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As well as being an outstanding contribution to Indian economic and social history, this book draws important conclusions about peasant politics in general and about the effects of international economic fluctuations on primary producing countries. Dr Bose develops a general typology of systems of agrarian production in Bengal to show how these responded to different types of pressure from the world economy, and treats in detail the effects of the world Depression on Bengal. Separate chapters are devoted to the themes of agrarian conflict and religious strife in east Bengal, the agrarian dimension of mass nationalism in west Bengal and sharecroppers agitations in the frontier regions. The conclusion attempts a synthesis of the typology of agrarian social structure and the periodisation of peasant politics, placing this in the wider context of agrarian societies and protest in other parts of India and in South-east Asia

Since the advent of the twenty-first century, the internet has revolutionized our society. One facet of the internet that changed our society is social media. The use of mainstream social media, primarily websites comparable to Facebook, Twitter and YouTube changed our culture forever. Since 2000, the internet significantly influenced politics and the true potential of social media in politics developed through the 2008 Presidential campaign of Barack Obama, which redefined how candidates would operate their campaigns in the future. The impact of social media on the national and financial front of Presidential politics became noticeable in this Presidential campaign but this effect has yet to be analyzed on smaller political races. I am attempting to evaluate the significant impact of social media among congressional races for a seat in the United States House of Representatives. Through questioning the personnel closest to a select set of campaigns from the 2010 mid-term elections, I will discover if social media's impact on congressional campaigns is overstated or underutilized.

A pesar de una ola de democratización, la participación ciudadana en las escuelas de México no se ha desarrollado. Algunas investigadores (Flores-Crespo, 2006; Latapí, 2004; OCE, 1999, 2008, 2010; Santizo, 2011; Veloz, 2003) han explicado este fallo con el argumento de que (1) el Estado mexicano ha fallado en crear ajustres institucionales bien articulados y (2) la ciudadanía no puede prosperar debido a la herencia del régimen autoritario (1920-2000). Recientemente, esta dependencia ha sido cuestionada por autores como Acevedo y López (2012) o Zurita (2008, 2010). Este artículo presenta una revisión de la literatura que muestra que ambas explicaciones, la basada en la dependencia del Estado o la que hace referencia a la perspectiva culturalista, son demasiado estrechas para explicar por qué la participación social en las escuelas mexicanas siguen siendo un problema. Es necesario un enfoque más integral. En este sentido, se comentan algunos elementos clave para analizar las políticas públicas ; Despite a wave of democratization, citizen participation in Mexico´s schools has not been developed. Some scholars (Flores-Crespo, 2006; Latapí, 2004; OCE, 1999, 2008, 2010; Santizo, 2011; Veloz, 2003) have explained this failure by arguing that (1) the Mexican state have failed in creating well-articulated institutional settings and (2) citizenship cannot flourish due to the legacy of the authoritarian regime (1920-2000). Recently, such path dependency has been questioned by other authors such as Acevedo & López (2012) or Zurita (2008, 2010). This literature survey shows that both explanations (those based on State-dependency and those based on a culturalist perspective) are too narrow to explain why social participation in the Mexican schools still being a problem. A more comprehensive approach is needed. In this sense, some key elements of renovated way of analysing public policy are commented

Invite a woman to run for office. Based on findings that women are most responsive to and reliant on encouragement in making the decision to run for office, this invitation refrain is pervasive among those seeking greater gender parity in U.S. politics. For example, in 2007, the Women's Campaign Fund launchedShe Should Run, complete with an online tool that, to date, has been used to ask just under 200,000 women to run for office. In 2014, another organization, Vote Run Lead, adopted a similar strategy, launchingInvitation Nationto send e-invitations to run to nearly 10,000 women within their first year of launching the project. My own organization, the Center for American Women and Politics (CAWP), has "invited" countless women to run for office through online communications, training programs, and recruitment campaigns and initiatives. While each of these organizations has also sought to provide potential women candidates with training, information, and resources to assist them throughout the recruitment process, our obsession with inviting can constrain a more complex and comprehensive approach to female candidate recruitment in both research and practice.

The reference to financial literacy in the G8 Action Plan drafted at the Sea Island Summit 2004 (Cohen, Stach McGuinnes, 2004) is a demonstration of the growing awareness worldwide of the importance of promoting financial education, especially in developing countries. This has led to concepts such as financial literacy and financial education creating an interest in research especially by such institutions as banking companies, government agencies and community interest groups (Piprek, Dlamini Coetzee, 2004). These interest groups and institutions are generally concerned that their consumers lack basic knowledge of financial concepts and do not have the skills they need to make decisions advantageous to their economic well-being (Braunstein Welch, 2002). Financial literacy is thus globally increasingly viewed as an important requirement for successful functioning in a modern society. This trend suggests that educating people to become financially literate will gradually become even more important worldwide (Sandlant, Harris Barker, 2005), as people who are financially illiterate and therefore financially vulnerable, are increasingly excluded from the mainstream economy (INSOL International, 2001; Link, Vawser, Downes Chant, 2004; Noble, Ratcliffe Wright, 2004; Laderchi, Saith Stewart, 2006; Finmark Trust, 2007).

What is the relationship between the historical Soviet countryside and the post-Soviet present both for the scholars who study them and for the population that inhabits them? Together Margaret Paxson, Solovyovo: The Story of Memory in a Russian Village; Jessica Allina-Pisano, The Post-Soviet Potemkin Village: Politics and Property Rights in the Black Earth; and Douglas Rogers, The Old Faith and the Russian Land: A Historical Ethnography of Ethics in the Urals create a rich, nuanced portrait of contemporary rural life in parts of the former Soviet Union. When one reads the three books together, one finds evidence of interesting continuity alongside dynamism and change that varies depending on the region and on the questions that motivated the researcher. The three works ask in varied ways how individuals in post-Soviet society perceive their world and attempt to live in it. The three studies extend far and wide across the territory of the former Soviet Union: Solovyovo, three hundred miles north of Moscow; the Black Earth, more than four hundred miles to the south; and Sepych, about one thousand miles to the east.

"Gegenwärtig wird oft hervorgehoben, wie wichtig Gesundheitsverhalten und Eigenverantwortung sind. Eine Verbesserung des Gesundheitsverhaltens in den unteren Statusgruppen würde ohne Frage zu einer erheblichen Verringerung der gesundheitlichen Ungleichheit führen. Das Gesundheitsverhalten lässt sich mit Appellen an die Verantwortung für die eigene Gesundheit häufig jedoch kaum beeinflussen. Das Gesundheitsverhalten basiert zudem oft nicht nur auf freien Entscheidungen, sondern es wird maßgeblich geprägt durch die Lebensumstände. Ohne Berücksichtigung dieser komplexen Ursachen des Gesundheitsverhaltens besteht somit die Gefahr, dass dem 'Opfer die Schuld zugeschoben wird' (blaming the victim). Um die Ursachen von Krankheit (und damit auch die Ansätze von Gesundheitsförderung und Prävention) verstehen zu können, ist die Unterscheidung zwischen 'Verhalten' und 'Verhältnisse' nach wie vor hilfreich. In der jetzigen Diskussion erscheint es vor allem wichtig, (wieder) an die Wichtigkeit der 'Verhältnisse' zu erinnern. Hierfür sind m. E. zwei Problembereiche besonders gut geeignet. Der erste trägt die Überschrift 'Environmental Justice'; hier steht die soziale Ungleichheit bei Lärm, Luftverschmutzung etc. im Mittelpunkt. Der zweite Problembereich lässt sich mit 'Soziale Ungleichheit in der gesundheitlichen Versorgung' umschreiben. Inzwischen mehren sich auch in Deutschland die empirischen Belege dafür, dass Probleme der gesundheitlichen Versorgung vor allem bei den unteren Statusgruppen vorhanden sind. Da diese Gruppen zumeist eine erhöhte Mortalität und Morbidität aufweisen, ist bei ihnen auch der Bedarf an Gesundheitsversorgung besonders groß. Das Angebot an gesundheitlicher Versorgung mag vorhanden sein, aber offenbar entspricht die Inanspruchnahme nicht immer diesem erhöhten Bedarf. Etwas präziser formuliert lautet die Frage demnach, ob diese 'Unter-Inanspruchnahme' vor allem der Eigenverantwortung des Versicherten oder aber der Verantwortung des Gesundheitssystems zuzuordnen ist. Wie die gegenwärtige Gesundheitsreform-Diskussion zeigt, wird zurzeit versucht, die Verantwortung des Gesundheitssystems immer stärker zu verdrängen." (Autorenreferat)

THIS ESSAY CONCENTRATES ON THE ADMINISTRATIVE AND ORGANIZATIONAL MECHANISMS OF PROGRAMS IMPLEMENTATION BY REVIEWING THE DEVELOPMENT AND IMPLEMENTATION OF THE MOST RECENT AMENDMENT TO THE SOCIAL SECURITY ACT IN THE EXPERIENCE OF THE STATE OF MASSACHUSETTS. EXPLAINING THE FAILURE OF THIS PROGRAMS, PRESCRIPTIONS FOR MORE EFFECTIVE REFORMS ARE OFFERED.

AbstractLittle is known about how the tools and guidelines, which are central to current social work practice, are designed. The purpose of this article is to improve understanding of the conditions for social workers' discretion by analysing how the municipal responsibility to meet individual needs is circumscribed in local guidelines for needs assessment in Swedish elder care. The paper applies framing theory to the analysis of guidelines in 51 municipalities and maps the prevalence of guidelines. Framing theory highlights how different designs of local guidelines can create varying premises for the discretion of social workers. By illustrating how the guidelines provide social workers with the necessary guidance on how to interpret the law by circumscribing their discretion in standardised, and varying, ways, the findings point to the importance of further research on how the quest for standardisation in adult social work through local guidelines influences social workers' assessments in practice.

The diffusion of fake information on social media networks obscures public perception of events, news, and relevant content. Intentional misleading news may promote negative online experiences and influence societal behavioral changes such as increased anxiety, loneliness, and inadequacy. Adversarial attacks target creating misinformation in online information systems. This behavior can be viewed as an instrument to manipulate the online social media networks for cultural, social, economic, and political gains. A method to test a deep learning model- long short-term memory (LSTM) using adversarial examples generated from a transformer model has been presented. The paper attempts to examine features in machine learning algorithms that propagate fake news. Another goal is to evaluate and compare the usefulness of generative adversarial networks with long-term short-term recurrent neural network algorithms in identifying fake news. A closer look at the mechanisms of implementing adversarial attacks in social media systems helps build robust intelligent systems that can withstand future vulnerabilities.

"This book carries out a comparative analysis of the power struggles over the post-neoliberal social security reforms in Venezuela and Ecuador. The research breaks down why the social security system reform initiated by Hugo Chávez' government in Venezuela has come down since its passing in 2002, whereas the social security system reform initiated by Rafael Correa's government in Ecuador has come along in spite of the obstacles since 2007. All in all, the analysis determined that the struggles over the social security system reforms in both countries remarkably corresponded to each other with regard to their structural conditions, points of contention, and contending actors. In contrast, the analysis established substantial divergences regarding the ways in which the struggles over both reforms came about, due to the divergent development of the struggles for hegemony between government and opposition. These divergences finally brought about the indefinite stagnation of the reform in Venezuela and the advancement of subsequent partial reforms aimed at the universalization of social security in Ecuador."--

The ultimate social media field guide for nonprofits & mdash;with 101 ways to engage supporters, share your mission, and inspire action using the social web101 Social Media Tactics for Nonprofits features 101 actionable tactics that nonprofits can start using today, and most of the featured resources are free. Broken down into five key areas, this unique guide explains the steps and tools needed to implement each tactic, and provides many real-life examples of how nonprofits are using the tactics. With this book as your guide, you'll learn how leading nonprofit professionals around the world are.

The article is a reflection on the power and control of capitalist enterprises with regards to nature and how, through market expansion, nature as a common good for humanity is exploited in devastating ways, reducing natural resources simple to the buying and selling of goods. Additionally, these goods and services are never including the cost to cover the burden of environmental and social impacts that contribute to destroy the planet. Companies, in complicity with the state governments and international organizations, do not favor the creation of instruments, policies and preventive and punitive social spaces to prevent environmental damage they cause, weakening the legal systems of environment protection in order to continue the overexploitation according to their mercantilist and utilitarian approach. In this sense, all the damage caused to nature by companies is not part of their financial investments; it is part of their expenses as they do not internalize the cost it takes to produce goods. This makes goods more competitive and profitable because not they are paying the actual cost for the production of their goods and services. In face of these human activities, Faced with these destructive human activities, the capacity of regeneration of nature is largely insufficient. ; El artículo es una reflexión sobre la relación de poder y control de las empresas capitalistas con la naturaleza, y cómoa través de la expansión del mercado los bienes de la naturaleza, como bien común de la humanidad, son explotados enformas devastadoras reduciendo los recursos naturales a simples mercancías de compra y venta, sin que estos bienes yservicios lleven incluido el costo de la carga del impacto ambiental-social, por medio del cual se está destruyendo el planeta. Las empresas en complicidad con los gobiernos de los estados y organismos internacionales no favorecen lacreación de instrumentos, políticas y espacios preventivos y punitivos para evitar el daño ambiental social que estasprovocan, debilitando los sistemas jurídicos de protección al medioambiente para continuar la sobre explotación, fielesa su enfoque mercantilista y utilitario. En este sentido, todo el daño que causan las empresas a la naturaleza no formaparte de sus inversiones financieras, no es parte de sus gastos, debido a que no internalizan los costos que lleva producirsus mercancías, haciéndolas más competitivas y rentables, porque no están pagando el costo real que cuesta producirsus bienes y servicios. Frente a estas actividades humanas tan destructivas la capacidad de regeneración natural de lanaturaleza es insuficiente.