans, the documents of the National Council for Economic and Social Policy (ncesp) and the model treaties drafted by different governments. This analysis seeks to identify whether Colombia has, so far in this century, established thorough policies for the negotiation and conclusion of investment treaties, and whether the concluded treaties correspond to the proposed models and protect the interests of the State. The study is justified by the increase of significant investment disputes against Colombia in the last two years, several of which are already materialized in procedures before the icsid. ; El artículo introduce algunas reflexiones sobre las implicaciones de los acuerdos de protección y promoción de las inversiones (appi) y de los capítulos de inversión en los tratados de libre comercio (tlc) para países del nivel de desarrollo de Colombia, y, en consecuencia, de la importancia de contar con políticas claras en materia de inversión extranjera y con un modelo robusto de medición de beneficios en términos de desarrollo y de riesgos en cuanto a la limitación a su capacidad regulatoria y su eventual responsabilidad internacional por el incumplimiento de las obligaciones adquiridas mediante estos acuerdos. Para ello refiere el escrito algunos estándares de protección particularmente sensibles y, a partir de allí, aporta un estudio de la evolución de la política interna de inversión colombiana, segmentada por los períodos gubernamentales, partiendo de lo incluido en los planes nacionales de desarrollo y en los documentos Conpes, así como en modelos de tratados diseñados en los distintos gobiernos, en aras de identificar si Colombia, en lo que llevamos de este siglo, ha contado con políticas estructuradas que orienten los procesos de negociación y conclusión de tratados que correspondan a los modelos propuestos y a los intereses del Estado. Lo anterior justificado en que Colombia en los últimos dos años se ha visto expuesta a importantes disputas en materia de inversión extranjera, varias de las cuales ya se encuentran materializadas en procesos ante el ciadi. ; o artigo introduz algumas reflexões sobre as implicações dos Acordos de Proteção e Promoção dos Investimentos (appi) e dos capítulos de investimento nos Tratados de Livre Comércio (tlc) para países do nível de desenvolvimento da Colômbia e em consequência, da importância de contar cm políticas claras em matéria de investimento estrangeiro e com um modelo robusto de medição de benefícios em termos de desenvolvimento e de riscos em quanto à limitação à sua capacidade regulatória e de sua eventual responsabilidade internacional pelo incumprimento das obrigações adquiridas mediante estes acordos. Para isto, refere o escrito, alguns standards de proteção particularmente sensíveis e, a partir dali, aporta um estudo da evolução da política interna de investimento colombiano, segmentada pelos períodos governamentais, partindo do incluído nos Planos Nacionais de Desenvolvimento e nos Documentos conpes, assim como em modelos de tratados desenhados nos diferentes governos, em favor de identificar se a Colômbia, no que tem corrido deste século, tem contado com políticas estruturadas que orientem os processos de negociação e conclusão de tratados que correspondam aos modelos propostos e aos e aos interesses do Estado. O anterior justificado em que a Colômbia nos últimos dois anos se tem visto exposta a importantes disputas em matéria de investimento estrangeiro, varias das quais já se encontram materializadas em processos ante o ciadi.
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In: International politics, Band 47, Heft 2, S. 251-268
ISSN: 1384-5748
World Affairs Online
In: India quarterly: a journal of international affairs ; IQ, Band 61, Heft 3, S. 28-47
ISSN: 0019-4220, 0974-9284
World Affairs Online
In the end of November, the US Department of Defense presented key findings of its Global Posture Review (GPR). Addressing current and future developments across the US's global military presence, the Posture is highly relevant for America's allies. With the GPR, the Biden administration reaffirms its commitment to strengthening NATO; however, the elements of the Review that have so far been published leave important questions unanswered - in particular, how the priorities between Europe and Asia will be set in the long-term and whether new land-based weapons systems will be stationed in European NATO states. (author's abstract)