Search results

Der vorliegende Sammelband gibt Ergebnisse einer internationalen wissenschaftlichen Tagung des Instituts für Pädagogik der Universität Potsdam im September 2000 wieder, die Bestandteil einer nun schon mehrjährigen Kooperation zwischen Wissenschaftlern aus lehrerbildenden Hochschulen in Belarus', Polen, Russland und der Tschechischen Republik sowie der Universität Potsdam ist. Diese gemeinsame Arbeit zur Begleitung der in den beteiligten Ländern verlaufenden Reformprozesse im Bildungswesen wird durch die finanzielle Förderung durch den Deutschen Akademischen Auslandsdienst (DAAD) möglich. Diesjähriger Schwerpunkt der Analysen und Diskussionen auf der Tagung war das Erziehungskonzept der reformierten Schule in den beteiligten Ländern, wobei insbesondere Ziele und Methoden schulischer Erziehung sowie ihr Verhältnis zur Erziehung durch die Eltern erörtert wurden. In einem Tagungsresümee werden grundlegende Ergebnisse der Analyse und der inhaltsreichen, teilweise auch kontroversen Diskussion zusammengefasst. Eingangs wird gewissermaßen auch Bilanz gezogen, wie die Bildungsreform im jeweiligen Land im vergangenen Jahr vorankam. In 12 Einzelbeiträgen wird ein facettenreiches Bild der Problemlage und der Lösungsansätze in den beteiligten Länder gezeichnet, wobei sowohl Gesamtkonzepte der schulischen Erziehung wie auch Einzelprobleme behandelt werden. Es werden theoretische Grundkonzepte zur Erziehung analysiert. In zwei Beiträgen werden Erwartungen und Wertungen der Eltern gegenüber schulischer Erziehung beleuchtet. Durchgängig werden Anforderungen an den Lehrer erörtert, um neuen Aufgaben und Wegen schulischer Erziehung gerecht werden zu können.

This paper argues that the process of deriving legitimacy criteria for political institutions ought to be sensitive to features of the political context in which that process is to occur. The paper builds on Allen Buchanan's 'Metacoordination View' of legitimacy, which we explicate in the first section. While sympathetic to Buchanan's practical approach, we believe the idea of a metacoordination process to be underspecified across two dimensions, which we explain in the second section: (i) constituency and (ii) normativity. Both dimensions admit of differing specifications. In the third section, we suggest that how best to fill in these dimensions in any one instance depends upon the political context in which the metacoordination process is to occur. We highlight three relevant elements of a political decision context – criticality, institutional time point, and motivational landscape – and illustrate their significance by way of reference, respectively, to the World Health Organization, the European Economic and Monetary Union, and the Bank of International Settlements. The 'context-dependence' of the metacoordination process, and therefore of legitimacy, entails the possibility that institutions that are similar, even identical, in terms of their nature and function may nevertheless be held to differing legitimacy criteria in differing political contexts.

An accessible history of multilateralism from its origins in the 1800s to the present. Multilateral initiatives have brought about striking, yet diverging, results. International organizations often struggle with the nationalist impulses of member states, different and shifting goals, and a lack of enforcement methods. Here, Kathryn Lavelle offers a history of multilateralism from its origins to the present. Lavelle focuses on the creation and evolution of major problem-solving organizations, examines the governmental challenges they have confronted and continue to face from both domestic and transnational constituencies, and considers how nongovernmental organizations facilitate their work.

Modern Diplomacy of Capitalist Powers details the problems in bourgeois diplomacy. The book is comprised of 11 chapters that cover the international relation policy of a great power. The text first discusses the characteristics and distinctive features of imperialist foreign policy in the 70s and early 80s. The next chapters deal with the diplomacy of major world powers, which include U.S., France, Federal Republic of Germany, Great Britain, and Italy. The next two chapters cover eastern powers, namely, China and Japan. Chapter 9 tackles the diplomacy of capitalist countries and the disarmamen.

Explores Russia's attitudes & ambivalence toward Europe, its efforts to join & participate in its institutions, & its reactions to European political movements. Three major issues in the European political landscape are affecting the interaction between Russia & Europe: the enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the wars in the Balkans, & the goals of the EU. The restructuring of Europe as well as Russia's domestic challenges, including hostilities in Chechnya & the change of leadership in the Kremlin are also factors in the evolving relations between Russia & Europe. With Russia's military power in Europe diminished due to the collapse of the USSR, its economic decline, & its commitments to international arms control treaties, there is some bitterness that its retreat from Europe appeared more like a defeat than a deliberate policy. Russia regards itself as a victim of unfair treatment by the international community due to its poor domestic situation. With NATO enlargement, Russia's involvement is not considered even as a hypothetical possibility. The EU both addresses a plan for Russian involvement & threatens it with sanctions. Russia's peacekeepers can participate in KFOR, but not achieve their own sector of responsibility. Europe's approach toward Russia can be seen as attempts to prevent it from becoming disengaged accompanied with unwillingness to let it in. Yet, Russia has fundamental interests in Europe including economic links & political interaction. If Russia's emerging new role in international affairs is to be consolidated, it is essential that Europe be responsive to Russia's efforts. L. A. Hoffman

With a contingent of around 1,500 fighters, Morocco is considered one of the main exporters of foreign fighters to Syria. Until 2014, Moroccan authorities, who were content to see their own jihadis leave and add to the pressure on Bashar al-Assad, mostly turned a blind eye to networks of recruitment. Since the dramatic rise of the so-called Islamic State, or ISIS, concern over local repercussions and the return of war-hardened radicals has prompted Rabat to adopt a hardline, security-oriented approach instead. Repression, however, is unlikely to uproot these networks. Instead, a comprehensive strategy for de-radicalization should aim to rehabilitate and reintegrate returning fighters, and use their example to dissuade others from violent militancy. (author's abstract)

The Governance Regime of the Mekong River Basin provides a comparative analysis of the global water conventions and the 1995 Mekong Agreement, whereby, the authors strongly recommend Mekong states joining both conventions in order to buttress and clarify the Agreement.; Readership: Scholars and practitioners in the field of international water law and anyone concerned with the legal framework and governance regime of the Mekong River and its tributaries.

Während viele internationale Organisationen bei ihrer Gründung primär als Forum für die Koordination staatlicher Bemühungen gesehen wurden, haben ihnen die Staaten immer mehr Aufgaben übertragen und viele Organisationen handeln mit zunehmender Autonomie. Auch das UN-Hochkommissariat für Flüchtlinge (UNHCR) und die Internationale Organisation für Migration (IOM), beide sind im Bereich Migration tätig, weiteten ihre Aufgaben massgeblich aus, was zu Doppelaktivitäten und Konkurrenz führte. Das Buch betrachtet Konflikte zwischen internationalen Organisationen unter dem Blickwinkel der institutionellen Dimension der Fragmentierung des Völkerrechts. Anhand einer Fallstudie zum UNHCR und zur IOM werden Konfliktsituationen dargestellt und analysiert.