Suchergebnisse

1. Introduction -- 2. The commonwealth and international relations theory -- 3. The commonwealth brand : membership and identities -- 4. Two case studies : Mozambique and Rwanda -- 5. Mapping commonwealth peripheries : a classification and analysis of commonwealth pre-accession states -- 6. Conclusion.

J. Meynaud's PRESSURE GROUP IN FRANCE & H. W. Ehrmann's INTEREST GROUPS ON FOUR CONTINENTS are evidence of the progress made in the study of pressure groups outside of the US. Yet they show that though we have arrived at a definition of such groups, the actual mechanism of pressure still generally escapes investigation. On the other hand, recent studies by historians have indicated that the actual influence of such groups has frequently been exaggerated: their activities are not always organized nor do they always achieve success. Despite the present multiplication of monographs, we are still a long way from being able to evaluate their influence in public affairs. The study of international pressure groups can only be sketched out; the documentation of the pol'al action of the large international corporations will undoubtedly have to await some future date, but it should be possible to study the international org's which are not attached to Gov: the understanding of the techniques by which pressure groups exercise their influence should allow for more adequate studies & a better understanding of international relations. Tr by J. A. Broussard from IPSA.

"Conventional wisdom holds that the President enjoys the preponderance of foreign policy power, however Congress has influenced China policymaking more than is generally recognized. The legislature has demonstrated consistent interests in the realm of China policy, and it has invariably pursued those interests through law-making. During the post-Cold War period in particular, the Sino-U.S. relationship has evolved in a radically changing international environment, marked by a power transition inherent in China's rise. The development of official relations between Washington and Beijing during the Cold War occurred in the shadow of an assertive Soviet power, when the United States and China were able to find common geopolitical ground in opposing Soviet expansion while overlooking longstanding political disagreements. The dissolution of the Soviet empire, however, put the United States and China on a new geostrategic footing. Political disagreements were no longer exempted in light of a counter-Soviet strategy, and the reduction in concern for the Soviet threat allowed policymakers in Washington to more aggressively pursue trade interests that conflicted with those of China. Given this international context, this book aims to discern how Congress reconciled competing Sino-U.S. interests in a post-Cold War era, when external threats no longer dictated an apparent hierarchy that favored China over the Soviet Union. This work will be of interest to students and scholars of US foreign policy, China Studies and international relations in general"--

China has abandoned its traditional territorially focused approach and has begun to assert extraterritorial jurisdiction by unilaterally regulating and intervening in activities occurring in the territory of other countries. China's view of extraterritoriality is derived from its strong economic power and evolves in the context of recent US–China tension. Its extraterritorial jurisdiction operates as a shield rather than as a sword; guided by pragmatism, however, China has retained the flexibility to utilise extraterritorial jurisdiction for other purposes. Extraterritoriality would serve the international community better if China regarded it as a rebalance of power between nations to form a rules-based international jurisdictional framework and not as an instrument to expand national power abroad. (China/GIGA)

The author analyses the European Union's foreign policy in Central Asia. He indicates the basic tendencies of development of the EU cooperation with the countries of Central Asian region. Further, the author analyzes the implementation of joint projects within the framework adopted by the Partnership Agreements. Based on a critical analysis, the researcher highlights a number of constraints to effective development of relations between the EU and Central Asian states. He carries out a structural analysis of conceptual documents of the European Union for the development of bilateral and multilateral relations with Central Asian countries in the region.

Scientific novelty of this work lies in the systematization of stages in the evolution of relations between the European Union and the countries of Central Asia. The author divides the formation of cooperation into four main stages.

The first stage of the relations between the EU and the countries of Central Asia includes conceptual framework of the legal regulatory structure of bilateral and multilateral cooperation.

The second stage is characterized by the realization of a number of joint projects in the field of transport communications, democratic transformations, regional security and stability.

The third stage of the relations is determined by acquiring of special geographical significance of the region of Central Asia resulting from the engagement of the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan in 2001.

The fourth stage has begun in 2015 with the adoption of the EU Strategy for a New Partnership with Central Asia for 2017-2021.

These studies serve as a basis for developing some important proposals and recommendations for the improvement of the effectiveness of cooperation between the parties.

Gegenstand der Arbeit ist das Vergewaltigungsverbot im bewaffneten Konflikt. Anke Biehler behandelt die historische Entwicklung des Verbots im Hinblick auf dessen völkerrechtliche Bedeutung und Definition sowie im Hinblick auf das Problem der Durchsetzung des Verbots. Dazu wird zunächst die historische Entwicklung des Vergewaltigungsverbots im bewaffneten Konflikt nachvollzogen. Anschließend wird untersucht, was es völker- und völkerstrafrechtlich im Detail umfasst und welche rechtlichen Möglichkeiten es zu seiner Durchsetzung gibt. Hierbei ist zwischen Durchsetzungsmöglichkeiten auf individual-strafrechtlicher Ebene und auf zwischenstaatlicher Ebene – etwa durch Staatenverantwortlichkeit – zu unterscheiden. Abschließend werden Überlegungen angestellt, ob das Vergewaltigungsverbot im bewaffneten Konflikt heute nicht nur als Völkergewohnheitsrecht, sondern auch als jus cogens anzusehen ist. »The Prohibition of Rape in Armed Conflict« Rape in armed conflict is a phenomenon as old as war and armed conflict itself. Nevertheless, in many armed conflicts throughout the world rape is still a common, daily practice with devastating consequences for the victims and their societies. This book examines the prohibition of rape in armed conflict as it exists today and which conduct it covers exactly. To this end, the historic development of the prohibition of rape in armed conflict is examined before looking at its significance and definition in international and international criminal law. It is also analysed whether the prohibition of rape in armed conflict is part of customary international humanitarian law and whether it constitutes a peremptory norm of international law (jus cogens). Finally, the book looks on how the prohibition of rape is enforced today. Gegenstand der Arbeit ist das Vergewaltigungsverbot im bewaffneten Konflikt. Anke Biehler behandelt die historische Entwicklung des Verbots im Hinblick auf dessen völkerrechtliche Bedeutung und Definition sowie im Hinblick auf das Problem der Durchsetzung des Verbots. Abschließend werden Überlegungen angestellt, ob das Vergewaltigungsverbot im bewaffneten Konflikt heute nicht nur als Völkergewohnheitsrecht, sondern auch als jus cogens anzusehen ist. Anke Biehler ist Rechtsberaterin beim Internationalen Komitee vom Roten Kreuz. Nach dem Studium der Rechtswissenschaften in Konstanz und Genf und dem Referendariat im OLG Bezirk Stuttgart war sie am Max-Planck-Institut für ausländisches und internationales Strafrecht in Freiburg/Brsg. Referentin für das Sachgebiet Europa. Für das Internationale Komitee vom Roten Kreuz arbeitete sie als Delegierte und Rechtsberaterin auf den Philippinen, in der Demokratischen Republik Kongo, in Pakistan und am Hauptsitz in Genf.

Gegenstand der Untersuchung ist die Frage, inwiefern in Hinblick auf die auf der KSZE und der "Konferenz über vertrauens- und sicherheitsbildende Maßnahmen und Abrüstung in Europa" (KVAE) beschlossenen vertrauens- und sicherheitsbildenden Maßnahmen (VSBM) von einem internationalen Regime gesprochen werden kann. Vier für Regime konstitutive Gruppen von Merkmalen werden diskutiert : (1) Prinzipien, Normen, Regeln und Prozeduren der VSBM; (2) Konfliktgegenstände im Problemfeld militärischer Vertrauensbildung; (3) Effektivität des VSBM-Regimes; (4) Dauerhaftigkeit des VSBM-Regimes. Der Verfasser sieht die analytische Fruchtbarkeit der Regimeanalyse für den Gegenstandsbereich der VSBM in Europa als bestätigt an. Abschließend wird kritisch gefragt, ob "die einem internationalen Regime unterstellte Friedensleistung von dem identifizierten VSBM-Regime tatsächlich erbracht wird". (ICE)