Suchergebnisse

Supplementary material: Tierfutter von einheimischen Wiesen und Feldern - Recherchebericht Nr. 1 zum Forschungsprojekt «Schweizer Futtermittelimporte» https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4572514 Tierfutter aus anderen Ländern (Importe) - Recherchebericht Nr. 2 zum Forschungsprojekt «Schweizer Futtermittelimporte» https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4572534 Soja – das global wichtigste Eiweissfutter für die Tierproduktion - Recherchebericht Nr. 3 zum Forschungsprojekt «Schweizer Futtermittelimporte» https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4572541 Brasilien – Sojaproduzent im Rampenlicht - Recherchebericht Nr. 4 zum Forschungsprojekt «Schweizer Futtermittelimporte» https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4572547 Kalorienverluste durch die Tierproduktion - Recherchebericht Nr. 5 zum Forschungsprojekt «Schweizer Futtermittelimporte» https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4572664 ; The aim of this research project is to demonstrate the many dimensions of importing feedstuff, to clarify the significance of imported feedstuff for animal production in Switzerland, as well as to assess the negative environmental impacts of such importation both within Switzerland and in the countries of origin. In particular, the importance of soy as an element in feedstuff is examined in depth. The analysis is centred around the misleading statement that 84% of the feedstuff in Switzerland comes from 'native meadows and fields'. This percentage is based on the combination of roughage and concentrated feed, two categories of feedstuff that must not be added because they have limited substitutability and are therefore not directly comparable. Roughage is eaten mainly by ruminants. Meat, however, comes primarily from pigs and poultry which are both dependent on concentrated feed. Roughage is almost 100% domestically sourced, while more than 50% of concentrated feed comes from abroad. Protein is particularly scarce: around 70% of the protein in concentrated feed comes from imports (mainly soy). Therefore, if today's feedstuff were not imported, livestock populations would decline significantly, particularly those that are dependent on concentrated feed. According to model calculations, it would be possible to keep 94% of sheep and goats, 85% of cattle, 39% of pigs and 17% of poultry on the basis of domestic feed alone. At 21 kg per capita per year, meat production would be halved in comparison to the present day. Pork would remain the most important type of meat, although it would be over 50% less compared to today. Poultry meat would virtually disappear. However, around 350 kg of milk could still be produced per capita annually. Swiss agriculture specialises in the production of livestock. About 90% of agricultural land is used for animal feed, in addition to the at least 200,000 hectares of arable areas abroad which are used for the cultivation of animal feedstuff for the Swiss market. Soybeans, wheat, corn, etc. grow on these areas. Since the mid-1990s, the importing of feedstuff has increased sharply, most of which is imported from Europe. The most important protein feed which is imported is soy, which, due to public criticism, now tends to increasingly come from Europe. Most of the imported feedstuffs are in direct competition with human foods. This is because they come from crops that we humans can eat directly, including not only all cereals such as wheat, corn, rice, oats and barley, but also soybeans. In intensive livestock farming, the calorie content present in plant-based foods that we humans are able eat directly is converted into a lot less in animal food products. In this process, the production of meat 'destroys' significantly more plant-derived calories than that of milk. This is because milk still contains a lot of grass that only cows and other ruminants can digest. Soy is the world's most important animal protein feedstuff. Originally, soybeans were cultivated in Asia for human consumption. Today, about 75% of global production is used to feed livestock, more than half of which is used for chicken fattening. While poultry consume by far the most soy protein feed on a global scale, in Switzerland it is cattle which rank first in this regard. This is the result of the central importance of milk production and the breeding of performance breeds that depend on protein-rich concentrated feed. Global soy production has grown steadily in recent years, and in Brazil even exponentially. Approximately half of all soy is used for feeding or consumption purposes in growing countries, while the other half is traded internationally. The main producing and exporting countries are the U.S. and Brazil while the main importing countries are China and the EU. Brazil is still the most important source region for Swiss soybean imports. The country grows soybeans for the global market: around 90% of production is exported. Only 5% of Brazil's farms cultivate soybeans and only 16% of soybean farms are family-owned. In the past 20 years production has expanded, especially in the ecologically valuable Cerrado and Amazon biomes. There, the average soybean acreage is 930 ha (Amazonas) and 550 ha (Cerrado). The supply chains for soy imported into Switzerland are not transparent. The description 'responsibly produced' glosses over soy production in Brazil and the soy trade. According to research, Swiss soy imports from Brazil come from specialised, large-scale farms with intensive soy cultivation, monotonous crop rotations and high pesticide use. Most of these farms are located in the state of Mato Grosso, i.e. in the Cerrado or Amazon biome, where most land has been cleared in recent decades. ProTerra-certified soy also comes from original rainforest (Amazon) or savanna (Cerrado) areas. 'Zero deforestation' refers only to the last decade. Animal food products constitutes a billion-dollar business in Switzerland. The supply chains show a high market concentration in inputs (feedstuff), in processing (meat, dairy milk) and in wholesale and retail trade. A few companies, especially the conglomerates Coop, Migros and fenaco, dominate the markets. The industrialisation of production in efficient international supply chains is most advanced in the production of eggs and chicken. Here, too, the supply chains are not very transparent. According to model calculations, more than 50% of the total greenhouse gas emissions due to Swiss agriculture are directly attributable to livestock farming, 20% to the rest of agriculture and about 30% occur in the countries where animal feedstuff is grown. If feedstuff were not imported, greenhouse gas emissions would be reduced by 40%. The nitrogen surpluses in Swiss agriculture are also largely a result of livestock farming. More than 90% of the surpluses occur in Switzerland. Without feedstuff imports, the nitrogen surpluses in Switzerland would be reduced by 26%. The results of the research and model calculations thus lead to five conclusions: I. The industry's advertising images and messages are misleading and gloss over livestock farming in Switzerland and its dependence on imports. They shape the perceptions of the population and increase the demand for animal food products "from Switzerland". II. Governmental agencies do little to educate the population about Swiss livestock farming. They support the misleading images and messages through official terminology and reporting. Political interests favour production and sales interests over the many other societal concerns (e.g. health, environment, animal welfare, transparency, economic costs, reliability of supply). III. It is not Swiss agriculture that benefits most from fedstuff imports. This is because agriculture does not depend solely on production for its income; it receives income-securing direct payments. Rather, imports are in the interest of upstream and downstream industries. They are the ones who mainly benefit from a high rate of livestock farming at discounted prices. IV. Swiss chicken production is a clear example: the doubling of production in the last 20 years has benefited a few upstream and downstream companies, a handful of global breeding companies and only a very small proportion of farms. The expansion of chicken fattening is a questionable development in Swiss livestock farming. It is further encouraged by the current debate concerning the environment and the climate as chicken is considered resource-efficient and 'climate friendly'. V. As a guiding principle for the future, it is proposed that Swiss livestock farming be adapted to the local ecosystem boundaries in Switzerland, and that the consumption by the Swiss population be adapted to global ecosystem boundaries. This would mean being able to halve meat consumption at the very least.

National audience ; Cette contribution présente les grands principes et les limites de nos dispositifs d'évaluation dans le domaine de l'enseignement supérieur et de la recherche (ESR), et propose des recommandations pour mieux répondre aux attentes actuelles (autonomie, décentralisation et modèle économique des universités et écoles, orientation et réussite des étudiants, financement de la recherche, lisibilité de l'organisation de l'ESR.). L'écosystème actuel de l'évaluation dans l'ESR est composé de plusieurs dispositifs complémentaires croisant l'évaluation des individus et celle des entités. On distinguera en particulier l'expertise institutionnelle réalisée par un comité de pairs dans une démarche d'assurance qualité, du diagnostic fin, du contrôle, de l'inspection, ou de l'audit. L'évocation de « l'évaluation » dans l'ESR conduit rapidement à des crispations en raison des termes sensibles liés à notre histoire, notre culture et nos pratiques: sélection/orientation des étudiants, modèle économique (coûts et droits d'inscription), évaluation des chercheurs et des enseignants-chercheurs, efficience, mesure de la « performance » individuelle ou collective. Attentif à ces difficultés, nous traiterons de la place de l'évaluation, de son organisation, de son utilité et de son efficacité : l'évaluation sert-elle l'objectif retenu ? Est-elle acceptée par les communautés évaluées ? Quel est son impact sur les transformations du paysage de l'ESR, par exemple dans le développement de la démarche d'assurance qualité ? Quels sont les grains pertinents de l'évaluation d'une structure ? Quelles pratiques nouvelles peut- on envisager pour communiquer les résultats et faire en sorte que ceux-ci apparaissent parfaitement lisibles à l'ensemble des acteurs et notamment les futurs étudiants ? Le contexte de l'organisation d'une évaluation est complexe et alterne plusieurs paramètres allant de l'interne à l'externe, du global au local, du qualitatif au quantitatif, du subjectif à l'objectif. La relation entre les évaluateurs (les pairs) et les évalués doit être basée sur la confiance et l'absence de liens d'intérêt. La distance entre l'évaluation et la prise de décision, ainsi que le rôle d'interface et de médiation de l'agence d'évaluation sont essentiels. La collégialité, la subsidiarité, la transparence, la déontologie et l'éthique sont les piliers d'une construction de l'évaluation réussie. À cet égard, celle-ci doit résulter d'une action conjointe des tutelles, des établissements et du Hcéres. Elle doit être conçue dans une triple perspective d'aide au développement des entités évaluées, d'aide à la décision des tutelles, et d'information des publics et usagers de l'enseignement supérieur et de la recherche. L'évaluation ne peut avoir pour seul objectif de sanctionner et de réguler le système, au risque de conduire à des biais d'adaptation des acteurs. Elle doit pouvoir s'appuyer sur un dispositif de confiance et une dynamique positive pour les acteurs. Nous nous focaliserons sur le périmètre d'intervention (recherche, formation, établissement, coordinations territoriales) du Hcéres, sans nous intéresser ici à son organisation interne. Les dispositifs d'évaluation par les pairs mis en place par cette autorité, conduisent à recueillir des attentes, à préciser les critères retenus (référentiel d'évaluation externe) et à observer la réalité (rapport d'autoévaluation, indicateurs, visite du comité), autant d'étapes essentielles à l'expression d'un jugement (rapport du comité d'experts). Ces modalités s'inscrivent par ailleurs dans le cadre d'une démarche qualité et d'amélioration continue, formalisée à l'échelle européenne (processus de Bologne, ESG, Enqa-Eqar, autoévaluation et trajectoire d'un établissement). L'obligation actuelle d'évaluer toutes les formations et toutes les unités de recherche pose la question de l'efficacité et de l'efficience du système d'évaluation qui, compte tenu de la charge induite par cette « industrialisation » d'un très grand nombre d'expertises, ne permet pas des investigations locales en profondeur susceptibles de meilleures plus-values. La définition du grain d'évaluation pour la formation (diplômes, champs, composantes) et la recherche (unité de recherche) ne devrait pas être figée. Un cadre institutionnel homogène et rigide n'étant plus adapté à des établissements autonomes, il convient de définir avec souplesse un canevas permettant à la diversité des établissements de pouvoir exprimer leurs spécificités et leurs stratégies. Il est donc indispensable, après analyse des retours d'expérience, de réactualiser et de préciser la loi et les décrets. L'objectif recherché dans cette contribution est une simplification et une évolution des dispositifs actuels d'évaluation en plaçant au centre de la démarche proposée l'établissement comme acteur principal de sa propre évaluation interne puis externe. Nous aborderons la question de la mesure de la performance - sujet sensible représentant en général une attente forte des tutelles ministérielles - et les pressions liées aux enjeux sociétaux. Nous soulignerons néanmoins que la vie scientifique, la créativité et la réussite des étudiants ne peuvent se limiter à des indicateurs ou des classements standardisés et figés. La prise de risque, la détection des « signaux faibles » dans l'innovation sont des enjeux fondamentaux pour progresser. La philosophie globale de l'organisation de l'évaluation doit préserver la dynamique de confiance envers les processus Hcéres, en élaborant une mesure de la performance qui ne soit pas normative, qui puisse être adaptée à la diversité des personnes, des établissements évalués et des écosystèmes concernés, et qui stimule les dynamiques d'établissement. Il s'agit en particulier d'apprécier les leviers utilisés par les établissements pour améliorer l'efficience de leur action et leur performance. L'évolution des approches actuelles d'évaluation vers une mesure de la performance à différents niveaux (institutionnel, formation, recherche et innovation) nécessite de mobiliser dans le processus l'ensemble des acteurs. Autrement dit, il s'agit d'une évolution globale des modes de fonctionnement qui ne peut se résumer à une action isolée du Hcéres pour comparer des entités6. Il convient donc de répondre efficacement aux attentes de l'État pour l'analyse (quantitative et qualitative) et le suivi des acteurs de l'ESR, tout en considérant les limites des dispositifs de mesure et les divers outils émergents d'extraction de données et cela sans négliger l'acceptation par les communautés. Les pistes d'évolution proposées pour la mesure de la performance nécessitent donc une implication non seulement du Hcéres, mais aussi des établissements et de l'État à diverses échelles : - au niveau « établissement » et dans une démarche qualité, en prévoyant une coloration qui sera assignée par le comité pour chaque référence (ESG) : maitrisé = vert/émergent = orange /non atteint = rouge ; - au niveau de la formation et de la réussite étudiante, en distinguant les niveaux Licence (et l'enjeu majeur de l'orientation et de la réussite étudiante) et Master-Doctorat (et les enjeux liés à la recherche), et en recourant à un usage de données publiques certifiées par les établissements et mises à jour annuellement (suivi national) ; - au niveau de la recherche, en distinguant la contribution des laboratoires à une stratégie d'établissement, et des analyses nationales par grands champs disciplinaires (OST 7 , rapports, auditions d'équipes de recherche d'un même périmètre). Pour préserver le climat actuel de confiance entre le Hcéres et les acteurs de l'ESR français, il est proposé des inflexions progressives des méthodes plutôt qu'une transformation brutale et radicale, porteuse de risques de rejet. Un dialogue permanent avec les acteurs de l'ESR en amont de toute transformation majeure est indispensable. Cette démarche devra être amplifiée et élargie pour faire progresser l'intégration des politiques d'assurance qualité dans les pratiques des équipes de gouvernance. Dans ce contexte, les dix propositions qui suivent traduisent des orientations à débattre et s'inscrivent dans une démarche d'accompagnement de l'autonomie des établissements et de responsabilisation des acteurs, en s'appuyant sur une démarche qualité : • accentuation de l'exigence de responsabilité des établissements • adaptation, simplification, communication • dialogue renforcé en amont et mieux synchronisé • amélioration de l'articulation des différentes évaluations du Hcéres • rationalisation du grain de l'évaluation • suivi régulier de données certifiées publiques • évolution des calendriers • objectif « d'accréditation établissement de l'offre de formation » • harmonisation des dimensions de l'évaluation de la recherche • mise en place de mesures appréciatives • objectif d'évaluation externe portée directement par l'établissement

[eng] The motivation of this dissertation is multi-fold. Firstly, regional income disparity is widely considered to be a central concern among economists and policy makers. This responds to many facts. Usually, when regional specialisation takes place, only a few regions are able to attract modern industrial activity and high value-added services, causing an increase in regional inequality over the long term, as these activities generally enjoy increasing returns (which, in turn, makes this pattern very difficult to be reversed). Moreover, regional inequality is, all things being equal, highly correlated to inequality among individuals, which is also a very relevant issue for economists and policy makers. Lastly, regional inequality has high political relevance because it may be a source of political instability, which can result in social and economic crisis. Therefore, there is a great deal of scientific literature concerned with the evolution and causes of regional inequality. The interest in regional inequality is shared by the Economic History literature, especially by that based on quantitative methods, which has developed a number of innovative research strategies to analyse the main forces behind the long-term evolution of regional inequality. However, this line of research has mainly focused on high-income industrialised economies, such as the US and some Western European countries, and there is still a significant gap in our knowledge of the long-term trends of regional inequality in low and middle-income economies. This leads to the second motivation of this project. Even though there has been some recent work on long-term regional inequality in middle and low-income economies, this is still a rather understudied field, where new hypotheses and interpretations –different from those developed for the industrialised countries– need to be developed. For instance, in developing countries, industrial location and agglomeration economies may not have had such a central role as drivers of regional income disparities. On the contrary, the influence of institutions and the location of natural resources may be much stronger. Likewise, dual economic structures (i.e., the coexistence of modern and traditional economic sectors) are much more common in developing countries than in industrialized economies. All this may make it necessary to adopt different research strategies in the analysis of regional disparities in developing countries. The study of Mexican regional inequality is representative of middle-income economies, where economic growth has had different roots and dynamics than in industrialised countries. In addition, Mexico has some characteristics that make it a particularly interesting case study. While the northern regions in Mexico share a huge border with the biggest world market, the US, the southern ones limit with one of the poorest region in the world, Central America. Also, it is a case in which very different forces have affected the long-term evolution of regional income inequality, such as factor endowments, factor mobility, natural resources, structural change, market potential and regional and development policies, which have affected regional disparities with varying intensity across the different periods of the late modern history of Mexico. Finally, the last motivation of this research lies beyond the Economic History frontiers. Mexico is living a period of increasing regional divergence, according to different indicators. Although this problem has been object of harsh public debate between the mid 20th century and the present (actually, the current federal government has announced a huge program to encourage economic growth in the poorest regions) almost no progress has been reached. According to the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI), in 2010 the GDP per capita of the richest state was 5.2 times as high as in the poorest state. The National Council for Evaluation of Social Development Policy (CONEVAL) estimates that 43 per cent of the total population living in extreme poverty in 2010 were located in 4 southern states. These figures stand out globally, not only in comparison to high-income countries but also to most middle and low-incomes economies. In fact, the ECLAC (2014: 73) has recently pointed out that Mexico has the second highest income ratio between the richest and the poorest regions among Latin American countries, only surpassed by Ecuador. In this regard, although the Mexican economy has a deep-rooted and historically persistent high regional inequality, the literature on regional disparities has focused mainly on the period from the 1980s and the end of ISI policies. By contrast, very little research has been done for the State-led industrialisation period (1930-1980), and none for the previous years of the First Globalisation. This dissertation aims to provide new quantitative evidence on the long-term evolution of Mexican regional income inequality, covering the period from 1895 to 2010. With this research, we hope to contribute both to the literature on Mexico and to the international debate on the main forces that explain the historical evolution of regional inequality. ; [spa] El objetivo de esta tesis es ofrecer nueva evidencia cuantitativa sobre la evolución de las desigualdades regionales en México en el largo plazo (1895-2010). Con esta investigación se espera contribuir al debate de la literatura internacional sobre las principales fuerzas que explican la evolución histórica de las desigualdades regionales. El estudio de las desigualdades regionales en México es representativo de las economías de niveles medios de ingreso, en las cuales el crecimiento económico en el largo plazo ha tenido una ruta distinta a las economías industrializadas. En el caso mexicano, distintos determinantes han afectado la evolución de las desigualdades regionales, como la dotación de recursos naturales, la movilidad de factores de producción, el cambio estructural, el potencial de mercado, entre otros. En este sentido, los principales resultados de esta tesis son los siguientes. La evolución de las desigualdades regionales en México ha seguido una forma de 'N' en el largo plazo, la cual está estrechamente vinculada a las distintas estrategias de crecimiento económico adoptadas en México desde finales del siglo XIX. Así, durante el periodo del modelo agro-exportador (1895-1930), y el periodo reciente de apertura económica (1980-2010), las desigualdades regionales han incrementado, mientras que, durante el periodo de la IDE (1940-1980), las desigualdades regionales experimentaron una fase de convergencia. La primera fase de divergencia (1895-1930) estuvo liderada por los estados ricos volviéndose más ricos, mientras que los estados pobres se volvieron aún más pobres respecto a la media nacional de ingresos. El periodo de convergencia subsecuente estuvo caracterizado por la caída relativa de los estados ricos hacia la media nacional. Por último, durante el último periodo apertura económica de 1980 a 2010, la divergencia regional ha estado guiada por el mayor dinamismo económico de algunas regiones en particular del centro y norte del país, y en particular, de la Ciudad de México. El análisis de clúster espacial muestra que el único clúster que aparece constante durante todo el periodo de estudio es el de los países con bajos niveles de ingreso del sur del país. Los principales determinantes detrás de los cambios de las tendencias de las desigualdades regionales en el largo plazo han cambiado en cada periodo histórico. Durante la primera globalización, un desigual proceso de cambio estructural a nivel espacial explica el incremento de las desigualdades regionales. Aquellas regiones que pudieron beneficiarse de la integración de los mercados internacional lograron una tasa mayor de cambio estructural, mayor ratios de capital-trabajo y, por consiguiente, mayores tasas de crecimiento de la productividad laboral. Por otra parte, la convergencia experimentada de 1940 a 1980 se explica por un fuerte proceso de movilidad de factores (mano de obra) entre las regiones de México. Por último, el periodo de divergencia experimentado a partir de 1980, ha estado determinado por una distribución espacial desigual de la IED (concentrada en la Ciudad de México y los estados del norte del país), y la concentración espacial de los servicios de alto valor agregado (en la Ciudad de México).

Text in English; Abstract: English and Turkish ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 95-98) ; xvi, 106 leaves ; Turkey, one of the most rapidly growing emerging market, is a heaven for investors with young population, dynamic private sector, and liberalised financial markets. In this respect, the question of "Why does the Turkish economy always face with either a crisis or a program for guiding her out of a crisis?", comes to minds. In the analysis period of this research, the Turkish economy has experienced with two major crisis in 1994 and 2000, which are called as "balance of payment crisis". In the period, before 1994 crisis had happened, although the tight monetary and fiscal policies were supposed to be implemented, neither of them were successfully executed. In the final crisis, Turkey launched a comprehensive and consistent disinflation program at the beginning of 2000 in order to stabilise the economy, which resulted as the abondenment of the crawling peg exchange rate regime- the anchor of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)- drawn back the economic reform program, brought instant and massive market devaluation, souring inflation, and tumbling financial markets. Today, Turkish government aim is to keep the window of Turkey open to all investors and widen it enough to ensure that the government meets its borrowing requirements, banks make profit in subsidising the government while the rest of the economy continues to function with reasonable rates on loans and attractive interest on deposits in order to proper functioning of the economy. This research makes a brief survey on the relationship between financial system, particularly in capital markets and economic crisis, in order to give a general background for the role of capital market in the case of Turkey by taking main macroeconomic indicators as the leading variables and their effects on ISE as the coincidental. In the first part of the research, the emerging history of Turkish Republic is viewed for making clear the path, which Turkey followed as a developing country. In addition, the development of financial markets in Turkey is historically reviewed. After this introductory information, the effects of the deregulation and industrialisation are discussed. The discussion reflects the impacts of liberalisation upon the Turkish economy and financial markets. In the second part of this research, 1994 crisis is explained, the most severe crisis ever lived in Turkey of all times. This part continues with the chronology of the 1994 crisis and is followed by economic indicators in terms of results of the economic crisis. In the third part of this research, Turkey's problems remained the same including the high inflation rate. Turkish economy was launched a comprehensive and consistent disinflation program again. This part is followed by January 2000 and February 2001 crisis, which became as the most severe and destructive crisis ever lived in Republic of Turkey's history, worse than 1994 crisis, and resulted as another burden on Turkish economy. In the fourth part of this research, Turkish Capital Markets' development is reviewed particularly and ISE is considered for the assessment of the role of the development of Turkish Capital Markets. Current part is followed by the condition of ISE during the period 1994 through 2000, including movements in the size and the volume of market with major events of daily market environment. In the last part of this research, both crises are examined by using the financial instruments' returns in comparison with the ISE, the most efficient capital market of Turkey. Interest rates, T-Bill, foreign exchange market, money supply, and industrial production monthly returns are considered for plotting the analysis successfully on the ISE. In addition, for determining the relation between the ISE and other variables one-by-one, each of these returns are graphed. According to the results of graphs, the relation between 1994 and 2000 crises are brought into open and the reasons for 2000 crisis' getting longer than 1994 crisis are tried to be achieved. Relevant data and information have been obtained from several books and public sources such as company document press releases' annual reports, governments' statistics, databases, especially Proquest, and finally state's official web-sites and organisations' web-sites for periodic data which has been cross checked and correlated with statistics issued by the several organisations. Finally, it should be noted that, the capital markets is the most important arm of financial sector for Turkey. The future of capital markets in Turkey are highly interrelated with the stabilisation and the development in the entire economy. A better comprehension of the economic development and stabilisation package after the crisis helped public to understand the vital importance of entire capital markets. ; Türkiye genç nüfusu, dinamik özel sektör yatırımları, ve liberalleşmiş finansal piyasalarıyla, hızla büyüyen ve gelişmekte olan pazarlardan biri olarak yatırımcılar açısından cazibesini korumaktadır. Bu bağlamda, " neden Türk ekonomisi sıklıkla finansal krizlere maruz kalarak krizle baş etme programlarıyla karşı karşıya geliyor? "sorusu akıllara geliyor. Çalışmanın analiz dönemleri, 1994 ve 2000 yıllarında Türkiye'nin maruz kaldığı "ödemeler dengesi krizleri" olarak adlandırılan 2 büyük krizi kapsamaktadır, 1994 krizi öncesinde gerçekleşen krizlerde sıkı para ve mali politikaları uygulanmaya çalışıldı ancak başarılı sonuçlar alınamadı. Son yaşanan krizde, Türkiye ekonomiyi istikrara ulaştırabilmek için dalgalı kur rejimini bırakarak 2000 yılı başında kapsamlı ve tutarlı enflasyonla mücadele programı başlattı, Türkiye bant içinde dalgalanma rejimi uygulamaya başlamıştır. Ancak yaşanan 2001 kriziyle ekonomik reform programı geri çekilmiş devalüasyon yaşanmış ve finansal piyasalar dalgalanmıştır. Kriz sonrasında Türkiye dalgalı kur rejimine geçtiğini duyurmuştur. Bugün, Türk hükümetinin amacı, Türkiye'nin penceresini tüm yatırımcılara açık tutmak ve olabildiğince genişletmek bu sayede hükümet borçlanma gereksinimlerini giderirken, bankalar devleti sübvanse ederek kazanacaklar, ekonominin geri kalanı makul kredi düzeyinden faydalanırken, mevduat faizi kazanmak cazip hale gelebilecektir. Bu çalışma, finansal sistemle sermaye piyasaları arasında yaşanan mali krizlerin incelemesi üzerinedir, Türkiye'deki sermaye piyasasının rolünün incelenmesi başlıca makroekonomik göstergeleri kullanarak değişkenlerin İMKB üzerindeki tesadüfi etkileri gösterilmeye çalışılmıştır. Çalışmanın birinci bölümünde, Türkiye Cumhuriyet'inin gelişmekte olan bir ülke olarak izlediği yolu açıklamakla başlamak gerekiyor. Bu duruma ek olarak, Türkiye'deki finansal piyasaların gelişimi de tarihsel olarak gözden geçirilmiştir. Başlangıç bilgilerden sonra, fiyat serbestisi ve sanayileşme etkileri tartışılmıştır. İnceleme Türk ekonomisi ve mali piyasalar üzerindeki. küreselleşmenin etkilerini yansıtmaktadır. Araştırmanın ikinci bölümünde ise, Türkiye'de yaşanan tüm zamanların en ağır krizi olan 1994 krizi açıklanmıştır. Bu bölüm 1994 krizinin kronolojisi ile devam ederken ekonomik krizin sonuçları açısından ekonomik göstergeler takip edilmektedir. Bu araştırmanın üçüncü bölümünde, Türkiye'nin yüksek enflasyon dahil aynı kalan sorunları paylaşılmıştır. Bu dönemde Türk ekonomisine yeniden kapsamlı ve tutarlı bir enflasyon düşürme programı başlatıldı. İlgili bölümde, Türkiye tarihinin ve Cumhuriyeti'nin yaşamış olduğu en ağır ve yıkıcı krizlerden olan Ocak 2000 ve Şubat 2001 krizleri takip ediyor. Çalışmanın dördüncü bölümde ise, özellikle Türk Sermaye Piyasasındaki gelişmeler gözden geçirilmiştir ve İMKB'nin bu gelişmedeki rolü değerlendirilmiştir. İMKB'nin günlük piyasalarda gerçekleşen önemli olaylar sonucunda işlemlerinin büyüklüğü ve hacmi 1994 ten 2000 yılına kadar uzanan durumu incelenmiştir. Son bölümde, her iki krizde finansal enstrümanların getirileri IMKB ile karşılaştırılarak incelenmiştir. Faiz oranları, hazine bonoları, döviz piyasası, para arzı ve sanayi üretimi aylık getirileri dikkate alınmıştır. Hazırlanan grafiklerin sonuçlarına göre, 1994 ve 2000 krizleri arasındaki ilişkiye bakılmıştır ve değerlendirme sonucunda 2000 krizinin 1994 krizinde daha uzun sürdüğü açıklanmıştır. Son olarak, sermaye piyasaları Türkiye'de finansal sektörün en önemli kolu olarak dikkate alınmalıdır. Türkiye'de sermaye piyasalarının geleceği ekonominin tamamının gelişimi ve istikrarı ile ilişkilidir. Kriz sonrası ekonomik gelişmenin ve uygulanan istikrar paketinin daha iyi anlaşılması kamunun sermaye piyasalarının önemini anlamasına yardımcı olacaktır.

This paper shows the recent formation of a car pole in the Tangier region, driven by Renault, and its difficulties, based on an investigation carried out by a Franco-Moroccan research team in recent years. It sets out the conditions for the French manufacturer's decision to locate, at the crossroads between its internationalisation strategy and the Moroccan Government's policy of industrialising the north of the country. It examines the impact of this location on car suppliers and local employment, which highlights the limitations currently encountered in terms of industrial development. To date, it is more an agglomeration of activities linked to the arrival of the manufacturer than a genuine integrated industrial complex. A first part shows the development of industrial policy in Morocco, from the Emergence Plan to the Industrial Acceleration Plan, which favours an approach in terms of ecosystems. The second part describes the role of Tanger in Renault's strategy for supplying the European market with the Entry models, a range derived from the success of Logan. The third part focuses on Renault's Tier 1 suppliers and highlights the weakness of the supplier's fabric, the supply being mainly made abroad. The fourth part describes the rapid upskilling of Moroccan car workers, while highlighting the difficulties encountered by companies in managing employment. Finally, the conclusion discusses the prospects for the formation of a genuine automotive complex in northern Morocco. ; International audience ; This paper shows the recent formation of a car pole in the Tangier region, driven by Renault, and its difficulties, based on an investigation carried out by a Franco-Moroccan research team in recent years. It sets out the conditions for the French manufacturer's decision to locate, at the crossroads between its internationalisation strategy and the Moroccan Government's policy of industrialising the north of the country. It examines the impact of this location on car suppliers and local employment, which highlights ...

Capacity development through agricultural training is a proven approach to enhance the management skills of small-scale farmers in developing countries, aiming to increase their standard of living in the long run. Yet, little is known about their preferences for different types of agricultural training as well as the impact of trainers' qualification on participants' learning success and satisfaction. Moreover, modern information and communication technologies are increasingly promoted as means to spread agricultural knowledge because of their large technical possibilities, wide coverage, and high exchange rate of information. In particular, the use of smartphones is discussed as a new way to train farmers in developing countries. However, the drivers of small-scale farmers' intention to use smartphones still seem largely under-explored. Besides modern technologies, innovation platforms also called learning alliances are another method to develop farmers' capacities, where all stakeholders involved into agricultural production try to solve problems and improve the value added for everybody. Yet, frameworks to evaluate these alliances are rare. Against this background, this dissertation presents four papers, which focus on capacity development from small-scale farmers' perspectives regarding their preferences, intentions to use smartphones, learning success, satisfaction and trust. Capacity development in agriculture still follows standardised top-down models driven by the public sector in most developing countries. In contrast, in industrialised countries training activities are increasingly privatised and service provision demand-driven. This is due to the increasing specialisation and industrialisation of agricultural production in recent decades. The trend is prompting researchers and other stakeholders to re-think the contextual fit of capacity development models whereby small-scale farmers in developing countries are passive knowledge recipients rather than holders of traditional know-how and capacities that can be exploited and further developed in customised training. To analyse this research gap, paper one examines the preferences of small-scale farmers for agricultural training with respect to training method, trainer, duration and location of training, and additional offers. A discrete choice experiment was conducted with 664 randomly selected farmers in Bihar state, India, in 2016. The data obtained are analysed using a mixed logit model in a willingness-to-pay space, including analyses for different subgroups. Based on their particular willingness-to-pay for the studied attributes, the analysis depicts small-scale farmers' preference for training activities that include demonstrations, additionally offered inputs (seeds, fertilisers, credit) and an academic trainer. The second paper builds on the findings of the first paper and focuses on trainers' qualification. Within capacity development, the type and quality of the trainer play a crucial role in promoting farmers' capacity, which is underlined by the results of our first paper. Whilst several studies have addressed the identification of farmers' capacity development preferences, few have investigated the relationship between trainer qualification, learning success and satisfaction of participants. Hence, the main purpose of this paper is to examine the relationship between trainers' qualification and learning success as well as satisfaction of small-scale farmers. Moderated mediation analysis is utilised to measure the influence of direct and indirect effects through trainers' qualification on learning success and satisfaction. In this framework, psychological and relevant proven constructs from the Theory of Planned Behaviour are taken into account: attitude and perceived control operate as mediators, subjective norm acts as moderator, and gender and age are considered as covariates. This framework is applied on primary survey data from 217 farmers collected in Bihar state, India, in December 2016, by the use of a structured questionnaire. The results show no difference in the degrees of satisfaction among farmers related to trainers' qualification. However, learning success decreases with an academically educated trainer. The change of attitude during the training has a significant positive effect on satisfaction. Subjective norms also affect the participants' satisfaction positively. With respect to the theories used, the results indicate that the behavioural constructs are relevant in the field of agricultural education and extension to explain participants' satisfaction. Theoretical implications can be drawn regarding the improvement of this conceptual framework and other related studies. Besides the trainer, also the method of training is important, whereby the smartphone is one possible device and method to transfer knowledge. The use of smartphones is increasingly supported by non-governmental organisations as well as governmental institutions as a modern information and communication technology to spread agricultural information. However, uptake of the smartphone usage in agriculture is still relatively low in developing countries. Up to now, psycho-economic drivers of farmers' adoption behaviour are mostly not taken into account, or the stakeholders are unaware of the possible importance of non-monetary factors. The aim of the third paper is to identify and quantify drivers of farmers' adoption behaviour through the development of a complex conceptual framework, based on the Theory of Planned Behaviour and its further advances. This framework is applied to primary survey data from 664 farmers collected in Bihar state, India, in 2016, using a structured questionnaire. The results of a partial least squares analysis indicate that subjective norms, attitude, self-control, as well as positive and even negative emotions exert positive influences on the intention to use a smartphone for agricultural purposes. With these results, the paper extends the academic literature through new conceptual insights and provides application-oriented implications for stakeholders, such as non-governmental organisations, extension services and research institutes. Another approach to strengthen small-scale farmers' capacities is to use multi-stakeholder innovation systems or learning platforms, such as the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance. However, tools for the evaluation of multi-stakeholder innovation systems are rare so far. The fourth paper reports the application of a conceptual framework to evaluate multi-stakeholder innovation systems using the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance in this paper. The assessment focuses on the business relationship constructs of trust and capacity development. In total, 90 survey interviews of producer organisations, 20 in-depth interviews, and six focus group discussions were collected from agribusiness stakeholders linked with the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance and from a control group of stakeholders involved with other networks. The quantitative data were analysed through factor and regression analyses. Results from the quantitative analyses were triangulated with qualitative data. The analysis shows that the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance has been successful in developing smallholder farmers' capacities as a result of trust developed through its dedicated project managers. Nonetheless, the Nicaraguan Learning Alliance has not been more successful at developing agribusiness capacities among Nicaraguan farmers than other networks with the same goals. Results from this study point to the need for facilitating more interactions between the different networks of farmers' cooperatives and organisations with other stakeholders already active within the Nicaraguan agrifood innovation system. Based on the results of the four presented paper a series of practical recommendations for training activities apply. One of those is to combine the strength of an expert trained on-the-job as the main trainer with an academically educated trainer. The academic trainer could be integrated directly in some parts of the training activities or via modern technologies such as videos or smartphones. This seems to be the most promising approach with respect to the farmers preferences and in order to achieve the greatest learning success and satisfaction of the participants. Furthermore, by the usage of modern information and communication technologies the effectiveness of the training could also be increased. Besides the professional background of the trainer, it is important that trainers gain qualifications in teaching methods and other soft skills. With respect to modern information and communication technologies like smartphones, our results indicate that presenting trainers and later farmers with the various possibilities of smartphones and creating a positive image of these technologies could help to reinforce the willingness to adopt this new method of communication for agricultural purposes. Hereby, also the social environment needs to be addressed, for example within the training. Smartphones cannot replace direct contact, but their importance regarding capacity development will increase rapidly as previous developments in mobile phone use have shown. These findings provide politicians and other stakeholders with tangible recommendations to improve their training programmes. Ultimately this could make capacity development more attractive and therefore more likely to be attended by small-scale farmers in the short and long-term. These consequences in return could have further implications for the agricultural productivity and poverty reduction.

How Chile became home to the world's most radical free-market experiment—and what its downfall suggests about the fate of neoliberalism around the globeIn The Chile Project, Sebastian Edwards tells the remarkable story of how the neoliberal economic model—installed in Chile during the Pinochet dictatorship and deepened during three decades of left-of-center governments—came to an end in 2021, when Gabriel Boric, a young former student activist, was elected president, vowing that "If Chile was the cradle of neoliberalism, it will also be its grave." More than a story about one Latin American country, The Chile Project is a behind-the-scenes history of the spread and consequences of the free-market thinking that dominated economic policymaking around the world in the second half of the twentieth century—but is now on the retreat.In 1955, the U.S. State Department launched the "Chile Project" to train Chilean economists at the University of Chicago, home of the libertarian Milton Friedman. After General Augusto Pinochet overthrew socialist president Salvador Allende in 1973, Chile's "Chicago Boys" implemented the purest neoliberal model in the world for the next seventeen years, undertaking a sweeping package of privatization and deregulation, creating a modern capitalist economy, and sparking talk of a "Chilean miracle." But under the veneer of success, a profound dissatisfaction with the vast inequalities caused by neoliberalism was growing. In 2019, protests erupted throughout the country, and in 2022 Boric began his presidency with a clear mandate: to end neoliberalismo.In telling the fascinating story of the Chicago Boys and Chile's free-market revolution, The Chile Project provides an important new perspective on the history of neoliberalism and its global decline today

This dissertation studies 'the Arctic in Change'. In contrast to a traditional research setting, its aim is to engage with questions that respond to both 'the Arctic' and 'in Change' as preformed answer and outcome. Since 'the Arctic' is not constituted by a single definition, mode, science, art, discipline, method, state, continent, image, symbol, instance, agent or unit, it is considered and treated with the means and matters of bricolage in the spirit of post-qualitative inquiry. Accordingly, this approach requires involvement from a multiplicity of theoretical, methodological and research material: the intra-actions of performativity theory, the genealogy of discursive material practices, studies on perception, visual culture, aesthetics and ethics, art & design, ecology and ethology, as well as the politics residing in them. Furthermore, the recognition of the partiality, influence and agency of the elements constituting this study beyond the rationalised and controlled research design requires a more fluid manner of writing, deriving from the ideals of writerly and open text, infused with inter- and intratextuality and co-conducted in phenomenological writing to produce a novel conduct in avoiding firm structuring and hierarchy while pursuing open-ended objectives. The analysis begins by compromising the cohesion of Arctic representations as objects with unaltered identities, exhibiting a diorama of a polar bear. The seemingly neutral and passive object occupies several inherited subject positions that emerge from it as material outcomes. The representation holds the capacity to record the audience's corporeality through sensory and motoric traces and to perform through their bodies as fixed prepositions. The encounter endangers and re-establishes the participatory subject and object positions as co- and counter to each other. How representations are conducted is foremost a question of the manipulation of distance, which proceeds from aesthetics to epistemological and ontological conditions. Different characteristics emerge, disappear, become manageable or are in reach depending on their distance, which is defined as the relationship between the point of perception and the perceived. Attempts to overcome this distance with various scientific technologies and artistic techniques are inevitably influenced by what comes in-between. To penetrate the distance with direct bodily engagements for the purpose of Arctic investigation, is an act limited to the ontology of the knowing body. In order to perform under the natural and cultural environmental conditions related to the Arctic, the body is contained and reproduced as non-Arctic with specific material arrangements within the research vessel, from labour to recovery, to maintain it as a societal human subject. These discursive–material arrangements constitute the human body through an incorporeal–animal binary, constructed within the equipment of ergonomics and exercise inherited from agriculture and industrialisation. When the same adjustment, human–animal, is conducted in micro-space, it is transferred into the colonial project of discipline and cultivation as a rectilinear school: it emerges as an invasive species in the regional circular 'ecology' and as cultural violence towards the landscape that is formed by seasonal and regional movement that happens in circles, conducting the livelihood and the identity of the People. The reading and rewriting of the landscape, as well as the history and memory of the bodies within it, do not place these human–animal binaries beneath one another, but rather within an act of performative restructuring. While certain iconic animals, are considered representatives of the Arctic region, in the animal activist's attempt to speak for the other, to witness animal subjectivity with documentary techniques and technologies, they do not succeed in ethically mediating or negotiating the subjectivity of the animal-other as such. Such technique produces a hybrid subjectivity of the human, animal and recording technology combined that also fails to free itself from the weight of the genealogy of the human–animal relations of trapping, hunting, slaughter and putting on display. While problematising the capability to engage with the animal subject as an animal, the study further indicates the 'small other' taking place in subject–object encounters, restating 'in-between' as 'in-the-midst'. The human–animal relation contained in an artefact, and its capacity to contain and surface such genealogies, is finally studied in the context of contemporary political debate on the use, meaning and matter of the inuksuit, communities building and enacting stone figures erected traditionally by the Inuit for various purposes. While the inuksuit have been adopted by the national state with its colonial practices towards the indigenous peoples, the inukshuk re-emerges as a re-establishment of identity and power over life and region, natural, social and political bodies. The questions throughout the thesis suggest that 'the Arctic' is not accessible or returnable as the 'truth'; it is not capable to exist in the Lacanian Real, resisting all definitions and relations. It is composed in linguistic, imaginary and symbolic manner and matter as a figuration 'arcticulated' into an entity existing only 'in Change'. This entity is to be expressed with a figure that bends and reads in multiple modes. The Arctic is therefore a bearing in which one can dwell as a human being, where this being owes and invests itself in an intra-face, named a 'homunculus', a transferring and conducting of human characteristics. The outcomes ought to enable radical and critical thinking towards the 'taken for granted' truths of the Arctic as an object of inquiry through established metatheoretical conceptualisations. The 'homunculus' is offered as a guide for understanding the forms and matters of politics on the issue in a new way in order to have an impact on political science and beyond. ; Väitöskirjan tutkimuskohteena on "Arktinen muutoksessa". Perinteisesti tutkimuskysymyksestä johdettavan tutkimusasetelman sijaan tutkimuskohteen osat "Arktinen" ja "muutoksessa" tulkitaan ennakko-olettamina, tutkimusvastauksina, jolloin tutkimustavoitteeksi syntyy näihin lopputulemiin johtavien tutkimuskysymysten löytäminen. Koska Arktinen ei koostu yhdestä määritelmästä, modaliteetista, tieteen- tai taiteenalasta, oppiaineesta, metodista, valtiosta, mantereesta, kuvasta, symbolista, tilanteesta, toimijasta tai yksiköstä, käsitellään sitä brikolaasina jälkilaadullisen tutkimuksen hengessä. Lähestymistapa edellyttää useiden erilaisten teoreettisten, metodologisten ja tutkimusaineistollisten lähtökohtien hyödyntämistä performatiivisuusteoriasta genealogiaan, havainnon, visuaalisen kulttuurin, estetiikan, etiikan ja taiteen tutkimukseen, ekologiasta eläinten käyttäytymistieteeseen, sekä niiden poliittisen luonteen tunnistamiseen. Tavoitteen saavuttaminen edellyttää tiukasti kontrolloitua tutkimusasetelmaa ja raportointia joustavampaa kirjoittamistapaa, liikkuen fenomenologisesta kirjoittamisesta ja avoimesta tekstistä, intertekstuaalisuuteen ja intratekstiin, välttäen tutkimusta rajoittavia rakenteita ja hierarkioita, uudenlaisten sisältöjen ja avointen lopputulosten tuottamiseksi. Tutkimusanalyyttinen matka alkaa Arktisen representaatioiden koheesion ja identiteetin muuttumattomuuden kyseenalaistamisella. Tiedekeskuksen jääkarhudiorama ymmärretään performatiivisena artefaktina, joka ilmeisen neutraalina ja passiivisena esillepanona sisällyttää joukon polveutuvia subjektipositioita ja materiaalisia voimasuhteita. Jääkarhun representaatiolla on kapasiteetti tallentaa yleisön ruumiillisuus sensorisina ja motorisina jälkinä, ja liikuttaa yleisöään prepositioihin, asemoiden subjektin ja objektin tietynlaiseen keskinäissuhteeseen. Representaatioiden tuottamisessa on keskeisesti kysymys etäisyyden manipuloinnista, edeten estetiikasta, epistemologisiin ja ontologisiin kysymyksiin. Eri piirteet ilmaantuvat, katoavat, tulevat hallittaviksi tai tavoitettaviksi riippuen etäisyydestä eli suhteesta havaitsijan ja havainnoitavan välillä. Yritykset ylittää etäisyys tieteen käyttämien teknologioiden sekä taiteellisten tekniikoiden avulla tuottavat välittävän ja väliin tulevan tason, josta tulee erottamaton osa havainnoitavaa kohdetta. Yritys ylittää etäisyys Arktiseen suoran kehollisen kontaktin keinoin rajoittuu väistämättä tietävän kehon ontologiaan. Kuten tutkimusaluksella, Arktisen luonto- ja kulttuuriympäristössä suoriutuva keho on säilötty ja uudelleentuotettu ei-arktisena erityisillä materiaalisilla järjestelyillä ja tekniikoilla, säilyttääkseen inhimillisen kehon länsimaiseen yhteiskuntaan sovitettavana. Ihmiskehoa tukeva eläinten hyötykäytöstä liikkumisessa sekä maatalouden ja teollisuuden voimansiirrossa. Näin ollen ihmiskehoa muokkaavat diskursiivismateriaaliset käytännöt rakentuvat ihmisen ja eläimen yhdistävästä teknologisesta suhteesta, jossa eläimen ruumiillisuus on muutoin poissaolevana. Kun ihmisen ja eläimen agraarisesta suhteesta syntyvä mikro-tilallinen rakennekaava siirretään osaksi koloniaalista koulutusta ja kurinpitoa, ilmenee kultivointi suorakaiteenmuotoisena kouluympäristönä. Lineaarisuus ja suorakulmaiset muodot toimivat vieraslajin tavoin vaarantaen alueellisen kehällisen ekologian, toimien kulttuurisena väkivaltana kehällisen ja kausittaisen liikkeen muodostamaa maisemaa kohtaan, joka liittyy erottamattomana osana luontaiselinkeinoihin ja alueelliseen ryhmäidentiteettiin. Maiseman lukeminen ja uudelleenkirjoittaminen, ja sen sisältämien kehojen historia ja muisti, eivät aseta eläin-ihmis binaarin osapuolia toisilleen alisteisiksi, vaan keskinäiseen performatiiviseen suhteeseen. Tiettyjen ikonisten eläinten, kuten poron, tunnistetaan edustavan Arktista aluetta. Eläinaktivistiset yritykset todistaa eläimen subjektiivista kokemusta eri dokumentointitekniikoiden ja teknologioiden välittämänä epäonnistuvat todentamaan eläimen kokemuksen eettisesti. Kyseiset tekniikat tuottavat eläimen sijaan hybridisen subjektiviteetin koostuen ihmisen, eläimen ja tallentavan teknologian yhdistelmästä, joka ei onnistu vapautumaan tappamisen genealogiastaan, kuten ansapyynnistä, metsästyksestä, teurastuksesta ja voitonmerkeistä. Eläimen subjektiviteetin autenttisen esittämisen problematiikka paljastaa "pienen toisen" läsnäolon subjektin ja objektin välisessä suhteessa, jolloin suhteen tarkastelu "toista" kohtaan muuttuu välisestä keskiseksi. Ihmisen ja eläimen suhteen genealogian tallentuminen artefaktiin, joka toimii niin säilönä kuin esiintulopintana, tutkitaan lopuksi osana poliittista debattia koskien Kanadan Inuiitti- yhteisöjen eri tarkoituksiin perinteisesti kivistä pystyttämien inuksuk-hahmojen käyttöä ja merkitystä. Inukshuk edelleen toimii maisemallisesti alkuperäiskansaan kuuluvia ihmisiä toisiinsa, elinkeinoonsa, sekä ympäristönsä eläimistöön konkreettisesti sitovana sosiaalisen ja poliittisena ruumiina, samalla kun kansallisvaltio on kolonisoinut sen käyttöä. Kysymykset läpi tutkielman johtavat ymmärrykseen että "Arktinen" ei avaudu tai palaudu "totuudeksi" Lacanilaisessa ymmärryksessä, jossa "Todellinen" vastustaa kaikkia määritelmiä ja suhteellistuksia. Arktinen koostuu lingvistisestä, kuvitteellisesta, kuvallisesta ja symbolisesta hahmotelmasta, joka on "arktikuloitu" olevaksi vain "muutoksesssa". Tämän kokonaisuuden voi ilmaista hahmolla, joka taipuu ja on luettavissa eri modaliteeteissa. Arktinen on siten asema ja suuntima, jossa voidaan säilyä ihmisinä, investoiden siihen oman inhimillisen jälkensä 'homunculuksen'. Tutkimustuloksen on tarkoitus mahdollistaa radikaali ja kriittinen tapa ajatella Arktista totuudellisuutta, joka on "otettu annettuna", kehitettyjen metateoreettisten konseptien avulla. Homunculus toimii oppaana ymmärrykseen arktisen poliittisuudesta, uudistaen käsityksiämme yli politiikkatieteen rajojen.

Some global economic processes have aggravated the problems, conflicts and tensions that are derived from the use of freshwater on a global, state, regional and local scale. In modern times, the acceleration caused by industrialisation and urbanisation has increased water consumption, as well as the artificial infrastructures for its use. Nowadays, capitalism in the global market has taken ownership of natural resources and, in the use of water, private interests predominate. At the same time, environmental degradation urges human and economic consumption to be made compatible with the respect for nature. In current legislation, priority is given to environmental conservation regarding uncontrolled use of water as a productive resource, especially since the adoption of the Water Framework Directive in the European Union in 2000. However, the Spanish hydraulic policy has centred on water as an economic good. With this premise, certain infrastructures were built, such as the Tagus-Segura transfer. At present, Spain, as an EU member, must adapt to the WFD, so this generates a tense relationship regarding the public management of said transfer internationally, nationally and regionally. The matter of water distribution in Spain is a territorial issue between different autonomous communities where political strategies have a growing impact. National hydraulic policy has led to a politicisation which has confronted different regions, therefore resulting in water being at the moment a determinative factor of regionalist identity. Such political and territorial rivalries on a regional and national state have become even more complicated in the case of the Tagus-Segura transfer due to the obligation to apply the WFD from the EU legislation adopted in 2000. There is also the situation that the internal water management processes are part of a complex international scenario. This article focuses on situations that intend to overrun the national and regional scale, towards an international and global one. In spite of the fact that the Tagus-Segura transfer is a Spanish hydraulic work, its use has been widely covered by the EU legislation, that is, the WFD, so there is a fraught relationship as a consequence of the public management of said transfer at the present time. For this reason, the first point that is addressed is whether the WFD is being implemented regarding the transfer or there is an infringement in its principles with a prevalence of economic interests in the catchment area. The second question which is discussed is the relation of asymmetric power between private and social interests in the transfer, and whether it responds to the global logic of a growing appropriation of natural resources with economic purposes. The main objective of this article is to shed light on such questions. To do so, a deductive methodology is used, based on a theoretical and critical analysis of the existing literature and the current legislation, as well as quantitative data and the authors' considerations. The structure of the article is created according to this introduction, and it continues with a theoretical framework and the results, and a final conclusion. The main findings of this study are: 1) the Tagus-Segura transfer violates and does not respond to the basic principles of the Water Framework Directive of the EU, where the traditional objective of satisfying the demand of the catchment area and its economic interests take precedence over environmental sustainability and the ecological improvement of the transferring river basin, and 2) the water use in the transfer can be framed in the global neoliberal trend of appropriation of natural resources, where private interests dominate over the social interests in an asymmetrical relationship of power. The transfer has become a controverted issue of great complexity, which has led to territorial tension provoked by political confrontation between regional governments due to a competitive dynamic within the autonomous state. At the same time, Spain has persistently made an infringement of the principles marked by the European WFD. It is true that the legislation context in which the transfer was made was very different to that of the present day. In fact, the Spanish legislation did not contemplate the evaluation of environmental impacts back then. The transfer was a tool of hydrological planification that considered water to be an economic resource meant to satisfy the demand as the main objective. As a consequence, this implied the degradation of water ecosystems and the quality of water itself, resulting in a reduction of the latter within the Tagus river basin. The application of the WFD in Spain has contributed to coordinating the efforts in water management better, and it has bolstered research to determine the specific effects on water resources at a national and basin levels. Nevertheless, there has been a minimal incorporation of progress and new scientific knowledge regarding water planification and management strategies in the long term. At present, it is still necessary to progress in the Spanish water policy, as well as to improve its inadequate governance and diminish the pressure and impact on water bodies. The insufficient compliance of the WFD by the Spanish legislation framework, which was initialised by its late transposition and continued with a lack of compromise with the environmental preference in water management that the directive imposes, influences directly the Tagus-Segura transfer. In reference to environmental sustainability, the economic demand has been privileged continually, and this has entailed an impediment when water extraction prevents the river Tagus from having a true ecological flow. The costs of the infrastructure have not recovered yet as the WFD dictates, as water rates are not included. Thus, private interests in the catchment area are favoured, as transferred water is easily accessible at a lower price, so it is indirectly subsidised. Finally, an unclear water market between particulars has been permitted, which lacks in transparency, allowing water to be shared during periods of drought between basins, when the normal transfer remains limited as dictated by the WFD. The priority should be to satisfy the freshwater demand as a necessity to supply all the population and to avoid environmental impacts. However, it is evident that the authorities mainly care about satisfying the demands of water that are related to economic production, even though they do not knowingly abide by the European legislation. Imaginative solutions are needed in order to find alternatives so that the spirit of the WFD is respected and water protection prevails, and public interest is given priority over private interests, although this is not always at reach in the current political context. For this reason, future academic works must tackle this issue. The contribution can be of interest at a scientific and social level, and it links to the current debate regarding freshwater policies in global dynamics. ; Los procesos económicos globales han agravado los problemas, conflictos y tensiones derivados del uso del agua dulce a escala global, estatal, regional y local. En la época contemporánea, la aceleración derivada de la industrialización y la urbanización ha aumentado el consumo del agua y las infraestructuras artificiales para su utilización. Hoy, el capitalismo de mercado global se ha ido apropiando de los recursos naturales y en el uso del agua predominan los intereses privados. Al mismo tiempo, la degradación medioambiental obliga a intentar compatibilizar el consumo humano y económico con el respeto hacia la naturaleza. En la legislación vigente, en áreas como la Unión Europea, ya se da prioridad a la conservación del medio ambiente sobre la utilización incontrolada del agua como recurso productivo, sobre todo a partir de la aprobación de la Directiva Marco del Agua en 2000. Sin embargo, la política hidráulica española se ha centrado en el agua como bien económico. Con esta premisa se construyeron infraestructuras como el trasvase Tajo-Segura. Actualmente, España, como miembro de la UE, debe adaptarse a la DMA y esto genera un tensa relación internacional-nacional-regional por la gestión pública del trasvase. El artículo se centra en esta cuestión. Se aplicará una metodología deductiva y basada en un análisis teórico crítico a partir del estudio bibliográfico y de la normativa vigente, del apoyo en datos cuantitativos y de las reflexiones de los autores. Se concluye que el trasvase no se ajusta a la sostenibilidad ambiental y ecológica que proclama la DMA, sino que sigue respondiendo a la necesidad de satisfacer la demanda de la cuenca receptora. Además, en periodos de sequía se permite el mercado de cesión de agua de la cuenca cedente a la receptora entre particulares, ignorando el impacto ecológico derivado y superponiendo los intereses económicos. La prioridad debería ser satisfacer la demanda de agua dulce como necesidad de abastecimiento para toda la población y evitar los impactos al medio ambiente. Sin embargo, es evidente que las autoridades públicas están principalmente preocupadas por satisfacer las demandas de agua que tienen que ver con la producción económica aun a sabiendas de no cumplir plenamente con la legislación europea. La contribución resultará de interés a nivel científico y social y se une al debate actual en torno a las políticas de agua dulce en las dinámicas globales.

Ausgangspunkt der vorliegenden Arbeit war es, das theaterhistorische Phänomen des chinesischen experimentellen Theaters komparatistisch sowohl als das Ergebnis der Begegnung zweier sehr verschiedener kulturhistorischer Linien (China/ Europa) zu beschreiben als auch in den traditionellen Kontext chinesischer Theaterinnovationen einzuordnen und aus ihm heraus zu erklären. Behandelt wird u.a. der machtpolitische Kontext interkultureller Begegnungen. Es stellt sich die Frage, ob man auf einem "transzendentalen Hügel hockend" China beobachten kann. Man ist immer wieder mit der Frage konfrontiert, aus welcher Perspektive man bei der Untersuchung anderer Kulturen zu adäquaten Ergebnissen kommen kann. Soll man einen aussenstehenden Beobachterposten behaupten oder soll man anerkennen, dass die eigene Anwesenheit vor Ort den Beobachtenden bereits involviert in das zu Beobachtende oder soll man sich seiner eigenen Aktivität bewusst werden und den ohnehin fiktiven Objektivitätsstatus bewusst aufgeben? Ich konnte während der Arbeit an der Inszenierung "Leg deine Peitsche nieder - Woyzeck" in Peking künstlerische und Alltagskommunikation erleben und Einsichten gewinnen, die ohne diese Arbeit unmöglich gewesen wären. Die chinesische Kultur hat bereits frühzeitig Schriftsysteme und eine Schriftkultur ausgebildet. Dennoch haben meine Untersuchungen ergeben, dass die Bereiche der Wissensvermittlung (Lern- und Lehrverhalten), der darstellenden Künste und der sozialen Kommunikation bis in unser Jahrhundert hinein von einer Tradition oraler Techniken und Kommunikation geprägt sind. Ganz wesentlich ist z.B. traditionell der Aspekt der LEIBLICHKEIT bei der Wissensvermittlung. Das Leibwissen eines Lehrers wird durch ständiges Üben und Wiederholen durch den Schüler in dessen Leib inkorporiert. Die Schüler (im profanen, im religiösen oder künstlerischen Bereich) werden hauptsächlich in das WIE der Übungen, nicht aber in das WARUM eingewiesen, weil sich aus der Logik dieses Denkens ergibt, dass sich aus der ausgefeilten Qualität des Geübten mit der Zeit der Sinn dessen über den Leib des Schülers von selbst erschließt. Oralen Techniken von Wissensvermittlung ist es eigen, dass sie dem Wiederholen größeren Wert beimessen als dem Neuerfinden. Dies ist eine Traditionslinie, die noch heute für das chinesische Sprechtheater wirksam ist. Innovation im chinesischen Kontext bedeutet vor allem Detailinnovation, aufbauend auf ein gegebenes Modell. Die chinesische Gesellschaft verfügt über ein reiches Instrumentarium theatraler Kommunikation. Aufgrund der Sozialstruktur und des ausgeprägten Relationsdenkens verfügen die kulturell Kommunizierenden über "shifting identities" wie Jo Riley es für die Darsteller im chinesischen traditionellen Musiktheater feststellte und wie Rosemarie Juttka-Reisse ein adäquates Phänomen für die Praxis von sozialem Rollenwechsel in sozio-kulturellen Kommunikations- und Interaktionsprozessen nachwies. "Shifting identies" bedeutet, dass Kommunizierende in der Lage sind, spontan und flexibel auf neue Kommunikationskontexte mit dem entsprechenden performativen Instrumentarium zu reagieren. Dieser Umstand hat weitreichende Konsequenzen für die Rollengestaltung im chinesischen Theater. Zum Beispiel ist der Brecht'sche Begriff der Verfremdung aus diesem Grunde NICHT oder bestenfalls nur partiell auf das chinesische Theater anwendbar. Die Brecht'sche Verfremdungstheorie ist nicht dem chinesischen Theater abgeschaut, sondern auf das chinesische Theater projiziert. Im Zusammenhang mit dem Leiblichkeitskonzept steht eine spezifische Vorstellung der EINVERLEIBUNG von Wissen, auch nicht-chinesischen Wissens. Beispielsweise wird bis in die 1990er Jahre hinein immer wieder auf die VERDAUUNGSMETAPHER zurückgegriffen. Das Einverleibungsprinzip, welches in engster Verbindung mit dem chinesischen Ahnenkult steht, ist mindestens einmal einer Fundamentalkritik unterzogen worden. Kurioserweise geschah dies nach der Einverleibung westlichen Wissens, insbesondere der Fortschrittsidee und der Vorstellung evolutionärer historischer Weiterentwicklung. Lu Xun nämlich prägte die Metapher der Menschenfresserei, die sich auf die als reaktionär erkannte Einverleibung "feudalistischen" Wissens aus der alten, dem Westen unterlegenen chinesischen Gesellschaft bezog. Seither gibt es die "fortschrittliche" und die "reaktionäre" Verdauung, wobei der Diskurs um kulturelle Identität, um Erneuerung und Bewahrung immer wieder neu festzulegen versucht, was gegebenfalls nützlich oder nutzlos ist. Die Entstehung des chinesischen experimentellen Theaters ist ohne das Eingebettetsein in historische Linien der chinesischen Theatergeschichte nicht erklärbar. Aneignungsmuster in bezug auf die Aufnahme neuer Anregungen aus anderen Kulturen haben eine traditionelle Logik entwickelt, die man nur erkennen und einordnen kann, wenn man sich ausführlich den historischen Voraussetzungen und Rahmenbedingungen von Theater in China widmet. Deshalb bin ich auf diese historischen Linien ausführlich eingegangen. Das experimentelle Theater in China setzt diese Linie fort. Deshalb kann man schlussfolgern, dass das chinesische Sprechtheater "eine Art Pekingoper mit anderen Mitteln" ist, und nicht ein bürgerlich-westliches Sprechtheater mit chinesischer Kolorierung. Das chinesische Theater hat sich über die langen historischen Zeiträume seiner Entstehung als sehr aufnahmefähig für interkulturelle Anregungen gezeigt. Man kann sagen, dass es das Ergebnis dieser Interaktionsprozesse ist. In diesem Sinne ist die Integration westlicher Theaterstile und damit auch die Entstehung des experimentellen Theaters als traditionelle Strategie im Umgang mit dem Fremden anzusehen. Es handelt sich tendenziell nicht (nur) um einen Ausdruck von Modernität, sondern von Tradition. Es ist in der chinesischen Theatergeschichte nicht um die Echtheit/ Authentizität des adaptierten ausländischen Materials gegangen, sondern hauptsächlich um die Anwendbarkeit im eigenen Kontext. Das wiederum führt folgerichtig zu dem Schluss, dass es z.B. keine "falsche" Rezeption westlichen Theaters in China geben kann, sondern nur eine chinesische. Der experimentelle Zugang zu neuen Formen innerhalb der chinesischen Theaterkultur ist ein historisch praktizierter. Die chinesische Praxis des Experiments ist historisch verbunden mit einer Praxis des Ausprobierens, Integrierens, Ausschmückens, einer Art Patchwork-Strategie. Im Gegensatz zum westlichen Begriff des Experiments ist diese Praxis nicht an abstrakte Hypothesenbildung und die systematische Beweisführung gebunden. Hauptinstrument neuer Erkenntnisse war die empirische Beobachtung. Die Entstehung des experimentellen chinesischen Theaters im 20. Jahrhundert, welches erstmals an verschiedene Begrifflichkeiten gebunden wird und nicht einfach als historische Praxis dem chinesischen Theater inhärent ist, deutet auf eine neue Qualität dieses Phänomens in der chinesischen Theatergeschichte hin. Die neue Qualität im Vergleich zur historisch-experimentellen Praxis besteht darin, dass die chinesische Kultur erstmals in ihrer Geschichte als Hochkultur Asiens mit einem ernstzunehmenden, hegemonial operierenden Feind konfrontiert war, der mit seinem ökonomisch-militärischen Potenzial die Qualität der chinesischen Kultur als Ganzes in Frage stellte. Nun sahen sich die chinesischen Eliten gezwungen, die westlichen Mittel zum chinesischen Zweck des Überlebens zu machen. Aus diesem Grunde wurden westliche Ideen und Praktiken, wie z.B. das bürgerliche Sprechtheater rezipiert. Dies musste als Praxis aber auch als Begriff umgesetzt werden. Aus diesem spezifischen Entstehungskontext ergibt sich eine unterschiedliche Richtung der Theateravantgarden in China und im Westen. Während die historische Theateravantgarde im Westen in ihrer Kritik am bürgerlichen Theaterkonzept und in ihrer Auseinandersetzung mit Industrialisierungs- und Technologiesierungsprozessen auf "Retheatralisierung" des Theaters drängte, gingen die chinesischen Theaterkünstler den entgegengesetzten Weg. Die neuen historischen Erfahrungen ließen sich in den volkstümlichen Geschichten und den historischen Analogien des traditionellen chinesischen Theaters und in ihrer stilisierten Theatralität nicht mehr adäquat darstellen. Plötzlich wurde ein neues Realismuskonzept, welches nach DETHEATRALISIERUNG drängte, wesentlich. Darüberhinaus gehört es zur historischen Linie des chinesischen Theaters, dass es stark profitierte sowohl von nicht-chinesischen Anleihen anderer Theaterkulturen als auch von den Volkskünsten der eigenen Kultur. Es waren zunächst Laiendarsteller und Amateurtheaterkünstler, die in den 1920er Jahren die vielfältigen Kategorien des chinesischen "experimentellen" Theaters erfanden und später in einen professionellen Status überführten. Neben den kulturellen Einflüssen des westlichen Imperialismus war China ebenfalls mit dem hegemonialen Bestreben insbesondere des sowjetischen Kulturimperialismus konfrontiert. Die sowjetische Kulturpolitik favorisierte das Stanislawski-Konzept. Dieses wurde dann zunächst, nach Gründung der VR China 1949, zu einem der Grundpfeiler der Idee eines neu zu entwickelnden chinesischen Nationaltheaters. Seit den 1980er Jahren wird es zunehmend kritisiert. Seitdem werden andere westliche Konzepte interessant. Dazu gehören die Konzepte der westlichen historischen Avantgarde ebenso wie die des absurden und weitestgehend postmodernen Theaters. Seit den 1990er Jahren sind zwei Haupttendenzen im modernen chinesischen Theater festzustellen. Zum einen unterliegt das Theater rigiden Kommerzialisierungstendenzen. Zum anderen sieht sich das Theater einer Vielzahl neuer Unterhaltungsmedien (TV, Kino, Karaoke, Shows etc.) gegenüber, die es veranlassen, sich verstärkt auf die spezifischen Möglichkeiten theatralen Ausrucks zu besinnen. Das führt dazu, dass nun sowohl das theatrale Potenzial des klassischen chinesischen Theaters interessant wird ebenso wie die Retheatralisierungsversuche der westlichen Avantgarde. Seit Mitte der 1980er Jahre ist eine erneute, hitzige Debatte über Begriff und Inhalt von experimentellem Theater im chinesischen Kontext zu beobachten. ; The starting point of this paper was both to describe the theatre-historical phenomenon of Chinese experimental theatre in a comparative way, as the result of the encounter of two culture-historical lines differing very much (China/Europe) and to put it in its proper historic context and thus to explain from its context. The power-political context of intercultural encounters is dealt with. The question arises whether one would be able to watch China at all " sitting on a transcen-dental hill". You are constantly facing the question from which perspective you can achieve adequate results when researching/ investigating foreign cultures. Should you maintain your (external) observer status or should you recognise that your own presence at the site involves the observer what he watches or should you consciously give up the anyhow fictitious status of objectivity. While staging "Put down your whip - Woyzeck" in Beijing at the State theatre called Central Experimental Theatre I could experience both artistic and every-day communication, without which this paper would and could never have been written. The Chinese culture has developed writing systems and a written culture early on in history. Nevertheless, my study has shown, that instruction (learner and teacher behaviour), performing arts and social communication have been highly influenced by the oral tradition of communication throughout the centuries. The aspect of corporality in instruction is essential. The teacher's incorporated knowledge is transferred to the student's body through permanent exercise and repetition/revision. The student (worldly, religious and artistic spheres) is taught HOW to do the exercise but not necessarily WHY because part of this thinking is the idea that the awareness of the meaning of the skill comes to the student through his body. This implies that it is a characteristic feature of oral instruction/information stresses repetition rather than innova-tion. This line of tradition has always been efficient for the Chinese spoken drama, even today. Innovation in a Chinese context means chiefly innovation of detail based on a model given. The Chinese society developed a rich variety of tools of theatrical communication. Due to the social structure and a well-developed relational thinking the cultural communicators have "shifting identities" as Jo Riley stated it in terms of the performers in the Chinese traditional music thea-tre. Rosemarie Juttka-Reisser confirmed an adequate phenomenon for the practice of switching social roles in processes of socio-cultural communication and interaction. "Shifting identities" means that communicators are capable of spontaneously and quickly responding to new communication contexts through adequate performative sets of instruments. This has an impact on the performance of roles in Chinese theatre. Therefore the Brechtian term of alienation, for instance, can not or only partly be applied to Chinese theatre. Thus, the Brechtian theory of alienation is not derived from Chinese theatre but rather projected to it. Linked to the concept of incorporation of knowledge is a specific image of incorporation of knowledge including the non-Chinese one. Up to the 1990s the metaphor of digestion had been used again and again. The principle of incorporation which is closely connected with ancestor cults underwent fundamental criticism at least once. Curiously enough, this happened after the incorporation of Western knowledge, in particular of the idea of progress and evolution/ revolution. Lu Xun coined the metaphor of cannibalism. This relates to the traditional incorporation of the so-called "feudal" knowledge based in the Chinese culture which has been understood as inferior to the West. Since then there has been "progressive" and "reactionary" digestion; discourse about cultural identity, about renewal and preservation of Chinese values has always been trying to re-determine what is useful or useless respectively. The appearance and existence of the Chinese experimental theatre can not be explained without it being embedded in the line of Chinese (theatre)history. Patterns of acquisition in terms of the perception of new stimuli from other/foreign cultures have developed a traditional logic which can only be recognized and categorized if you have a deeper understanding of the historic condition and the whole framework of theatre in China. Therefore I dealt with this historical line in detail. The experimental theatre in China continues this line to a certain extend. This results in the Chinese spoken theatre being "a kind of Beijing opera with a different approach" but not a bourgeois Western spoken drama with a Chinese touch. Throughout its history the Chinese theatre has always readily absorbed intercultural stimuli. So you can say that these processes of interaction have contributed to contemporary Chinese theatre. Thus you can regard the integration of Western theatre styles including the development of the experimental theatre a highly traditional strategy for encountering and dealing with the foreign element. This strategy is not an expression of modernity only but mainly of tradition. Chinese theatre history was not particularly interested in the authenticity of the adopted foreign material but in its application within the Chinese context. This has led to the conclusion that there cannot be any "wrong" perception of the Western theatre in China but only a Chinese. The experimental approach to new forms within the Chinese theatre culture has been used all the time. The Chinese experimental practice has indeed been linked with integrating, ornamenting and trying out resulting in a kind of patchwork. In contrast to the Western term of experiments this practice does not depend on abstract hypotheses and proofs systematically shown. This is partly due to Western sciences focussing on mathematics while Chinese sciences were concentrating on dealing with problems of relations (physics). Therefore they (have) preferred empirical observation to mathematical analysis in order to achieve new knowledge. In contrast, the experimental Chinese theatre in the 20th century, reflects a new quality in their approach to theatre which, for the first time, attempts to use concepts like in the Western theatre. The reason for this new approach resulted from the fact that for the first time in its history Chinese culture as an Asian high culture was faced with a serious hegemonially operating enemy that questioned the quality of the Chinese culture as a whole through its economic and military potential. The Chinese intellectual elite was forced to respond to the Western threat by using Western methods (including spoken drama) in order to survive: using a Western means to a Chinese end. These specific historical circumstances and power relations have led to different directions of avantgarde theatre movements in China and the West in the early 20th century. Western and Chinese theatre artists went opposite ways: while the former initiated the Re-theatralisation in their criticism of the bourgeois theatre concept and of industrialisation; the latter focused on De-theatralisation which had become a new concept, that of realism/ naturalism. The new experiences of the time could no longer be expressed in their folktales and historical analogies of the traditional Chinese theatre and its stylised theatricality. Amateurs (in particular students of big cities) were the first to invent the various categories of a Chinese "experimental" theatre and later transformed its status into a professional one. Apart from cultural influences of Western (including Japan) imperialism China faced the same problems with the Soviet cultural imperialism. The Soviet cultural policy favoured Stanislavsky's concept. This idea became the basis of a new Chinese national theatre which was to develop after the formation of the People's Republic of China in 1949. Since the 1980s it has increasingly been criticised. In addition other Western concepts have attracted attention including concepts of the Western historical avantgarde, the theatre of the absurd and post-modern theatre. Since the 1990s two major tendencies of modern Chinese theatre can be stated. On the one hand, the theatre is subject to rigid tendencies of commercialisation (which means that the state cut the subsidies), on the other hand, the theatre is confronted with a variety of new entertainment media (TV, cinema, karaoke, shows etc.) which make it remember its specific oppor-tunities of theatrical expression (now including traditional Chinese theatre forms). At the moment a new heated debate about the term and the content of experimental theatre is going on.

ÖZET:Hayvancılık, Çad'ın gelişmekte olan bir ülke olarak önemli bir ekonomik bileşenidir. Petrol sektöründen sonra genel olarak ülkenin GSYİH'sini paylaşmaktadır. Önemine rağmen, bu sektör bir takım kısıtlamalarla karşı karşıya. Bu kısıtlamaları araştırmak için, bu çalışma hayvancılık politikasını etkileyen faktörler araştırıldı. Çad'daki hayvancılık sektöründeki iyileşmenin, Hükümet tarafından halihazırda ele alınan politika kısıtlamalarından etkilendiği varsayılmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın belirli bir araştırma amacı Çad'da hayvancılık politikasının uygulamadaki zayıf yönlerini ve güçlü yönlerini analiz etmektir; hayvancılık politikası uygulamasını incelemenin yanı sıra. Bu araştırmada kullanılan yöntem hem niteliksel hem de nicelikseldir ve birincil ve ikincil olmak üzere iki veri kaynağına dayanır. Hayvancılık politikasının uygulanmasına ilişkin temel veriler, hayvancılık politikasının uygulanmasını etkileyen parametreleri belirlemek için hayvancılık ve paydaşlık bakanlığında çalışan kamu görevlilerine yönelik anketler kullanılarak bir anket kullanılarak toplanmıştır.Anket sonuçları, hem nicel hem de nitel analiz yöntemleri kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir. Çalışma, nicel betimsel analizin sonucuna dayandı. İstatistikler, Sosyal Bilimler için İstatistik Paketi (SPSS) programı ile yürütülen analiz sonrası demografik özelliklerin ve çalışma faktörlerinin bir özetini ve açıklamasını verir. Açık uçlu soruların sonucu nitel analizde tartışılmış ve cevaplayıcılardan her birinin en önemli üçünü seçmelerini istemek için ek sorular eklenmiştir. nitel analiz. Analizlerin sonuçları, araştırmanın nitel kısmından gelen yanıtlar, ilgili çalışmaların sonuçları ve araştırma bulgularına genel bir bakış açısı sağlamak için Çad Hayvancılık Dairesi'nden gelen hayvancılık istatistik verileriyle daha da doğrulanmıştır. Ortalama ve frekans dağılımı gibi tanımlayıcı istatistikler de kullanılmıştır.Bu araştırmanın ana bulguları, hayvancılık geliştirme politikasının dört faktörden etkilendiğini göstermiştir: hayvancılık verimlilik sistemleri; ekonomik çevre; kamu yönetimi ve yönetişim; ve insan kaynakları geliştirme politikasının yönetimi. Çalışmanın sonuçları, hayvancılık üretim sistemindeki faktörler arasında, hayvancılık politikasına etkileri bakımından, geniş üreme sistemleri bulunduğunu; hayvan sağlığı sorunları; ve veteriner eczanesi. Ekonomik ortamda, faktörler mezbaha modernizasyonunun eksikliğidir; hayvan pazarı sistemlerinin modernizasyonunun eksikliği; hayvan ticareti pazarlama sistemlerinin eksikliği; ve önceliklendirme hayvancılık bütçesi eksikliği. Kamu yönetiminde ve yönetişimde tanımlanan faktörler, önceliklendirme yapan hayvancılık politikasının eksikliğidir; uygunsuz proje yönetimi; stratejik yönetim kapasitesi eksikliği; ve kapasite geliştirme yönetiminin eksikliği. İnsan kaynaklarının geliştirilmesi ve politikasının yönetiminde, etkileyici faktörler, esas sistem ilkelerinin uygulanmasının eksikliğidir; yöneticilerin değerlendirilmemesi; ve eğitim ve uzatma eksikliği.Öneriler, proje yönetimini geliştirmek için politika oluşturma ve uygulamada yer alan kurumlar arasındaki işbirliğini güçlendirmek amacıyla dört faktör etrafında sunulmuştur; Hayvancılık politikasını, ekonomik perspektifi içeren kapsamlı bir yaklaşım gerektiren karmaşık bir sorun olarak ele almak; Gelişen bir sistem olarak hayvancılık politikası vizyonunu modernize etmek. Bu tavsiyeler, hayvancılık politikasının daha fazla uygulanmasını ilgilendirmekte ve merkezi hükümetin ülke genelinde izlenmesi mümkün olan hayvancılık politikasındaki stratejisine atıfta bulunmaktadır. Ancak, bu önerilerin hepsi çok önemlidir, ancak bazıları kısa, orta ve uzun vadede yapılmalıdır.İÇİNDEKİLERSayfa numarası.TABLO LİSTESİXŞEKİL LİSTESİXIKISALTMA LİSTESİXII1. ÇALIŞMA ARKA PLANI11.1 Giriş 11.2 Araştırma Sorunu Beyanı 41.3 Çalışmanın Amacı 61.4 Araştırma Amaçı 71.5 Araştırma Soruları 71.6 Araştırma Hipotezi 81.7 Araştırma Tasarımı ve Metodolojisi 81.8 Çalışmanın Önemi 9 1.9 Tez Bölümlerinin Anahatları 92. LITERATÜR TARAMASI, POLİTİKA UYGULAMASI VE KAVRAMSAL ÇERÇEVE 112.1 Giriş 112.2 Politika Tanımları 122.3 POLİTİKA UYGULAMASI 142.3.1 Açıklayıcı Modeller 162.3.2 Açıklayıcı Modellerin Uygulanması 162.3.3 Reçeteli Modeller 172.3.3.1 Reçete Modellerinin Uygulanması 182.3.4 Rasyonel Yaklaşım 222.3.5 Politik yaklaşım 242.3.6 Uygulama teorisi: Sistem Modeli 252.3.7 AŞAĞIDAN YUKARIYA VE YUKARIDAN AŞAĞIYA YAKLAŞIMLAR 272.3.7.1 Yukarıdan Aşağıya Yaklaşım 282.3.7.2 Aşağıdan Yukarıya Yaklaşım 282.3.7.3 Aşağıdan Yukarıya ve Yukarıdan Aşağıya Yaklaşımların Sentezi 292.3.8 BAŞARILI VE BAŞARISIZ UYGULAMA NEDİR?342.4 KAVRAMSAL ÇERÇEVE: HAYVANCILIK UYGULAMASININ POLİTİKASI 362.4.1 POLİTİKA UYGULAMASINDAN ETKİLEYEN FAKTÖRLER 362.5 HAYVANCILIK POLİTİKASININ UYGULAMASINI ETKİLEYEN FAKTÖRLER 422.5.1 Hayvancılık Verimlilik Sistemleri 422.5.1.1 Geniş Kapsamlı Islah Sistemi 422.5.1.2 Hayvan Sağlığı Sorunları 432.5.1.3 Veteriner Eczacılığı 432.5.2 Ekonomik Çevre 442.5.2.1 Hayvancılık Pazarlama Sistemleri 442.5.2.2 Hayvancılık Pazar Sistemleri 442.5.2.3 Olumlu Tedbir Eksikliği 452.5.3 Kamu Yönetimi ve Yönetişim 452.5.3.1 Politika Yönetimi 452.5.3.2 Kamu Yönetimi 472.5.4 İnsan Kaynakları Geliştirme Yönetimi 482.5.4.1 Eğitim ve yazışmalı492.5.4.2 Araştırma Hizmetleri 492.5.5 Hayvancılık Gelişme Planlarının Uygulanması 502.5.6 Stratejik Planlama için Devlet Koordinasyonu 522.5.7 Uygulayıcıların Politikaya Yönelik Tutumları 542.5.8 Hayvancılık Planlama ve Bilgi Hizmetleri Livestock 562.5.8.1 Hayvancılık Teknolojisinin Sağlanması 572.6 KAVRAMSAL ÇERÇEVE 572.6.1 KAVRAMSAL ÇERÇEVE ELEMANLARI 582.6.1.1 Politika İçeriği 582.6.1.2 Uygulama İçeriği 592.6.1.3 Uygulayıcıların Politikaya Taahhüdü 602.6.1.4 Politika Uygulama Kapasitesi 612.6.1.5 Uygulama İçin Müşterilere ve Koalisyonlara Destek 622.6.2 Kavramsal Çerçeve 652.7 ÖZET VE SONUÇ 663. ÇAD'IN SOSYO EKONOMİK ORTAMINA GENEL BAKIŞ VE LIVESTOCK POLİTİKA SİSTEMİ 683.1 Giriş 683.2 Ülke Profili 683.2.1 Kolonizasyon ve Bağımsız 693.2.2 Yönetim Seviyesi 703.2.3 Devlet ve Ssiyasi Durum 713.2.4 Doğal Kısıtlamalar 713.3.1 Sosyo-demografik ve Ekonomik Özellikle 723.3.2 Sosyoekonomik Kısıtlamalara Genel Bakış 733.3.3 Siyasi Kısıtlamalar 773.3.4 Çad'da Hayvancılık Sektörü Arka Planı 793.5 PASTORAL KALKINMA BAKANLIĞI ORGANİZASYONU ÇAD VE HAYVAN ÜRETİMİ 813.5.1 Hayvancılıkta Kurumsal Politika Çerçevesi 823.5.2. Hayvancılık Kurumsal Bağlantıları ve Ortaklığı 833.5.3 Hayvancılık Kuruluş Kuruluşları 833.5.4 Özel Sektör Kuruluşları 843.5.5 Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları 853.6 ENDÜSTRİYELLEŞME VE ÜRÜNÜN SINIRLARI İŞLEME 853.6.1 Mezbahaneler ve Kesim Alanları 863.6.2 İşlenmiş Ürün Faaliyetleri 863.6.3 Süt İşleme Üniteleri 883.6.4 Dönüşüm Birimleri 883.6.5 İşlenmiş Ürün Çeşitleri 883.7 ÖZET VE SONUÇ 894. METODOLOJİ METHODOLOGY 904.1 Giriş 904.2 Çalışmanın amacı 904.3 ARAŞTIRMA TASARIMI VE ANALİTİK MODELİ 914.3.1 Araştırma Tasarımı ve Metodoloji 914.4 Nüfus 944.5 Örnek 944.6 Anket Aracı 954.7 Veri Toplama 964.7.1 Pilot Testi 964.7.2 Gerçek Anket/Veri Toplama 974.8 Analiz 974.9 ÖZET VE SONUÇ 985. ÇALIŞMA VERİLERİNİN TOPLANMASI ANALİZİ 995.1 Giriş 995.2 Numunenin Demografik Profili 995.3 Çalışma Faktörleri 1005.3.1 Hayvancılık Verimlilik Sistemi Faktörleri 1015.3.2 Ekonomik Çevre Faktörleri 1025.3.3 Kamu Yönetimi ve Yönetişim 1035.3.4 İnsan Kaynakları Geliştirme ve Politika Yönetimi 1045.3.5 En Önemli Güçlü Noktalar ve Zayıf Noktalar 1065.3.5.1 Hayvancılık Gelişme Planlarının Uygulanmasının Güçlü ve Zayıf Noktaları 1065.3.5.2 Hayvancılık Stratejik Planlaması için Devlet Koordinasyonunda Güçlü Noktalar ve Zayıf Noktalar 1075.3.5.3 Uygulayıcıların Hayvancılık Politikasına Karşı Tutumlarında Güçlü Noktalar ve Zayıf Noktalar 1085.4 ÖZET VE SONUÇ 1096. BULGULARIN TARTIŞMASI, ÇALIŞMA ÖZETİ, SONUÇ VE ÖNERİLER 1106.1 Giriş 1106.2 Bulguların Özeti 1106.2.1 Hayvancılık Verimlilik Sistemi Faktörü 1106.2.2 Ekonomik Çevre Faktörü 1116.2.3 Kamu Yönetimi ve Yönetişim Faktörü 1116.2.4 İnsan Kaynakları Geliştirme ve Politika Faktörü Yönetimi 1116.2.5 En Önemli Güçlü Noktalar ve Zayıf Noktalar 1126.3 Bulguların Tartışılması 1146.3.1 Hayvancılık verimlilik sistemi faktörleri ile ilişkileri ve geliştirilmiş uygulama hizmetlerinin üç bileşeni 1146.3.2 Ekonomik çevre faktörleri ile geliştirilmiş uygulama hizmetlerinin üç bileşeni arasındaki ilişki 1156.3.3 Kamu yönetimi ve yönetişim ve gelişmiş uygulama hizmetlerinin üç bileşeni arasındaki ilişki 1186.3.4 İnsan kaynakları geliştirme politikasının yönetimi ile iyileştirilmiş uygulama hizmetlerinin üç bileşeni arasındaki ilişki 1206.3.5 Araştırma Sorusuna Cevap 1226.4 Öğütleme1436.5 Sonuç 161 Kaynakça 162 Ekler 173 Anket 190 --- ABSTRACT:Livestock is an important economic component of Chad as a developing country. It shares in overall country's GDP after the oil sector. In spite of its importance, this sector is facing a number of constraints. In order to explore those constraints, this study was investigated the factors that impact the livestock policy. It is hypothesized that the improvement of the livestock sector in Chad is affected by the policy constraints, already being addressed by the Government. A specified research objective of this study is to analyse the weaknesses and the strengths of livestock policy implementation in Chad; as well as to examine livestock policy implementation. The method used in this research both qualitative and quantitative and is based on two sources of data, primary and secondary. The primary data on the implementation of livestock policy were collected by using a survey through the questionnaires addressed to the public officers working at the Ministry of livestock and stakeholders to identify the parameters influencing the implementation of livestock policy. The survey results were analysed by using both quantitative and qualitative methods of analyses. The study relied on the result of the quantitative descriptive analysis. The statistics give a summary and description of the demographic aspects and the study factors after analysis run with the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) programme. The result of open-ended questions was discussed in qualitative analysis and additional questions were added to ask the respondents to select the most significant top three in each part of the three statement-questions each has five strong points and five weak points also were discussed in qualitative analysis. The results of the analyses were further substantiated by the responses from the qualitative part of the survey, by the results of related studies, and by livestock statistical data from the Department of the livestock of Chad to provide a general perspective on the research findings. Descriptive statistics such as mean and frequency distribution were also utilized.The main findings of this research showed that livestock development policy is influenced by four factors: livestock productivity systems; economic environment; public administration and Governance; and management of human resources development policy. The results of the study revealed that among the livestock production system factors in terms of their impact on livestock policy, there are extensive breeding systems; animal health issues; and veterinary pharmacy. In the economic environment, factors are lack of modernization of slaughterhouse; lack of modernization of livestock market systems; lack of livestock trade marketing systems; and lack of livestock budget prioritizing. In public administration and governance identified factors are lack of livestock policy prioritizing; inappropriate project management; lack of strategic management capacity; and lack of administration of the capacity building. And in management of human resources development and policy, the influencing factors are lack of application of the merit system principles; lack of evaluation of administrators; and lack of training and extension. The recommendations are presented around four factors, to improve project management strengthen the collaboration among the agencies involved in policy making and implementation; to address livestock policy as a complex problem which needs a comprehensive approach embracing economic perspective; to modernize vision of livestock policy as an evolving system. These recommendations concern the further implementation of livestock policy and refer to the strategy of the central government in livestock policy that could be pursued across the country. However, all of these recommendations are so important but some of them to be done in short, medium and long term.TABLE OF CONTENTSPage No.LIST OF TABLESXLIST OF FIGURESXILIST OF ABBREVIATIONXII1.STUDY BACKGROUND11.1 Introduction11.2 Statement of Research Problem41.3 Purpose of the Study61.4 Research Objective71.5 Research Questions71.6 Research Hypothesis81.7 Research Design and Methodology81.8 Significance of the Study 9 1.9 Outline of Thesis Chapters 92. LITERATURE REVIEW, POLICY IMPLEMENTATION AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 112.1 Introduction112.2 Policy Definitions122.3 POLICY IMPLEMENTATION142.3.1 Descriptive Models162.3.2 Implication of Descriptive Models162.3.3 Prescriptive Models172.3.3.1 Implication of Prescriptive Models 182.3.4 Rational Approach222.3.5 Political approach242.3.6 Implementation theory: System Model252.3.7 TOP-DOWN AND BOTTOM-UP APPROACHES272.3.7.1 Top Down Approach282.3.7.2 Bottom Up Approach282.3.7.3 Synthesis of Bottom-up and Top-down Approaches292.3.8 WHAT IS SUCCESSFUL AND FAILED IMPLEMENTATION?342.4 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: POLICY IMPLEMENTATION OF LIVESTOCK POLICY362.4.1 FACTORS THAT AFFECT POLICY IMPLEMENTATION362.5 FACTORS THAT AFFECT THE IMPLEMENTATION OF LIVESTOCK POLICY422.5.1 Livestock Productivity Systems422.5.1.1 Extensive Breedıng System422.5.1.2 Animal Health Issues432.5.1.3 Veterinary Pharmacy432.5.2 Economic Environment442.5.2.1 Livestock Marketing Systems442.5.2.2 Livestock Market Systems 442.5.2.3 Lack of Positive Measures452.5.3 Public Administration and Governance452.5.3.1 Policy Administration452.5.3.2 Public Governance472.5.4 Management of Human Resources Development482.5.4.1 Training and Extension492.5.4.2 Research Services492.5.5 Implementation of Livestock Development Plans502.5.6 Government Coordination for Strategic Planning522.5.7 Attitudes of Implementers Towards the Policy542.5.8 Livestock Planning and Information Services562.5.8.1 Provision of Livestock Technology572.6 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK572.6.1 ELEMENTS OF CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK582.6.1.1 Policy Content582.6.1.2 Context of Implementation592.6.1.3 Commitment of Implementers to the Policy602.6.1.4 Capacity to Implement Policy612.6.1.5 Support of Clients and Coalitions for Implementation622.6.2 Conceptual Framework652.7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION663. OVERVIEW OF SOCIOECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT OF CHAD AND LIVESTOCK POLICY SYSTEM 683.1 Introduction683.2 Country Profile683.2.1 Colonization and Independent693.2.2 Administration level703.2.3 Government and political situation713.2.4 Natural Constraints713.3.1 Socio-demographic and Economic Characteristics723.3.2 Overview of Socioeconomic Constraints 733.3.3 Political Constraints773.3.4 Livestock Sector Background in Chad793.5 ORGANISATION OF MINISTRY OF PASTORAL DEVELOPMENT AND ANIMAL PRODUCTION OF CHAD 813.5.1 Institutional Policy Framework of Livestock823.5.2. Livestock Institutional Linkages and Partnership833.5.3 Livestock Associative Institutions833.5.4 Private Sector Institutions843.5.5 Non-Governmental Organisations853.6 CONSTRAINTS OF INDUSTRIALISATION AND PRODUCT PROCESSING853.6.1 Slaughterhouses and Slaughter Areas863.6.2 Processed Product Activities863.6.3 Milk Processing Units883.6.4 Transformation Units883.6.5 Processed Product Varieties883.7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION894. METHODOLOGY 904.1 Introduction904.2 Purpose of the study904.3 RESEARCH DESIGN AND ANALYTICAL MODEL914.3.1 Research Design and Methodology914.4 Population944.5 Sample944.6 Survey Instrument954.7 Data Collection964.7.1 Pilot Test964.7.2 Actual Survey/Data Collection974.8 Analysis974.9 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION985. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA COLLECTION OF THE STUDY 995.1 Introduction995.2 The Demographic Profile of Sample995.3 Study Factors1005.3.1 Livestock Productivity System Factors1015.3.2 Economic Environment Factors1025.3.3 Public Administration and Governance1035.3.4 Management of Human Resources Development and Policy1045.3.5 The Most Significant Strong Points and Weak Points1065.3.5.1 Strong and weak points of Implementation of Livestock Development Plans1065.3.5.2 Strong Points and Weak point in Government Coordination for Livestock Strategic Planning1075.3.5.3 Strong Points and Weak point in Attitudes of implementers toward the Livestock policy1085.4 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION1096. DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS, SUMMARY OF THE STUDY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 1106.1 Introduction1106.2 Summary of Findings1106.2.1 Livestock Productivity System Factor1106.2.2 Economic Environment Factor1116.2.3 Public Administration and Governance Factor1116.2.4 Management of Human Resources Development and Policy Factor1116.2.5 The Most Significant Strong Points and Weak Points1126.3 Discussion of Findings1146.3.1 Relationship between livestock productivity system factors and the three components of improved implementation services1146.3.2 Relationship between economic environment factors and the three components of improved implementation services1156.3.3 Relationship between public administration and governance and the three components of improved implementation services1186.3.4 Relationship between management of human resources development policy and the three components of improved implementation services1206.3.5 Answer to Research Question1226.4 Recommendation 1436.5 Conclusion 161 Bibliography162 Appendices173 Questionnaires190

ÖZET: Hayvancılık, Çad'ın gelişmekte olan bir ülke olarak önemli bir ekonomik bileşenidir. Petrol sektöründen sonra genel olarak ülkenin GSYİH'sini paylaşmaktadır. Önemine rağmen, bu sektör bir takım kısıtlamalarla karşı karşıya. Bu kısıtlamaları araştırmak için, bu çalışma hayvancılık politikasını etkileyen faktörler araştırıldı. Çad'daki hayvancılık sektöründeki iyileşmenin, Hükümet tarafından halihazırda ele alınan politika kısıtlamalarından etkilendiği varsayılmaktadır. Bu çalışmanın belirli bir araştırma amacı Çad'da hayvancılık politikasının uygulamadaki zayıf yönlerini ve güçlü yönlerini analiz etmektir; hayvancılık politikası uygulamasını incelemenin yanı sıra. Bu araştırmada kullanılan yöntem hem niteliksel hem de nicelikseldir ve birincil ve ikincil olmak üzere iki veri kaynağına dayanır. Hayvancılık politikasının uygulanmasına ilişkin temel veriler, hayvancılık politikasının uygulanmasını etkileyen parametreleri belirlemek için hayvancılık ve paydaşlık bakanlığında çalışan kamu görevlilerine yönelik anketler kullanılarak bir anket kullanılarak toplanmıştır. Anket sonuçları, hem nicel hem de nitel analiz yöntemleri kullanılarak analiz edilmiştir. Çalışma, nicel betimsel analizin sonucuna dayandı. İstatistikler, Sosyal Bilimler için İstatistik Paketi (SPSS) programı ile yürütülen analiz sonrası demografik özelliklerin ve çalışma faktörlerinin bir özetini ve açıklamasını verir. Açık uçlu soruların sonucu nitel analizde tartışılmış ve cevaplayıcılardan her birinin en önemli üçünü seçmelerini istemek için ek sorular eklenmiştir. nitel analiz. Analizlerin sonuçları, araştırmanın nitel kısmından gelen yanıtlar, ilgili çalışmaların sonuçları ve araştırma bulgularına genel bir bakış açısı sağlamak için Çad Hayvancılık Dairesi'nden gelen hayvancılık istatistik verileriyle daha da doğrulanmıştır. Ortalama ve frekans dağılımı gibi tanımlayıcı istatistikler de kullanılmıştır. Bu araştırmanın ana bulguları, hayvancılık geliştirme politikasının dört faktörden etkilendiğini göstermiştir: hayvancılık verimlilik sistemleri; ekonomik çevre; kamu yönetimi ve yönetişim; ve insan kaynakları geliştirme politikasının yönetimi. Çalışmanın sonuçları, hayvancılık üretim sistemindeki faktörler arasında, hayvancılık politikasına etkileri bakımından, geniş üreme sistemleri bulunduğunu; hayvan sağlığı sorunları; ve veteriner eczanesi. Ekonomik ortamda, faktörler mezbaha modernizasyonunun eksikliğidir; hayvan pazarı sistemlerinin modernizasyonunun eksikliği; hayvan ticareti pazarlama sistemlerinin eksikliği; ve önceliklendirme hayvancılık bütçesi eksikliği. Kamu yönetiminde ve yönetişimde tanımlanan faktörler, önceliklendirme yapan hayvancılık politikasının eksikliğidir; uygunsuz proje yönetimi; stratejik yönetim kapasitesi eksikliği; ve kapasite geliştirme yönetiminin eksikliği. İnsan kaynaklarının geliştirilmesi ve politikasının yönetiminde, etkileyici faktörler, esas sistem ilkelerinin uygulanmasının eksikliğidir; yöneticilerin değerlendirilmemesi; ve eğitim ve uzatma eksikliği. Öneriler, proje yönetimini geliştirmek için politika oluşturma ve uygulamada yer alan kurumlar arasındaki işbirliğini güçlendirmek amacıyla dört faktör etrafında sunulmuştur; Hayvancılık politikasını, ekonomik perspektifi içeren kapsamlı bir yaklaşım gerektiren karmaşık bir sorun olarak ele almak; Gelişen bir sistem olarak hayvancılık politikası vizyonunu modernize etmek. Bu tavsiyeler, hayvancılık politikasının daha fazla uygulanmasını ilgilendirmekte ve merkezi hükümetin ülke genelinde izlenmesi mümkün olan hayvancılık politikasındaki stratejisine atıfta bulunmaktadır. Ancak, bu önerilerin hepsi çok önemlidir, ancak bazıları kısa, orta ve uzun vadede yapılmalıdır. İÇİNDEKİLER Sayfa numarası. TABLO LİSTESİ X ŞEKİL LİSTESİ XI KISALTMA LİSTESİ XII 1. ÇALIŞMA ARKA PLANI 1 1.1 Giriş 1 1.2 Araştırma Sorunu Beyanı 4 1.3 Çalışmanın Amacı 6 1.4 Araştırma Amaçı 7 1.5 Araştırma Soruları 7 1.6 Araştırma Hipotezi 8 1.7 Araştırma Tasarımı ve Metodolojisi 8 1.8 Çalışmanın Önemi 9 1.9 Tez Bölümlerinin Anahatları 9 2. LITERATÜR TARAMASI, POLİTİKA UYGULAMASI VE KAVRAMSAL ÇERÇEVE 11 2.1 Giriş 11 2.2 Politika Tanımları 12 2.3 POLİTİKA UYGULAMASI 14 2.3.1 Açıklayıcı Modeller 16 2.3.2 Açıklayıcı Modellerin Uygulanması 16 2.3.3 Reçeteli Modeller 17 2.3.3.1 Reçete Modellerinin Uygulanması 18 2.3.4 Rasyonel Yaklaşım 22 2.3.5 Politik yaklaşım 24 2.3.6 Uygulama teorisi: Sistem Modeli 25 2.3.7 AŞAĞIDAN YUKARIYA VE YUKARIDAN AŞAĞIYA YAKLAŞIMLAR 27 2.3.7.1 Yukarıdan Aşağıya Yaklaşım 28 2.3.7.2 Aşağıdan Yukarıya Yaklaşım 28 2.3.7.3 Aşağıdan Yukarıya ve Yukarıdan Aşağıya Yaklaşımların Sentezi 29 2.3.8 BAŞARILI VE BAŞARISIZ UYGULAMA NEDİR? 34 2.4 KAVRAMSAL ÇERÇEVE: HAYVANCILIK UYGULAMASININ POLİTİKASI 36 2.4.1 POLİTİKA UYGULAMASINDAN ETKİLEYEN FAKTÖRLER 36 2.5 HAYVANCILIK POLİTİKASININ UYGULAMASINI ETKİLEYEN FAKTÖRLER 42 2.5.1 Hayvancılık Verimlilik Sistemleri 42 2.5.1.1 Geniş Kapsamlı Islah Sistemi 42 2.5.1.2 Hayvan Sağlığı Sorunları 43 2.5.1.3 Veteriner Eczacılığı 43 2.5.2 Ekonomik Çevre 44 2.5.2.1 Hayvancılık Pazarlama Sistemleri 44 2.5.2.2 Hayvancılık Pazar Sistemleri 44 2.5.2.3 Olumlu Tedbir Eksikliği 45 2.5.3 Kamu Yönetimi ve Yönetişim 45 2.5.3.1 Politika Yönetimi 45 2.5.3.2 Kamu Yönetimi 47 2.5.4 İnsan Kaynakları Geliştirme Yönetimi 48 2.5.4.1 Eğitim ve yazışmalı 49 2.5.4.2 Araştırma Hizmetleri 49 2.5.5 Hayvancılık Gelişme Planlarının Uygulanması 50 2.5.6 Stratejik Planlama için Devlet Koordinasyonu 52 2.5.7 Uygulayıcıların Politikaya Yönelik Tutumları 54 2.5.8 Hayvancılık Planlama ve Bilgi Hizmetleri Livestock 56 2.5.8.1 Hayvancılık Teknolojisinin Sağlanması 57 2.6 KAVRAMSAL ÇERÇEVE 57 2.6.1 KAVRAMSAL ÇERÇEVE ELEMANLARI 58 2.6.1.1 Politika İçeriği 58 2.6.1.2 Uygulama İçeriği 59 2.6.1.3 Uygulayıcıların Politikaya Taahhüdü 60 2.6.1.4 Politika Uygulama Kapasitesi 61 2.6.1.5 Uygulama İçin Müşterilere ve Koalisyonlara Destek 62 2.6.2 Kavramsal Çerçeve 65 2.7 ÖZET VE SONUÇ 66 3. ÇAD'IN SOSYO EKONOMİK ORTAMINA GENEL BAKIŞ VE LIVESTOCK POLİTİKA SİSTEMİ 68 3.1 Giriş 68 3.2 Ülke Profili 68 3.2.1 Kolonizasyon ve Bağımsız 69 3.2.2 Yönetim Seviyesi 70 3.2.3 Devlet ve Ssiyasi Durum 71 3.2.4 Doğal Kısıtlamalar 71 3.3.1 Sosyo-demografik ve Ekonomik Özellikle 72 3.3.2 Sosyoekonomik Kısıtlamalara Genel Bakış 73 3.3.3 Siyasi Kısıtlamalar 77 3.3.4 Çad'da Hayvancılık Sektörü Arka Planı 79 3.5 PASTORAL KALKINMA BAKANLIĞI ORGANİZASYONU ÇAD VE HAYVAN ÜRETİMİ 81 3.5.1 Hayvancılıkta Kurumsal Politika Çerçevesi 82 3.5.2. Hayvancılık Kurumsal Bağlantıları ve Ortaklığı 83 3.5.3 Hayvancılık Kuruluş Kuruluşları 83 3.5.4 Özel Sektör Kuruluşları 84 3.5.5 Sivil Toplum Kuruluşları 85 3.6 ENDÜSTRİYELLEŞME VE ÜRÜNÜN SINIRLARI İŞLEME 85 3.6.1 Mezbahaneler ve Kesim Alanları 86 3.6.2 İşlenmiş Ürün Faaliyetleri 86 3.6.3 Süt İşleme Üniteleri 88 3.6.4 Dönüşüm Birimleri 88 3.6.5 İşlenmiş Ürün Çeşitleri 88 3.7 ÖZET VE SONUÇ 89 4. METODOLOJİ METHODOLOGY 90 4.1 Giriş 90 4.2 Çalışmanın amacı 90 4.3 ARAŞTIRMA TASARIMI VE ANALİTİK MODELİ 91 4.3.1 Araştırma Tasarımı ve Metodoloji 91 4.4 Nüfus 94 4.5 Örnek 94 4.6 Anket Aracı 95 4.7 Veri Toplama 96 4.7.1 Pilot Testi 96 4.7.2 Gerçek Anket/Veri Toplama 97 4.8 Analiz 97 4.9 ÖZET VE SONUÇ 98 5. ÇALIŞMA VERİLERİNİN TOPLANMASI ANALİZİ 99 5.1 Giriş 99 5.2 Numunenin Demografik Profili 99 5.3 Çalışma Faktörleri 100 5.3.1 Hayvancılık Verimlilik Sistemi Faktörleri 101 5.3.2 Ekonomik Çevre Faktörleri 102 5.3.3 Kamu Yönetimi ve Yönetişim 103 5.3.4 İnsan Kaynakları Geliştirme ve Politika Yönetimi 104 5.3.5 En Önemli Güçlü Noktalar ve Zayıf Noktalar 106 5.3.5.1 Hayvancılık Gelişme Planlarının Uygulanmasının Güçlü ve Zayıf Noktaları 106 5.3.5.2 Hayvancılık Stratejik Planlaması için Devlet Koordinasyonunda Güçlü Noktalar ve Zayıf Noktalar 107 5.3.5.3 Uygulayıcıların Hayvancılık Politikasına Karşı Tutumlarında Güçlü Noktalar ve Zayıf Noktalar 108 5.4 ÖZET VE SONUÇ 109 6. BULGULARIN TARTIŞMASI, ÇALIŞMA ÖZETİ, SONUÇ VE ÖNERİLER 110 6.1 Giriş 110 6.2 Bulguların Özeti 110 6.2.1 Hayvancılık Verimlilik Sistemi Faktörü 110 6.2.2 Ekonomik Çevre Faktörü 111 6.2.3 Kamu Yönetimi ve Yönetişim Faktörü 111 6.2.4 İnsan Kaynakları Geliştirme ve Politika Faktörü Yönetimi 111 6.2.5 En Önemli Güçlü Noktalar ve Zayıf Noktalar 112 6.3 Bulguların Tartışılması 114 6.3.1 Hayvancılık verimlilik sistemi faktörleri ile ilişkileri ve geliştirilmiş uygulama hizmetlerinin üç bileşeni 114 6.3.2 Ekonomik çevre faktörleri ile geliştirilmiş uygulama hizmetlerinin üç bileşeni arasındaki ilişki 115 6.3.3 Kamu yönetimi ve yönetişim ve gelişmiş uygulama hizmetlerinin üç bileşeni arasındaki ilişki 118 6.3.4 İnsan kaynakları geliştirme politikasının yönetimi ile iyileştirilmiş uygulama hizmetlerinin üç bileşeni arasındaki ilişki 120 6.3.5 Araştırma Sorusuna Cevap 122 6.4 Öğütleme 143 6.5 Sonuç 161 Kaynakça 162 Ekler 173 Anket 190 --- ABSTRACT: Livestock is an important economic component of Chad as a developing country. It shares in overall country's GDP after the oil sector. In spite of its importance, this sector is facing a number of constraints. In order to explore those constraints, this study was investigated the factors that impact the livestock policy. It is hypothesized that the improvement of the livestock sector in Chad is affected by the policy constraints, already being addressed by the Government. A specified research objective of this study is to analyse the weaknesses and the strengths of livestock policy implementation in Chad; as well as to examine livestock policy implementation. The method used in this research both qualitative and quantitative and is based on two sources of data, primary and secondary. The primary data on the implementation of livestock policy were collected by using a survey through the questionnaires addressed to the public officers working at the Ministry of livestock and stakeholders to identify the parameters influencing the implementation of livestock policy. The survey results were analysed by using both quantitative and qualitative methods of analyses. The study relied on the result of the quantitative descriptive analysis. The statistics give a summary and description of the demographic aspects and the study factors after analysis run with the Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) programme. The result of open-ended questions was discussed in qualitative analysis and additional questions were added to ask the respondents to select the most significant top three in each part of the three statement-questions each has five strong points and five weak points also were discussed in qualitative analysis. The results of the analyses were further substantiated by the responses from the qualitative part of the survey, by the results of related studies, and by livestock statistical data from the Department of the livestock of Chad to provide a general perspective on the research findings. Descriptive statistics such as mean and frequency distribution were also utilized. The main findings of this research showed that livestock development policy is influenced by four factors: livestock productivity systems; economic environment; public administration and Governance; and management of human resources development policy. The results of the study revealed that among the livestock production system factors in terms of their impact on livestock policy, there are extensive breeding systems; animal health issues; and veterinary pharmacy. In the economic environment, factors are lack of modernization of slaughterhouse; lack of modernization of livestock market systems; lack of livestock trade marketing systems; and lack of livestock budget prioritizing. In public administration and governance identified factors are lack of livestock policy prioritizing; inappropriate project management; lack of strategic management capacity; and lack of administration of the capacity building. And in management of human resources development and policy, the influencing factors are lack of application of the merit system principles; lack of evaluation of administrators; and lack of training and extension. The recommendations are presented around four factors, to improve project management strengthen the collaboration among the agencies involved in policy making and implementation; to address livestock policy as a complex problem which needs a comprehensive approach embracing economic perspective; to modernize vision of livestock policy as an evolving system. These recommendations concern the further implementation of livestock policy and refer to the strategy of the central government in livestock policy that could be pursued across the country. However, all of these recommendations are so important but some of them to be done in short, medium and long term. TABLE OF CONTENTS Page No. LIST OF TABLES X LIST OF FIGURES XI LIST OF ABBREVIATION XII 1. STUDY BACKGROUND 1 1.1 Introduction 1 1.2 Statement of Research Problem 4 1.3 Purpose of the Study 6 1.4 Research Objective 7 1.5 Research Questions 7 1.6 Research Hypothesis 8 1.7 Research Design and Methodology 8 1.8 Significance of the Study 9 1.9 Outline of Thesis Chapters 9 2. LITERATURE REVIEW, POLICY IMPLEMENTATION AND CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 11 2.1 Introduction 11 2.2 Policy Definitions 12 2.3 POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 14 2.3.1 Descriptive Models 16 2.3.2 Implication of Descriptive Models 16 2.3.3 Prescriptive Models 17 2.3.3.1 Implication of Prescriptive Models 18 2.3.4 Rational Approach 22 2.3.5 Political approach 24 2.3.6 Implementation theory: System Model 25 2.3.7 TOP-DOWN AND BOTTOM-UP APPROACHES 27 2.3.7.1 Top Down Approach 28 2.3.7.2 Bottom Up Approach 28 2.3.7.3 Synthesis of Bottom-up and Top-down Approaches 29 2.3.8 WHAT IS SUCCESSFUL AND FAILED IMPLEMENTATION? 34 2.4 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK: POLICY IMPLEMENTATION OF LIVESTOCK POLICY 36 2.4.1 FACTORS THAT AFFECT POLICY IMPLEMENTATION 36 2.5 FACTORS THAT AFFECT THE IMPLEMENTATION OF LIVESTOCK POLICY 42 2.5.1 Livestock Productivity Systems 42 2.5.1.1 Extensive Breedıng System 42 2.5.1.2 Animal Health Issues 43 2.5.1.3 Veterinary Pharmacy 43 2.5.2 Economic Environment 44 2.5.2.1 Livestock Marketing Systems 44 2.5.2.2 Livestock Market Systems 44 2.5.2.3 Lack of Positive Measures 45 2.5.3 Public Administration and Governance 45 2.5.3.1 Policy Administration 45 2.5.3.2 Public Governance 47 2.5.4 Management of Human Resources Development 48 2.5.4.1 Training and Extension 49 2.5.4.2 Research Services 49 2.5.5 Implementation of Livestock Development Plans 50 2.5.6 Government Coordination for Strategic Planning 52 2.5.7 Attitudes of Implementers Towards the Policy 54 2.5.8 Livestock Planning and Information Services 56 2.5.8.1 Provision of Livestock Technology 57 2.6 CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 57 2.6.1 ELEMENTS OF CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK 58 2.6.1.1 Policy Content 58 2.6.1.2 Context of Implementation 59 2.6.1.3 Commitment of Implementers to the Policy 60 2.6.1.4 Capacity to Implement Policy 61 2.6.1.5 Support of Clients and Coalitions for Implementation 62 2.6.2 Conceptual Framework 65 2.7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 66 3. OVERVIEW OF SOCIOECONOMIC ENVIRONMENT OF CHAD AND LIVESTOCK POLICY SYSTEM 68 3.1 Introduction 68 3.2 Country Profile 68 3.2.1 Colonization and Independent 69 3.2.2 Administration level 70 3.2.3 Government and political situation 71 3.2.4 Natural Constraints 71 3.3.1 Socio-demographic and Economic Characteristics 72 3.3.2 Overview of Socioeconomic Constraints 73 3.3.3 Political Constraints 77 3.3.4 Livestock Sector Background in Chad 79 3.5 ORGANISATION OF MINISTRY OF PASTORAL DEVELOPMENT AND ANIMAL PRODUCTION OF CHAD 81 3.5.1 Institutional Policy Framework of Livestock 82 3.5.2. Livestock Institutional Linkages and Partnership 83 3.5.3 Livestock Associative Institutions 83 3.5.4 Private Sector Institutions 84 3.5.5 Non-Governmental Organisations 85 3.6 CONSTRAINTS OF INDUSTRIALISATION AND PRODUCT PROCESSING 85 3.6.1 Slaughterhouses and Slaughter Areas 86 3.6.2 Processed Product Activities 86 3.6.3 Milk Processing Units 88 3.6.4 Transformation Units 88 3.6.5 Processed Product Varieties 88 3.7 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 89 4. METHODOLOGY 90 4.1 Introduction 90 4.2 Purpose of the study 90 4.3 RESEARCH DESIGN AND ANALYTICAL MODEL 91 4.3.1 Research Design and Methodology 91 4.4 Population 94 4.5 Sample 94 4.6 Survey Instrument 95 4.7 Data Collection 96 4.7.1 Pilot Test 96 4.7.2 Actual Survey/Data Collection 97 4.8 Analysis 97 4.9 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 98 5. ANALYSIS OF THE DATA COLLECTION OF THE STUDY 99 5.1 Introduction 99 5.2 The Demographic Profile of Sample 99 5.3 Study Factors 100 5.3.1 Livestock Productivity System Factors 101 5.3.2 Economic Environment Factors 102 5.3.3 Public Administration and Governance 103 5.3.4 Management of Human Resources Development and Policy 104 5.3.5 The Most Significant Strong Points and Weak Points 106 5.3.5.1 Strong and weak points of Implementation of Livestock Development Plans 106 5.3.5.2 Strong Points and Weak point in Government Coordination for Livestock Strategic Planning 107 5.3.5.3 Strong Points and Weak point in Attitudes of implementers toward the Livestock policy 108 5.4 SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION 109 6. DISCUSSION OF THE FINDINGS, SUMMARY OF THE STUDY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 110 6.1 Introduction 110 6.2 Summary of Findings 110 6.2.1 Livestock Productivity System Factor 110 6.2.2 Economic Environment Factor 111 6.2.3 Public Administration and Governance Factor 111 6.2.4 Management of Human Resources Development and Policy Factor 111 6.2.5 The Most Significant Strong Points and Weak Points 112 6.3 Discussion of Findings 114 6.3.1 Relationship between livestock productivity system factors and the three components of improved implementation services 114 6.3.2 Relationship between economic environment factors and the three components of improved implementation services 115 6.3.3 Relationship between public administration and governance and the three components of improved implementation services 118 6.3.4 Relationship between management of human resources development policy and the three components of improved implementation services 120 6.3.5 Answer to Research Question 122 6.4 Recommendation 143 6.5 Conclusion 161 Bibliography 162 Appendices 173 Questionnaires 190

Summary Introduction. Rapid and uncontrolled industrialisation and urbanisation in most developing countries are resulting in land, air and water pollution at rates that the natural environment cannot fully renew. These contemporary environmental issues have attracted local, national and international attention. The problem of urban garbage management is associated with rapid population growth in developing countries. These are pertinent environmental crises of sustainability and sanitation in Sub-Saharan Africa and other Third World countries. Despite efforts of the various tiers of government (the case of Nigeria with three tiers: Federal, State and Local governments) in managing solid waste in urban centres, it is still overflowing open dumpsites, litters streets and encroaches into water bodies. These affect the quality of urban living conditions and the natural environment. Sub-Saharan and other developing countries are experiencing an upsurge in the accumulation and the diversity of waste including E-waste, waste agricultural biomass and waste plastics. The need for effective, sustainable and efficient management of waste through the application of 3Rs principle (Reduce, Reuse, and Recycle) is an essential element for promoting sustainable patterns of consumption and production. This study examined waste management in Imo State, Nigeria as an aspect correlated to the sustainability of its environment. Materials and methods. To analyse waste management as a correlate of environmental sustainability in Sub-Saharan Africa, Imo State, in eastern Nigeria was chosen as a study area. Issues about waste handling and its impact on the environment in Imo have been reported since its creation in 1976; passing through the State with the cleanest State capital in 1980 to a 'dunghill' in 2013 and a 'garbage capital' on October 1, 2016. Within this State, three study sites were selected – Owerri metropolis (the State capital) Orlu and Okigwe towns. At these sites, households, commercial areas, accommodation and recreational establishments and schools, as well as dumpsites were investigated to ascertain the composition, quantity, distribution, handling patterns of waste in relation to the sustainability of the State's environment. This was done conveniently but randomly through questionnaires, interviews, focus group discussions and non-participant observation; these were all heralded by a detailed deskwork. Data were entered using Microsoft Office Excel and were explored and analysed using the Statistical Package for Social Sciences - SPSS. Data were made essentially of categorical variables and were analysed using descriptive statistics. The association between categorical variables was measured using Cramer's V the Chi-Square that makes the power and the reliability of the test. Cramer's V is a measure of association tests directly integrated with cross-tabulation. The Chi-Square test of equal proportions was used to compare proportions for significant differences at 0.05 levels. The statistical package - the Epi Info 6.04d was also used since a contingency table had to be created from several sub-outputs and determine the extent of association between the row and column categories. The scale variable 'quantity of waste generated' was described using measures of central tendency. It was screened for normality using the Kolmogorov-Smirnov and Shapiro-Wilk tests for normality; in all context, the normality assumption was violated (P<0.05). Five null hypotheses were tested using Logistic Regression model. The explanatory power of individual conceptual component was calculated using the Cox & Snell R2 and that of individual indicators was also appraised using the Likelihood Ratio test. In the context of this work, the significance of the variability explained by the model (baseline model) was appraised using the Omnibus Tests of Model Coefficients, the magnitude of this variability explained by the model using the Cox & Snell R2 and the effects of individual predictors using the Likelihood Ratio test. Qualitatively, data from open-ended items, observations and interviews were analysed using the process of thematic analysis whereby concepts or ideas were grouped under umbrella terms or keywords. The results were presented using tables, charts, graphs, photos and maps. Findings and discussions. The total findings and analyses indicated that proper waste handling in Imo State, Nigeria has a positive impact on the environment. This was assessed by the community's awareness of waste management via sources like the radio and the TV, their education on waste management and schools' integration of environmental education in their program. Although most community members perceived the State's environment as compared to it about 10 years' back has worsened, where they were conscious of proper waste handling measures, the environment was described to be better. This influence of environmental awareness and education on environmental sustainability appraised using Logistic Regression Model, portrayed a significant variability (Omnibus Tests of Model Coefficients: χ2=42.742; P=0.014), inferring that environmental awareness and education significantly predict environmental sustainability. The findings also revealed that organic waste generation spearheaded amongst other waste types like paper, plastic, E-waste, metal, textile and glass. While waste pickers always sorted paper, plastics, aluminium and metal, some of them also sorted out textile and glass. Statistically (P<0.05), in situations where waste was least generated (i.e., 1-2kg per day), community members maintained that the environmental quality was better in comparison to 10 years' back. Waste items like broken glass and textile as well as the remains of E-waste after the extraction of copper and brass were not sorted for and these contributed more to environmental degradation. Similarly, the influence of wealth on environmental sustainability was appraised using Logistic Regression Model including development index related indicators like education, occupation, income and the ability to pay for waste disposal. Harmonising the outcome, farmers, who were mostly the least educated claimed to notice more environmental improvement. In addition, those who did not agree to pay for waste disposal who were mostly those with low income (less than 200,000 Naira, i.e. about 620 Euros monthly) perceived environmental improvement more than those with income above 200,000 Naira. This irony can be attributed to the fact that those with low educational backing lack the capacity to appreciate environmental sustainability pointers well as compared to those with a broader educational background with critical thinking. The employment and poverty reduction opportunities pertaining to waste management on environmental sustainability was appraised using qualitative thematic analysis. All community members involved in sorting, buying and selling of waste items had no second job. They attested that the money earned from their activities sustained their livelihood and families. Some expressed love for the job, especially as they were their own masters. Waste picking and trading in waste items are offering employment opportunities to many communities around the world. For instance, in the waste recycling, waste composting, waste-to-energy plants and die Stadtreiniger in Würzburg city. The workers in these enterprises have jobs as a result of waste. Waste disposal influence on environmental sustainability was appraised using the Binary Logistic Regression Model and the variability explained by the model was significant. The validity was also supported by the Wald statistics (P<0.05), which indicates the effect of the predictors is significant. Environmental sustainability was greatly reliant on indicators like the frequency at which community members emptied their waste containers; how/where waste is disposed of, availability of disposal site or public bin near the house, etc. Imolites who asserted to have public waste bins or disposal sites near their houses maintained that the quality of the State's environment had worsened as such containers/disposal sites were always stinking as well as had animals and smoke around them. Imolites around disposal sites complained of traits like diarrhoea, catarrh, insect bites, malaria, smoke and polluted air. Conclusions. The liaison between poor waste management strategies and the sustainability of the Imo State environment was considered likely as statistically significant ineffectiveness, lack of awareness, poverty, insufficient and unrealistic waste management measures were found in this study area. In these situations, the environment was said to have not improved. Such inadequacies in the handling of generated waste did not only expose the citizenry to health dangers but also gave rise to streets and roads characterized by filth and many unattended disposal sites unleashing horrible odour to the environment and attracting wild animals. This situation is not only prevalent in Imo State, Nigeria but in many Sub-Saharan cities. Future Perspectives. To improve the environment in Sub-Saharan Africa, it is imperative to practice an inclusive and integrated sustainable waste management system. The waste quantity in this region is fast growing, especially food/organic waste. The region should aim at waste management laws and waste reduction strategies, which will help save and produce more food that it really needs. Waste management should be dissociated from epidemic outbreaks like cholera, typhoid, Lassa fever and malaria, whose vectors thrive in filthy environments. Water channels and water bodies should not be waste disposal channels or waste disposal sites. ; Zusammenfassung Einführung. Die rasante und unkontrollierte Industrialisierung und Verstädterung in den meisten Entwicklungsländern führt zu Boden-, Luft- und Wasserverschmutzung in einem Ausmaß, das die natürliche Umwelt nicht vollständig ausgleichen kann. Diese gegenwärtigen Umweltprobleme haben lokale, nationale und internationale Aufmerksamkeit erregt. Das Problem der städtischen Abfallbewirtschaftung ist mit einem rasanten Bevölkerungswachstum in Entwicklungsländern verbunden. Daraus resultieren relevante Umweltkrisen in Bezug auf Nachhaltigkeit und Hygiene in Subsahara-Afrika und in anderen Ländern der Dritten Welt. Trotz der Bemühungen der verschiedenen Regierungsebenen (im Fall von Nigeria mit drei Regierungsebenen: Bundes-, Landes- und Kommunalregierungen), feste Abfälle in städtischen Zentren zu entsorgen, dominieren immer noch offene Mülldeponien, Straßenabfälle und Einträge in Gewässer. Dies wirkt sich auf die Qualität der städtischen Lebensbedingungen und auf die natürliche Umwelt aus. In den Subsahara Ländern und in anderen Entwicklungsländern nehmen sowohl die Abfallmenge als auch die Arten von Abfällen zu, darunter Elektroschrott, landwirtschaftliche Biomasse und Kunststoffabfälle. Die Notwendigkeit für eine effektive, nachhaltige und effiziente Bewirtschaftung von Abfällen durch die Anwendung des 3R-Prinzips (Reduzieren, Wiederverwenden (Reuse), Recyceln) ist ein wesentliches Element, um nachhaltigen Konsum und nachhaltige Produktions zu fördern. Diese Studie untersucht die Abfallbewirtschaftung im nigerianischen Bundesstaat Imo als einen Aspekt, der mit der Nachhaltigkeit seiner Umwelt zusammenhängt. Materialen und Methoden. Um die Abfallbewirtschaftung als Aspekt der Nachhaltigkeit und des Umweltmanagements in Subsahara-Afrika zu analysieren, wurde der Bundesstaat Imo im Osten Nigerias als Untersuchungsgebiet ausgewählt. Aus diesem Bundesstaat wurden seit seiner Gründung im Jahr 1976 Probleme in Bezug auf die Abfallbehandlung und deren Auswirkungen auf die Umwelt gemeldet. Imo State zeigt mit Owerri die sauberste Landeshauptstadt Nigerias im Jahr 1980 die Entwicklung zu einem "dunghill" (Misthaufen) im Jahr 2013 und zu einer "Müllhauptstadt" am 1. Oktober 2016 auf. Innerhalb dieses Staates wurden drei Untersuchungsgebiete ausgewählt: Owerri-Metropole (die Landeshauptstadt) und die Städte Orlu und Okigwe. An diesen Standorten wurden Haushalte, Gewerbegebiete, Unterbringungs- und Freizeiteinrichtungen sowie Schulen befragt und Untersuchungen an Mülldeponien vorgenommen. Damit wurde exemplarisch die Zusammensetzung, Menge, Verteilung und die Behandlung der Abfälle in Bezug auf das Nachhaltigkeitsmanagement in der städtischen und staatlichen Umwelt ermittelt. Dies geschah durch "convenient random sampling"… mit Fragebögen, Interviews, Fokusgruppendiskussionen und "non-participant observation". Alle Zielgruppen wurden vorab kontaktiert. Die im Zuge der Untersuchung erhobenen Daten wurden in Microsoft Office Excel eingegeben und mit dem Statistical Package for Social Sciences - SPSS - untersucht und analysiert. Die Daten bestanden im Wesentlichen aus kategorialen Variablen und wurden unter Verwendung deskriptiver Statistiken analysiert. Die Assoziation zwischen kategorialen Variablen wurde mit Cramers V, dem Chi-Quadrat, gemessen, das die Leistungsfähigkeit und Zuverlässigkeit des Tests ausmacht. Cramers V ist ein Maß für Assoziationstests, die direkt in die Kreuztabelle integriert sind. Der Chi-Quadrat-Test mit gleichen Anteilen wurde verwendet, um die Anteile auf signifikante Unterschiede bei 0,05 Niveaus zu vergleichen. Das Statistikpaket - Epi Info 6.04d - wurde zur Erstellung einer Kontingenztabelle aus mehreren Unterausgaben und zur Bestimmung der Zuordnung zwischen den Zeilen- und Spaltenkategorien verwendet. Die Skalenvariable "Menge des anfallenden Abfalls" wurde anhand von Maßnahmen zentraler Tendenz beschrieben. Es wurde unter Verwendung der Kolmogorov-Smirnov- und Shapiro-Wilk-Tests auf Normalität untersucht; in allen Zusammenhängen wurde die Normalitätsannahme verletzt (P <0,05). Fünf Nullhypothesen wurden unter Verwendung des logistischen Regressionsmodells getestet. Die Aussagekraft der einzelnen konzeptionellen Komponenten wurde mit dem Cox & Snell R-Square berechnet, und die der einzelnen Indikatoren wurde auch mit dem Likelihood Ratio-Test bewertet. Im Rahmen dieser Arbeit wurde die Bedeutung der vom Modell erklärten Variabilität (Baseline model) anhand der Omnibus-Tests der Modellkoeffizienten, die Größe dieser Variabilität anhand des Modells mit Cox & Snell R2 und die Auswirkungen des Individuums unter Verwendung von Prädiktoren, die den Likelihood Ratio-Test bewertet. Qualitativ wurden Daten aus offenen Items, Beobachtungen und Interviews unter Verwendung des Prozesses der thematischen Analyse analysiert, wobei Konzepte oder Ideen unter Oberbegriffen oder Schlüsselwörtern gruppiert wurden. Die Ergebnisse wurden anhand von Tabellen, Diagrammen, Grafiken, Fotos und Karten dargestellt. Erkenntnisse und Diskussionen. Die Gesamtheit der Untersuchungen hat ergeben, dass sich eine ordnungsgemäße Abfallbehandlung im nigerianischen Bundesstaat Imo positiv auf die Umwelt auswirkt. Dies wurde anhand des Bewusstseins der Gemeinschaft für die Abfallbewirtschaftung über Quellen wie Radio und Fernsehen, ihrer Aufklärung über die Abfallbewirtschaftung und der Einbeziehung der Umwelterziehung der Schulen in ihr Unterrichtsprogramm bewertet. Obwohl die meisten Befragten die Umweltsituation im Staat im Vergleich zu vor etwa 10 Jahren als verschlechtert empfanden und sich der Notwendigkeit einer ordnungsgemäßen Abfallentsorgung bewusst waren, wurde die aktuelle Umweltsituation als besser beschrieben. Dieser Einfluss des Umweltbewusstseins und der Umweltbildung auf die Umweltverträglichkeit, die mithilfe des logistischen Regressionsmodells bewertet wurden, zeigen eine signifikante Variabilität (Omnibus-Tests der Modellkoeffizienten: χ2 = 42,742; P = 0,014). Dies lässt darauf schließen, dass das Umweltbewusstsein und die Umweltbildung die Umweltverträglichkeit signifikant vorhersagen lassen. Die Ergebnisse zeigten auch, dass organische Abfälle häufiger als andere Abfallarten wie Papier, Kunststoff, Elektroschrott, Metall, Textil und Glas anfallen. Während die Müllsammler immer Papier, Plastik, Aluminium und Metall sortierten, sortierten einige von ihnen auch Textil und Glas. Statistisch gesehen (P <0,05) stellten die Befragten in dem Umfeld, in dem am wenigsten Abfall erzeugt wurde (d. h. 1 bis 2 kg pro Tag), fest, dass die Umweltqualität im Vergleich zu vor 10 Jahren besser war. Abfälle wie zerbrochenes Glas und Textile sowie die Reste von E-Abfällen nach der Gewinnung von Kupfer und Messing nicht sortiert wurden und diese mehr zur Umweltzerstörung beitrugen. In ähnlicher Weise wurde der Einfluss des Wohlstands auf die Umweltnachhaltigkeit mithilfe eines logistischen Regressionsmodells bewertet, das entwicklungsindexbezogene Indikatoren wie Bildung, Beruf, Einkommen und die Zahlungsfähigkeit für die Art der Abfallentsorgung umfasste. Bei der Harmonisierung des Ergebnisses gaben die Landwirte, die größtenteils am wenigsten ausgebildet waren, an, mehr Umweltverbesserungen zu bemerken. Darüber hinaus sahen diejenigen, die sich nicht bereit erklärten, für die Abfallentsorgung aufzukommen, bei denen es sich hauptsächlich um Personen mit niedrigem Einkommen handelte (weniger als 200.000 Naira, das heißt, 620 € monatlich), eine stärkere Verbesserung der Umweltbedingungen als diejenigen mit einem Einkommen von mehr als 200.000 Naira. Diese scheinbar widersprüchliche Wahrnehmung kann auf die Tatsache zurückgeführt werden, dass Menschen mit geringem Bildungshintergrund nicht in der Lage sind, ökologische Nachhaltigkeitsaspekte richtig einzuschätzen, verglichen mit Menschen mit einem breiteren Bildungshintergrund und eher kritischem Denken. Die Beschäftigungs- und Verdienstmöglichkeiten im Zusammenhang mit der Abfallbewirtschaftung im Hinblick auf die Umweltnachhaltigkeit wurden anhand einer qualitativen thematischen Analyse bewertet. Alle Befragten, die mit dem Sortieren, Kaufen und Verkaufen von Abfällen befasst waren, hatten keine zweite Beschäftigung. Sie bescheinigten, dass das Geld, das sie mit ihren Aktivitäten verdient hatten, ihren Lebensunterhalt und den ihrer Familien sicherte. Einige gaben an, ihre Arbeit sehr gerne zu machen, besonders, wenn sie selbständig arbeitend waren. Die Müllsammlung und der Handel mit Abfällen bieten vielen Gruppen auf der ganzen Welt Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten. Dies reicht vom Abfallrecycling, der Abfallkompostierung und der Beschäftigung bei der Müllverbrennung in Entwicklungsländern bis zur Tätigkeit bei den "Stadtreinigern" in der Stadt Würzburg. Die Mitarbeiter und Mitarbeiterinnen in diesen Unternehmen haben durch Abfall-(Behandlung) Arbeitsplätze. Der Einfluss der Abfallentsorgung auf die Umweltnachhaltigkeit wurde mithilfe des binären logistischen Regressionsmodells bewertet, und die durch das Modell erklärte Variabilität war signifikant. Die Validität wurde auch von der Wald-Statistik (P <0,05) gestützt, die anzeigt, dass die Wirkung der Prädiktoren signifikant ist. Die Umweltnachhaltigkeit ist stark abhängig von Indikatoren wie der Häufigkeit, in der die Befragten ihre Abfallbehälter entleerten; wie / wo Abfälle entsorgt werden, der Verfügbarkeit von Abfalldeponien oder öffentlichen Abfalleimern in der Nähe des Hauses usw. Nach Ansicht von Imolites, die behaupteten, öffentlichen Abfallsammelstellen/-behältern in der Nähe ihrer Häuser zu haben, hat sich die Qualität der staatlichen Umwelt verschlechtert, da sich die Qualität dieser Abfallsammelstellen/-behälter verschlechtert habe. Die Standorte sorgen für ständige Geruchsbelästigung, Rauch und ziehen Tiere/Ungeziefer an. Imolites in der Nähe von Deponien klagten über Beschwerden wie Durchfall, Katarrh, Insektenstiche, Malaria sowie Atembeschwerden durch Rauch und Gestank. Schlussfolgerungen. Der Zusammenhang zwischen schlechten Abfallbewirtschaftungsstrategien und mangelnder Nachhaltigkeit im Umweltmanagement im nigerianischen Bundestaat Imo wurde als wahrscheinlich angesehen, da in diesem Untersuchungsgebiet statistisch signifikante Ineffektivität in der Abfallbehandlung, mangelndes Bewusstsein, Armut sowie unzureichende und unrealistische Abfallbewirtschaftungsmaßnahmen festgestellt wurden. In diesen Situationen habe sich die Umwelt lt. Umfrageergebnis in den letzten ca. 10 Jahren nicht verbessert. Solche Unzulänglichkeiten im Umgang mit anfallenden Abfällen gefährden nicht nur die Gesundheit der Bürger und Bürgerinnen, sondern führen auch zu Straßen und Wegen, die von Schmutz und vielen unbeaufsichtigten Deponien gekennzeichnet sind. Diese verursachen eine starke Geruchsbelästigung und ziehen wilde Tiere und Ungeziefer an. Diese Situation ist nicht nur im nigerianischen Bundesstaat Imo, sondern auch in vielen Städten in Subsahara-Afrika verbreitet. Zukunftsperspektiven. Um die Umwelt in Subsahara-Afrika zu verbessern, ist ein integratives und integriertes nachhaltiges Abfallmanagementsystem unabdingbar. Die Abfallmenge in dieser Region wächst rasant, insbesondere Lebensmittel- und Bioabfälle. Die Region sollte auf Gesetze zur Abfallbewirtschaftung und Strategien zur Abfallreduzierung abzielen, um nur die tatsächlich benötigten Lebensmittel bereit zu stellen. Die Abfallbewirtschaftung sollte außerdem auf die Vermeidung von epidemischen Ausbrüchen von Cholera, Typhus, Lassafieber und Malaria abzielen, deren Überträger in schmutzigen Umgebungen gedeihen. Wasserkanäle und Gewässer sollten keine Abfallentsorgungskanäle sein. ; Résumé Introduction. L'industrialisation et l'urbanisation rapides et incontrôlées dans la plupart des pays en voie de développement entraînent une pollution des sols, de l'air et de l'eau à un rythme que l'environnement naturel ne peut pas entièrement renouveler. Ces questions environnementales contemporaines ont attiré l'attention locale, nationale et internationale. Le problème de la gestion des déchets urbains est associé à une croissance démographique rapide dans les pays en voie de développement. Il s'agit des crises environnementales pertinentes de la durabilité et de l'assainissement en Afrique subsaharienne et dans d'autres pays du tiers monde. Malgré les efforts des différents paliers de gouvernement (le cas du Nigeria avec trois niveaux : gouvernement fédéral, État et collectivités locales) dans la gestion des déchets solides dans les centres urbains, il déborde toujours de décharges ouvertes, de petites rues et empiète sur les plans d'eau. Celles-ci affectent la qualité de la vie urbaine et l'environnement naturel. L'Afrique subsaharien et les autres pays en voie de développement connaissent une recrudescence de l'accumulation et de la diversité des déchets, notamment les déchets électroniques, les déchets de biomasse agricole et les déchets plastiques. La nécessité d'une gestion durable et efficace des déchets grâce à l'application du principe des 3R (réduire, réutiliser et recycler) est un élément essentiel pour la promotion des modes de consommation et de production durables. Cette étude a examiné la gestion des déchets dans l'État d'Imo, au Nigéria, en tant qu'aspect corrélé à la durabilité de son environnement. Matériaux et méthodes. Pour analyser la gestion des déchets en tant que corrélat de la durabilité environnementale, en Afrique subsaharienne, l'État d'Imo, dans l'est du Nigéria, a été choisie comme zone d'étude. Depuis sa création en 1976, des problèmes liés à la gestion des déchets et à leur impact sur l'environnement ont été signalés. Passant par l'État avec la capitale la plus propre en 1980 jusqu'à une « colline de fumier » en 2013 et une « capitale des déchets » le 1er Octobre 2016. Dans cet État, trois sites d'étude ont été sélectionnés - la métropole d'Owerri (la capitale de l'État), Orlu et Okigwe villes. Sur ces sites, les ménages, les zones commerciales, les établissements d'hébergement et de loisirs, les écoles ainsi que les dépotoirs ont été examinés afin de déterminer la composition, la quantité, la distribution, les types de traitement des déchets en relation avec la durabilité de l'environnement de l'État. Cela s'est fait de manière pratique mais aléatoire au moyen de questionnaires, d'entretiens, de discussions de groupe et d'observation non-participants ; ceux-ci ont tous été annoncés par un travail de bureau détaillé. Les données ont été entrées à l'aide de Microsoft Office Excel et ont été explorées et analysées à l'aide du progiciel statistique pour les sciences sociales – SPSS. Les données ont été constituées essentiellement de variables catégorielles et ont été analysées à l'aide de statistiques descriptives. L'association entre les variables catégorielles a été mesurée à l'aide de Cramer's V, le Chi-carré qui assure la puissance et la fiabilité du test. Cramer's V est une mesure de tests d'association directement intégrée à la tabulation croisée. Le test du Chi carré de proportions égales a été utilisé pour comparer les proportions des différences significatives à 0,05. Le paquet statistique - Epi Info 6.04d a également été utilisé, car il fallait créer un tableau de contingence à partir de plusieurs sous-sorties et déterminer l'étendue de l'association entre les catégories de rangées et de colonnes. La variable d'échelle « quantité de déchets générée » a été décrite à l'aide de mesures de tendance centrale. Il a été testé pour la normalité à l'aide des tests de Kolmogorov-Smirnov et Shapiro-Wilk ; dans tous les contextes, l'hypothèse de normalité a été violée (P<0,05). Cinq hypothèses nulles ont été testées à l'aide du modèle de régression logistique. Le pouvoir explicatif de la composante conceptuelle individuelle a été calculé à l'aide du Cox & Snell R2 et celui des indicateurs individuels a également été évalué à l'aide du test du ratio de vraisemblance (Likelihood Ratio test). Dans le cadre de ce travail, l'importance de la variabilité expliquée par le modèle (modèle de base) a été évaluée à l'aide des tests Omnibus des coefficients du modèle, l'ampleur de cette variabilité expliquée par le modèle utilisant le Cox & Snell R2 et les effets de prédicteurs utilisant le test du ratio de vraisemblance. Sur le plan qualitatif, les données d'éléments ouverts, des observations et les entretiens ont été analysées à l'aide du processus d'analyse thématique consistant à regrouper les concepts ou les idées sous des termes génériques ou des mots clés. Les résultats ont été présentés sous forme de tableaux, graphiques, photos et cartes. Constatations et discussions. L'ensemble des résultats et des analyses indique qu'une gestion appropriée des déchets dans l'État d'Imo, au Nigéria, a un impact positif sur l'environnement. Cela a été évalué par la sensibilisation de la communauté à la gestion des déchets via des sources telles que la radio et la télévision, son éducation sur la gestion des déchets et l'intégration de l'éducation à l'environnement dans son programme. Bien que la plupart des membres de la communauté aient perçu la détérioration de l'environnement de l'État par rapport à celui-ci environ 10 ans en arrière, alors qu'ils étaient conscients de la nécessité de prendre des mesures adéquates pour la gestion des déchets, l'environnement a été décrit comme étant meilleur. Cette influence de la sensibilisation et de l'éducation environnementales sur la durabilité environnementale, évaluée à l'aide du modèle de régression logistique, traduit une variabilité significative (tests Omnibus des coefficients de modèle : χ2 = 42,742; P = 0,014), ce qui en déduit que la sensibilisation et l'éducation environnementales prédisent de manière significative la durabilité environnementale. Les résultats ont également révélé que la génération de déchets organiques était le fer de lance des autres types de déchets tels que le papier, le plastique, les déchets électroniques, le métal, le textile et le verre. Alors que les ramasseurs de déchets triaient toujours le papier, les plastiques, l'aluminium et le métal, certains d'entre eux triaient également le textile et le verre. Statistiquement (P <0,05), dans les situations où la production de déchets était la plus faible (1 à 2 kg par jour), les membres de la communauté ont affirmé que la qualité de l'environnement était meilleure par rapport à 10 ans en arrière. Les déchets tels que le verre brisé et le textile ainsi que le reste de déchets électroniques après l'extraction du cuivre et du laiton n'étaient pas triés et ceux-ci contribuaient davantage à la dégradation de l'environnement. De même, l'influence de la richesse sur la durabilité de l'environnement a été évaluée à l'aide du modèle de régression logistique, notamment des indicateurs liés à l'indice de développement, tels que l'éducation, la profession, le revenu et la capacité de payer pour l'élimination des déchets. En harmonisant les résultats, les agriculteurs, qui étaient pour la plupart les moins scolarisés, ont affirmé qu'ils remarquaient une amélioration de l'environnement. De plus, ceux qui n'acceptaient pas de payer pour l'élimination des déchets et qui étaient pour la plupart ceux ayant un faible revenu (moins de 200 000 nairas, soit 620 € par mois) percevaient une amélioration de l'environnement davantage que ceux ayant un revenu supérieur à 200 000 naira. Cette contradiction peut être attribuée au fait que ceux qui ont un faible niveau d'éducation n'ont pas la capacité d'apprécier les indicateurs de durabilité environnementale ainsi que ceux qui ont une formation plus approfondie avec une pensée critique. Les opportunités d'emploi et de réduction de la pauvreté liées à la gestion des déchets sur la durabilité environnementale ont été évaluées à l'aide d'une analyse thématique qualitative. Tous les membres de la communauté impliqués dans le tri, l'achat et la vente de déchets n'avaient pas de second emploi. Ils ont attesté que les revenus de leurs activités ont permis de maintenir leurs moyens de subsistance et leurs familles. Certains ont exprimé leur amour pour le travail, d'autant plus qu'ils étaient leurs propres maîtres. La collecte et le commerce des déchets offrent des possibilités d'emploi à de nombreuses communautés du monde entier. Par exemple, dans le recyclage des déchets, le compostage des déchets, usines d'incinération des déchets (les installations de valorisation énergétique des déchets) et 'die Stadtreiniger' dans la ville de Würzburg. Les travailleurs de ces entreprises ont des emplois grâce aux déchets. L'influence de l'élimination des déchets sur la durabilité de l'environnement a été évaluée à l'aide du modèle de régression logistique binaire et la variabilité expliquée par le modèle était significative. La validité était également étayée par les statistiques de Wald (P <0,05), qui indiquent que l'effet des prédicteurs est significatif. La durabilité environnementale dépendait en grande partie d'indicateurs tels que la fréquence à laquelle les membres de la communauté vidaient leurs poubelles ; comment / où les déchets sont éliminés, disponibilité de dépotoirs ou de poubelles publiques à proximité de la maison, etc. Les habitants qui prétendaient avoir des poubelles publiques ou des dépotoirs à proximité de leurs maisons ont dit de leur qualité de l'environnement que celle-ci se détériorait, car ces sites étaient nauséabonds, avaient des animaux et de la fumée autour d'eux. Ces habitants se sont également plaints de diarrhée, (de) catarrhe, (de) piqûres d'insectes et (de) morsures d'animaux, de paludisme et d´air puant. Conclusions. La liaison entre les stratégies de gestion des déchets médiocres et la durabilité de l'environnement de l'État d'Imo a été jugée probable : inefficacité statistiquement significative, manque de sensibilisation, pauvreté, mesures de gestion des déchets insuffisantes et irréalistes ont été trouvées dans cette zone d'étude. Dans ces situations, l'environnement ne s'est pas amélioré. Ces insuffisances dans la gestion des déchets générés exposaient non seulement les citoyens à des risques pour la santé, mais donnaient également lieu à des rues et à des routes caractérisées par la saleté et à de nombreux dépotoirs sans surveillance, dégageant une odeur désastreuse pour l'environnement et attirant des animaux sauvages. Cette situation prévaut non seulement dans l'État d'Imo, au Nigéria, mais dans de nombreuses villes d'Afrique subsaharienne. Perspectives d'avenir. Pour améliorer l'environnement en Afrique subsaharienne, il est impératif de mettre en œuvre un système de gestion des déchets durable et inclusif. La quantité de déchets dans cette région augmente rapidement, en particulier les déchets alimentaires / organiques. La région devrait viser des lois sur la gestion des déchets et des stratégies de réduction des déchets, qui contribueront à économiser et à produire plus d´ aliments dont elle a réellement besoin. La gestion des déchets doit être dissociée d'épidémies telles que le choléra, la typhoïde, la fièvre de Lassa et le paludisme, dont les vecteurs se développent bien dans des environnements immondes. Les canaux et les plans d'eau ne doivent pas être des canaux d'évacuation de déchets ou des sites de décharge d´ ordures.

IntroducciónLas sucesivas crisis fiscales que han acontecido en la problemática historia económica argentina han sido causadas principalmente por dos situaciones: la existencia de una desmesurada confianza que generaba burbujas (como la "crisis de progreso" de 1890) o una irresuelta puja distributiva que generaba déficit fiscales insostenibles (por ejemplo, 1975, 1989, 2001).Este trabajo hace hincapié en la segunda situación e intenta argumentar el inicio de las pujas distributivas irresueltas en el juego de suma cero que prosiguió a la incipiente articulación del proceso de industrialización argentino en la década del 20'.En primer lugar, debemos argumentar el comienzo del proceso de industrialización en los 20', detallando las visiones contrapuestas. En segundo lugar, debemos discutir por qué este proceso habría supuesto un juego de suma cero. En tercer lugar, intentaremos demostrar por qué, asumiendo la existencia de un juego de suma cero, eso necesariamente devendría causa de la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos argentinos y, eventualmente, de las sucesivas crisis fiscales.Por ende, primero debemos introducir brevemente el debate sobre las condiciones del proceso de industrialización en Argentina.La década del 20 y el proceso de industrialización¿Hay una relación analítica entre el juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el sector industrial y la sistemática presencia de crisis fiscales en la economía argentina? ¿Cuándo comienza el juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el sector industrial y cuál es la relación entre ese juego y las sucesivas crisis fiscales argentinas? Este trabajo intenta marcar la existencia de una relación analítica entre la oposición campo-industria y la acentuada volatilidad de los ciclos económicos argentinos.Si bien la literatura especializada había mencionado la década del 30' como el momento histórico donde se consolida la incipiente industria, contemporáneamente los historiadores han situado ese proceso mucho antes: según Fernando Rocchi, en la década final del siglo XIX pueden verse intentos de protección a industrias nacientes en el interior del país, como la vitivinícola en Mendoza y la caña de azúcar en Tucumán (1). Los grupos de interés se articulaban eficientemente para lograr cuotas y tarifas que impidieran el acceso al mercado doméstico de bienes producidos en el extranjero.Un trabajo muy influyente sobre el rol jugado por un proceso de industrialización tardío es "Las Etapas del Desarrollo Económico Argentino", donde Guido Di Tella y Manuel Zymelman desarrollan la teoría de la "gran demora". ¿En que consiste? En la supuesta incapacidad de los policy makers en ver que se agotaba un (largo) modelo y ciclo económico, siendo necesario empezar a pensar una nueva manera de insertarse en una economía mundial que iniciaba un proceso de cambio. Para los autores, se había alcanzado la frontera de producción agrícola y se necesitaba pensar un nuevo país basado en el desarrollo de una política industrial específica. Sin embargo, esta posición tiene demasiados problemas. Por un lado, supone un análisis ex post de los acontecimientos. Es decir, Di Tella y Zymelman exponen la supuesta incapacidad de los dirigentes para realizar un cambio de política desde la perspectiva que les daba conocer el futuro. A su vez, la teoría de la "gran demora" no se cuestiona por qué no se podía profundizar la frontera de producción agrícola, asumiendo que efectivamente se hubiera alcanzado. ¿Qué había hecho que los 20' reflejaran un límite para la expansión agrícola? ¿Por qué la economía argentina no habría podido lograr nuevas ganancias de productividad en el sector? (2).En cambio, Javier Villanueva critica la visión tradicional sobre el inicio de la industrialización en los 30´, producto de las dificultades que supuestamente habría generado la Gran Depresión. Según Villanueva, esa es una versión "olímpica", es decir, alejada del análisis detenido de los acontecimientos locales. El autor sostiene que la industria argentina había comenzado a despegar en los años 20´ como consecuencia de una incipiente política proteccionista. Villanueva considera acertada la implementación de este conjunto de políticas. Según Villanueva, "…puede observarse que la tasa de crecimiento de la actividad industrial es por lo menos igual o aun mayor para el periodo comprendido entre 1911-1929, que para el periodo 1929-1939…si lo que se somete a la observación es, no ya la tasa de crecimiento del sector mismo, sino de la participación porcentual en la producción total del país, las conclusiones son parecidas a las señaladas anteriormente…"(3).A su vez, sostiene que:Los datos del censo de 1946 sugieren la idea de que, en lo que se refiere a la creación de establecimientos industriales, con independencia de su tamaño, los años 20´ no resultaron menos fructíferos que los del 30´. En 1946 continuaban produciendo 9943 empresas de la cepa de 1926-1930 contra 9962 del periodo 1931-1935…La tasa de crecimiento más elevada de la inversión en el sector industrial corresponde a los años 1923-1929. Un examen de la inversión en equipos y maquinarias industrial contribuye a reafirmar lo expuesto en los párrafos anteriores: entre los años 1924 y 1930 se produce la más amplia inversión en el sector industrial hasta la segunda guerra mundial. (4)Podemos ver el siguiente cuadro elaborado por el autor:Producto Bruto Nacional: Sectores agrícola y manufactureroParticipación y aumento en la participación (1900 – 1950) Fuente: Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Op. cit., [en línea] disponible enwww.educ.ar 7.Por su parte, Pablo Gerchunoff y Horacio Aguirre ven en la política económica de los 20' un antecedente del peronismo pero con apertura, es decir, salarios reales altos, un desarrollo industrial incipiente y un sector agro-ganadero con menor peso relativo. Para los autores The 1920s are thus placed as a "missing link" in Argentine economic history: it is a period that does not seem to carry with it distinct features of its own, but rather tends to be depicted as either the proto-history of economic stagnation or the epilogue of open-economy development…The fact that import prices retained during the 1920s part of their gains of the previous decade, gave way to conditions that favoured a 'spontaneous' kind of protection; in contrast, high export prices in the 1940s presented peronism with an opportunity to seize resources and allocate them to the industrial sector. Whereas the radical administrations would not break ties with the past in terms of identifying exports as the growth engine, and would thus take an attitude of 'benign neglect' towards industry, the peronist creed had industrial development as one of its pillars -and so would finance subsidies to industries with the trade surplus. It was 'market driven' industrialisation that took place in the 1920s, as opposed to active pro-industrial policies in the 1940s." (5)A partir de estas distintas posiciones que reflejan los historiadores económicos, podemos ver que la década del 20' no es el comienzo del proceso de industrialización argentino pero sí deviene como el periodo donde, sin saberlo los actores, se estaba alcanzando un punto en que la continuación exitosa del histórico modelo agro exportador necesitaría de inversiones importantes para mantener su eficiencia económica. En este sentido, la articulación de un sector industrial con capacidad para capturar rentas devenía no sólo un problema para el sector agropecuario sino para la economía en su conjunto.El comienzo de un proceso de industrialización no necesariamente tiene que generar juegos de suma cero con otros actores. ¿Por qué ello habría ocurrido en Argentina y cuales han sido sus características peculiares?Oposición campo - industria y juegos de suma ceroA partir de los aportes de los historiadores económicos, podemos reformular el problema: la década del 20' no significa el comienzo del proceso de industrialización argentino, sin embargo, puede significar el comienzo del juego de suma cero entre el sector agropecuario y el incipiente sector industrial. ¿Cuándo se dan los juegos de suma cero? Cuando hay dos o mas actores con la suficiente capacidad para generar y mantener un marco institucional donde uno captura sistemáticamente la mayor eficiencia de otro. Es importante notar que lo analíticamente relevante no es la existencia de un juego de suma cero sino la permanencia del mismo en el tiempo. Es decir, un problema atrae a analistas e historiadores no cuando sucede en un momento T1 sino cuando sigue sucediendo, sin solución de continuidad, en T2, T3, Tn. Así, lo que debemos responder es por qué se mantiene en el tiempo un marco donde un sector A es lo suficientemente productivo para ser sistemáticamente capturado y un sector B es lo suficientemente eficiente para capturar sistemáticamente a A.¿Por qué el juego de suma cero habría comenzado en los 20' y por que no había existido tal juego anteriormente? Como mencionamos, para la existencia de un juego de suma cero se necesitan al menos dos actores: uno que produzca los bienes que otro captura. Podemos pensar que antes de la década del 20' no estaban en la economía argentina suficientemente configurados los actores relevantes para la existencia de un juego de estas características. Es decir, el sector agropecuario expandía su producción y el mundo demandaba sus productos, mientras que por otro lado el sector industrial no era lo suficientemente articulado y poderoso como para capturar parte de las rentas agropecuarias. La década del 20 da comienzo a una particular economía política de la Argentina por la concatenación de estas características: 1) un sector agropecuario (relativamente) menos productivo que en el pasado, 2) un sector industrial en proceso de articulación y 3) una crisis en ciernes. ¿Cuál es la novedad analítica que nos provee la economía política de finales de los 20'? La existencia de un sector industrial con la capacidad de capturar la renta de un sector lo suficientemente productivo para ser capturado justo en el momento histórico donde acontecía una caída en la demanda de lo que producía dicho sector capturado y la economía mundial se adentraba en una Gran Depresión. ¿Es azarosa la aparición conjunta en el tiempo de un sector industrial con la capacidad de capturar y una economía que se avecinaba a la situación de un juego de suma cero? No necesariamente. Es posible que la mayor capacidad de captura se haya debido a la debilidad relativa que crecientemente mostraba el eficiente sector agropecuario argentino.El juego de suma cero que se avecinaba puede ser percibido en la siguiente definición de Gerchunoff y Llach:Mencionamos dos asimetrías. Una podría llamarse la asimetría sectorial; otra, la asimetría regional. La asimetría sectorial alude a la vasta brecha de productividad entre actividades primarias y secundarias. Como consecuencia de la escasa población y de la abundancia de tierra fértil (combinadas, al menos en un principio, con una mínima existencia de capital acumulado), la Argentina estuvo siempre muy bien preparada para producir alimentos. Esa ventaja absoluta para la elaboración de bienes primarios, resultado de la demografía y de la naturaleza, fue al mismo tiempo la fuente de la gran desventaja comparativa que siempre tuvo la Argentina para la producción industrial, que requería precisamente los factores menos abundantes, el trabajo y el capital. La relación entre abundancia de factores productivos y perfil productivo era visible para los observadores más agudos de la joven Argentina. Carlos Pellegrini presentaba en el Congreso de 1899 una versión rudimentaria del teorema Heckscher-Ohlin: "En la República Argentina es muy caro el capital y es muy cara la mano de obra, por ejemplo, mientras que hay otras naciones en que una y otra cosa son más baratas. En la República Argentina hay facilidades de otro orden, que no se encuentran en otros países. Una industria cualquiera que requiriera mucha mano de obra, sería una industria muy difícil de arraigar en la República Argentina, porque desde el principio tendría que luchar contra esta condición especial nuestra, que es la falta de mano de obra." (6) Podemos introducir la cuestión de la oposición campo-industria desde la perspectiva analítica que da la oposición campo-ciudad. Sostiene Varshney Ashutosh:A history of ideas on town-country struggles must start with the obvious fact that as economies develop and societies modernize, agriculture declines. Before the rise of industrial society, all societies were rural. If we look at the most industrialized societies of today, their agricultural sectors constitute less than five per cent of GDP. Contrariwise, in the poorest economies of the world, agriculture still accounts for anywhere between 30 to 65 per cent of GDP (World Bank, 1991: 208-9).(7)Así, si bien el autor se refiere a la problemática relación campo-ciudad en África, el desarrollo que hace nos sirve para Argentina:Using theories of collective action, Bates (1981) reformulated this argument. One can identify 3 steps in his argument. First, to extract resources for the treasury, city and industry, African states set prices that hurt the countryside. Second, by selectively distributing state largesse (subsidies and projects), African states divide up the countryside into supporters that benefit from state action and opponents who are deprived of state generosity, and are frequently punished. Such policy-induced splits pre-empt a united rural front. Third, independently of the divisive tactics of the state, rural collective action is difficult because (a) the agriculture sector is very large with each peasant having a small share of the product, and (b) it is dispersed, making communication difficult. The customary free-rider problem in such situations impedes collective action. Industry, on the other hand, is small and concentrated in the city, and the share of each producer in the market is large, making it worthwhile for each producer to organize."(8)A su vez, la asimétrica relación entre el campo y la industria depende en parte importante del grado de desarrollo de la economía en cuestión. Richard Peerlberg ha realizado una síntesis del problema en el American Journal of Agricultural Economics:Un excelente estudio para explicar por qué todos los países desarrollados tienden a proteger a los productores agropecuarios es un libro publicado por Anderson y Hayami. Los autores realizan una comparación de las variaciones nominales en la protección del sector agrícola (es decir, la ratio entre el precio interno y el externo) en 15 países, desarrollados y en vías de desarrollo, en el periodo 1955-80. Los autores encuentran que el 70% de estas variaciones en la protección nominal puede ser explicada, país por país, a través de la variación de los indicadores de urbanización e industrialización (indicadores como ratio tierra-trabajo y ratio productividad del trabajo agrícola versus productividad del trabajo industrial). Anderson y Hayami concluyen que, mas allá de la distintiva historia de un país, su cultura o instituciones, el nivel de protección para el sector agrícola tenderá a crecer junto a la industrialización, o más precisamente, cuando las ventajas comparativas de la agricultura decrecen. Así, en cuanto las ventajas comparativas se trasladan de la agricultura a la industria, el foco de la protección cambiará desde la industria a la agricultura. Anderson y Hayami estudian particularmente esta tendencia en Asia Oriental, donde países como Japón, Corea, y Taiwán han pasado dramáticamente de castigar impositivamente a proteger al agro, una vez que el rápido proceso de industrialización comenzó.(9)De la cita anterior surge un punto analítica y políticamente central para este trabajo: mientras en los países desarrollados la industrialización supuso un proceso donde se pasaba de castigar a proteger al sector agropecuario, la experiencia Argentina ha mostrado el camino inverso. El país "era desarrollado" cuando no se protegía al agro y comenzó a retrasarse (relativamente, en relación al ingreso per capita de los países ricos) cuando inició el supuesto proceso de industrialización. Es decir, este camino inverso refleja la asimétrica relación entre un sector agrícola altamente productivo y un sector industrial poco productivo. El siguiente gráfico refleja la decadencia relativa:Evolución relativa del ingreso por habitante de Argentina.Ingreso per cápita argentino como % del promedio entre Estados Unidos, Francia, Reino Unido, Italia, Alemania, Bélgica, Canadá, Australia, Nueva Zelanda y Brasil. Fuente: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad, Op. cit., 8.Juegos de suma cero y repetición de crisisDurante la crisis y post crisis de 1929 es cuando comienza a consolidarse el juego de suma cero que se institucionaliza en la estable puja distributiva que impone el primer peronismo. La influencia que la Gran Depresión ha tenido en la economía política de la Argentina no puede subestimarse. Tanto la Gran Depresión como el primer peronismo son variables centrales para entender por qué acontece una puja distributiva de baja calidad institucional, que se consolida en el tiempo independientemente de las sucesivas crisis fiscales que ayuda a provocar. Podemos ver los siguientes indicadores:La depresión del comercio argentino:exportaciones e importaciones durante la crisis Fuente: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto: Un siglo de políticas económicas argentinas (Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1998), 114. (De aquí en adelante: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto)¿Cuáles son las nuevas variables que aparecen con la Gran Depresión? La principal variable que genera la crisis es una ola proteccionista. Una segunda variable, relacionada con la primera, es la incipiente consolidación de la Industrialización por Sustitución de Importaciones (ISI), modelo económico-político que es institucionalizado por el primer peronismo. Una crisis puede tener la particularidad de generar incentivos económicos e institucionales anteriormente inexistentes. Sin embargo, lo relevante de la crisis del 29' para la economía política de la Argentina ha sido contribuir a generar nuevos incentivos que se fueron consolidando con las sucesivas crisis. Es decir, es un dato analítico inusual que las posteriores crisis fiscales hayan contribuido a institucionalizar un patrón de captura en vez de generar incentivos para al menos intentar modificar la economía política del estancamiento.La crisis del 29' nos provee también indicadores comparados:Un mundo en crisis:Caída máxima del producto en tiempos de la Depresión (%) Fuente: Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto, Op. cit., 119.Como mencionamos, podemos ver que la puja distributiva que comienza en el juego de suma cero de finales de los 20's se consolida durante el primer peronismo(10): Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina (EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003): Nominal Wage Index (IEERAL (1986) and Mundlak, Cavallo and Domenech (1989)) (De aquí en adelante: Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor, A New Economic History of Argentina)La puja distributiva también queda reflejada en el Índice de Precios al Consumidor: Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina, Op. cit.Por otro lado, podemos ver como después de la Gran Depresión los salarios del sector agropecuario se recuperan en parte, para volver a caer con la llegada del primer peronismo. En cambio, los salarios del sector industrial permanecen en una meseta durante la Depresión, para alcanzar un aumento notable con la llegada del peronismo: Fuente: elaboración propia con datos provistos en CD con estadísticas de Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor,A New Economic History of Argentina, Op. cit.Por último, es necesario mostrar la discriminación al campo que se consolida e institucionaliza con el primer peronismo:La discriminación al campo(Base 1925-1929 = 100) Fuente: Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas, El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto, Op. cit., 189.¿Por qué habría una relación entre el juego de suma cero planteado y la repetición de las crisis fiscales en Argentina? Como mencionamos, la década del 20 contribuyó a consolidar un proceso de industrialización de baja calidad. En ese marco, el problema no sólo era la mala calidad de la industrialización sino el momento histórico donde ello acontecía. Cuando más se necesitaban recursos para producir nuevas ganancias de productividad en el sector agropecuario argentino, comenzaba una eficiente captura por parte de un nuevo actor. Esta sistemática captura puede ejemplificarse en la aparición de la Junta Nacional de Granos en 1935 y en las políticas distributivas implementadas por el primer peronismo(11). Sin embargo, aquí el punto analítico principal es que el juego de suma cero se institucionaliza con el primer peronismo, y las sucesivas crisis fiscales son incapaces de generar incentivos como para modificar la captura en marcha.A partir de la cita anterior de Astoney Vahsney, podemos pensar que la complejidad de la experiencia argentina se debe en parte a la existencia de un proceso de industrialización donde el perjudicado es el sector agropecuario y el protegido es precisamente un sector industrial con bajos índices de productividad. Siguiendo esta lógica, es posible ver que la mala calidad del proceso de industrialización argentino institucionaliza un marco estable de captura porque el sector eficiente es también el más atomizado políticamente. Así, las sucesivas crisis fiscales reflejan la existencia de una irresuelta puja distributiva. Esta particular economía política de la captura puede ayudarnos a articular una explicación sobre la estabilidad del estancamiento.El juego de suma cero supone la existencia de cierta ineficiencia económica y esta a su vez supone la posibilidad de un sector público que gasta por encima de sus ingresos. A su vez, eso genera una crisis. Sin embargo, esa crisis fiscal no necesariamente supone una cesación de pagos. Della Paolera, Irigoin y Bózzoli hacen hincapié en un punto analíticamente central: para ellos, los problemas de incumplimiento del sector público argentino no tienen que medirse sólo en relación al default de bonos de la deuda sino al default interno que significa la desvalorización de la moneda local debido a la inflación causada por la excesiva monetización. La impresión de moneda local es una deuda que el Estado contrae con sus ciudadanos y la monetización de los déficits es, para los autores, una manera de incumplir con las obligaciones asumidas. Es decir, no sólo se pueden violar los derechos de propiedad a través de la cesación de pagos de bonos de la deuda publica sino también a través de la cesación de pagos de hecho que significa la impresión de moneda que genera procesos inflacionarios. En palabras de los autores:As was the case prior to 1850s, currency issue was the ultimate recourse taken to meet the fiscal gap. This was the result of the government's capacity to influence the authorities in charge of monetary policymaking. Eventually, excessive monetary expansion led to inflation and allowed the government to repudiate some of its liabilities. Because inflation diminished the real value of money, the monetization of the fiscal deficit acted as a progressive expropriation of domestic currency held by private agents, i.e., it acted as an inflation tax. This permanent erosion in the purchasing power of the public's cash holdings had dramatic consequences. Over time, this repeatedly used device reached extreme proportions: on a percentage basis, increases in the fiscal deficit were often met one-for-one with increases in inflation tax…The use of monetization to finance persistent fiscal deficits was one of the main problems of the Argentine economy in the second half of the 20th century. (12)Las crisis económicas pueden reflejarse en incumplimientos en el pago de bonos pero también en el valor de la moneda local. El sector público argentino ha sistemáticamente monetizado sus déficits y generado así ganadores y perdedores. Sin embargo, lo destacable del proceso ha sido la dificultad para modificar el patrón de captura. Es decir, una pregunta central que debe responder la historia económica no es la existencia de una puja distributiva sino la irresuelta permanencia de la misma. En este trabajo hemos intentado marcar que esa irresuelta permanencia se ha debido en parte a la compleja e inusual relación dada en un país que elige para modernizarse depender de la eficiencia del sector agropecuario. A su vez, ello no sólo generó la existencia de un juego de suma cero sino la estabilidad de ese juego. La razón de la estabilidad hay que buscarla en la lógica de la acción colectiva: el incipiente sector industrial no sólo era ineficiente económicamente sino que se encontraba en una relación de poder asimétrica y ventajosa con el crecientemente desarticulado sector agropecuario, situación que contribuyó a institucionalizar el juego de suma cero incluso ante la sucesión de crisis fiscales.Consideraciones finales¿En qué medida el incipiente proceso de industrialización en marcha en los años 20' potenció un juego de suma cero entre el campo y la industria y, al hacerlo, ha contribuido a generar diversos ciclos de expansión populista que, dado su volatilidad, ayudaron a consolidar un marco institucional de sucesivas crisis? Es decir, ¿potencian los juegos de suma cero la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos?En el presente trabajo hemos intentado marcar una relación entre el juego de suma cero del campo y la industria y la volatilidad de los ciclos económicos en Argentina a partir de la institucionalización de la captura. ¿Cuál ha sido la particularidad de la economía política de la Argentina? Posiblemente, que la captura ha sido estable debido a que el proceso de modernización supuso la protección para la industria y no para el campo. Esto hizo estable la captura y una captura estable devino en sucesivas crisis fiscales que, a su vez, no podían generar un cambio posterior en los incentivos institucionales.La volatilidad del ciclo económico argentino ha sido producto en parte de la mala calidad de la puja distributiva. Una puja distributiva es de mala calidad cuando se institucionaliza una captura de un actor sobre otro y las sucesivas crisis (de mayor o menor volatilidad) no pueden modificar los incentivos. Si bien podemos enumerar decenas de pujas distributivas que permanecen en la misma dinámica, sin solución de continuidad, debemos preguntarnos qué tiene de distintivo la puja que surge con el proceso de industrialización. Lo distintivo es la concatenación con la Gran Depresión y la necesidad de desarrollar importantes inversiones en un sector agropecuario que debía competir con un mundo crecientemente protegido pero competitivo. A su vez, la mala calidad de la industrialización argentina se concatena con una eficiente articulación política del sector urbano-industrial. Asimismo, el peronismo institucionaliza este mecanismo y hace que la puja distributiva que había nacido fuera de difícil modificación incluso después de sucesivas y profundas crisis fiscales. BibliografíaDella Paolera, Gerardo y Alan Taylor. A New Economic History of Argentina. EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003.Di Tella, Guido y Manuel Zymelman. Las etapas del desarrollo económico argentino. Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1967. Díaz Alejandro, Carlos. Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Horacio Aguirre. In Search of the Missing Link: the Argentine Economy in the 1920s. Mimeo. Buenos Aires: Universidad Di Tella, 2003. Gerchunoff, Pablo y Damián Antúnez. "De la bonanza peronista a la crisis del desarrollo." En Los Años Peronistas, Vol VIII de la Nueva Historia Argentina, ed. Juan Carlos Torre, 125-205. Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2002.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Lucas Llach. El ciclo de la ilusión y el desencanto. Buenos Aires: Ariel, 1998.Gerchunoff, Pablo y Llach, Lucas. Ved en Trono a la noble igualdad. Crecimiento, equidad y política económica en la Argentina, 1880-2003. Buenos Aires: Fundación Pent, 2003.Paarlberg, Robert. "The Political Economy of American Agricultural Policy: Three Approaches." The American Journal of Agricultural Economics71 (diciembre 1989): 1157-1164. [en línea] disponible en http://chla.library.cornell.edu.Rocchi, Fernando. Building a Nation, Building a Market: Industrial Growth and the Domestic Economy in Turn-of-the- Century Argentina. PhD dissertation. Santa Barbara: UC Santa Barbara, 1997.Varshney, Ashutosh. "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective." Journal of Development Studies 29 (julio 1993): 3-22.Villanueva, Javier. "El origen de la industrialización argentina." Desarrollo Económico 47 (oct-dic 1972): 1-24. [en línea] disponible en www.educ.ar.NOTAS(1) Ver Fernando Rocchi, Building a Nation, Building a Market: Industrial Growth and the Domestic Economy in Turn-of-the-Century Argentina. Ph.D. dissertation (Santa Barbara: UC-Santa Barbara, 1997).(2) Ver Guido Di Tella y Manuel Zymelman, Las etapas del desarrollo económico argentino (Buenos Aires: Eudeba, 1967).(3) Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Revista de Desarrollo Económico 47 (oct-dic 1972): 4. [en línea] disponible en www.educ.ar. (De aquí en adelante: Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina").(4) Javier Villanueva, "El origen de la industrialización argentina," Op. cit., [en línea] disponible enwww.educ.ar 6.(5) Pablo Gerchunoff y Horacio Aguirre, In Search of the Missing Link: the Argentine Economy in the 1920s.Mimeo (Buenos Aires: Universidad Di Tella, 2003), 1 y 20. El investigador Carlos Díaz Alejandro desacredita la posibilidad de la década del 20´ como un punto de inflexión. El historiador económico cubano demuestra que las tasas de crecimiento continuaban siendo elevadas y superiores a la tasa promedio de los países principales. Ver la clásica obra: Carlos Díaz Alejandro, Essays on the Economic History of the Argentine Republic (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1970).(6) Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad. Crecimiento, Equidad y Política Económica en la Argentina: 1880-2003 (Buenos Aires: Fundación Pent, 2003), 3. (De aquí en adelante: Pablo Gerchunoff y Lucas Llach, Ved en Trono a la Noble Igualdad).(7) Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective," Journal of Development Studies 29 (julio 1993): 7. (De aquí en adelante: Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective")(8) Ashutosh Varshney, "Introduction: Urban Bias in Perspective," Op. cit.: 7.(9) Robert Paarlberg, "The Political Economy of American Agricultural Policy: Three Approaches," The American Journal of Agricultural Economics 71 (diciembre 1989): 1158. [en línea] disponible en http://chla.library.cornell.edu.(10) Tomando en cuenta la mayor participación del sector industrial en el Producto Bruto Nacional, especificado anteriormente en el cuadro de Javier Villanueva titulado "Producto Bruto Nacional: Sectores agrícola y manufacturero".(11) Ver Pablo Gerchunoff y Damián Antúnez, "De la bonanza peronista a la crisis del desarrollo," en Los Años Peronistas, vol VIII de la Nueva Historia Argentina, ed. Juan Carlos Torre, (Buenos Aires: Sudamericana, 2002).(12) Gerardo Della Paolera, María Alejandra Irigoin y Carlos G. Bózzoli, "Passing the buck: Monetary and fiscal policies," en A New Economic History of Argentina, ed. Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor (EEUU: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 72-73. A su vez, Della Paolera y Taylor desarrollan la relación entre moneda y baja calidad institucional en Gerardo Della Paolera y Alan Taylor, Straining at the Anchor (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2001). *Licenciada en Relaciones Internacionales (Universidad Torcuato Di Tella-Argentina), maestrando en Arquitectura Urbana (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)Ha sido Profesora Adjunta en Historia Economica (Universidad Di Tella-Argentina)