Suchergebnisse

Das zwölfte afrikanisch-französische Gipfeltreffen im Dezember 1985 in Paris wird auf seine Ergebnisse überprüft. Kernaussagen des OAU-Präsidenten Abdou Diouf werden wiedergegeben. Angesprochen wurden die Konflikte in Südafrika, im Tschad und in der Westsahara, sowie Fragen der Wirtschaftskrise, der Verschuldung und der öffentlichen Wirtschaftshilfe. Internationale Konferenzen zur afrikanischen Wirtschaftslage werden vorbereitet. Beigefügt ist eine Bilanz der bisherigen afrikanisch-französischen Gipfeltreffen. (DÜI-Wsl)

In recent years the International Integrated Reporting Framework has been promoted as the global standard for corporate reporting and advances in the regulatory space, thanks to the support of its founders and the evolution of previous international standards. In this paper we analyze the comment letters addressed by non-state standardization bodies, who participanted in the framework consultation project, and whose strategic position influenced the content published by the IIRC in 2013. For this, we identify the impact of their positions regarding the definition of a principles-based framework, the concept of IR, as well as the target audience for this report. Our conclusions highlight that the analyzed agents, and in general, the processes of private standardization, have a great influence on the definition of essential standards, both for this report and for the evolution of accountability practices. The institutions analyzed influenced the contents of the framework, occupied relevant roles in the IIRC government and work forces, and continue to work through their experience, alliances and resources to make this trend successful. ; En los últimos años el Marco Internacional para la Información Integrada ha sido promovido como la norma global de información corporativa, y avanza en el espacio regulador, gracias al apoyo de sus fundadores y a la evolución previa de otros estándares internacionales. En este artículo analizamos las cartas de comentarios dirigidas por organismos de estandarización no estatal, participantes del proyecto de consulta del marco, cuya posición estratégica influyó el contenido publicado por el IIRC en 2013. En esta tarea identificamos el impacto de sus posiciones frente a la definición de un marco basado en principios, el concepto de IR y el público destinatario del informe. Nuestras conclusiones destacan que estos organismos, y en general, los procesos de estandarización privada tienen gran influencia en la definición de estándares esenciales tanto para este informe como para la evolución de las prácticas de rendición de cuentas. Las instituciones analizadas influyeron en los contenidos del marco, ocuparon roles relevantes en el gobierno y fuerzas de trabajo del IIRC y continúan trabajando en que esta tendencia se abra paso a partir de su experiencia, alianzas y recursos. ; Nos últimos anos a estrutura internacional para relato integrado tem sido promovida como o padrão global de informação corporativa, e avança no espaço de regulação, graças ao apoio de seus fundadores e à evolução anterior de outros padrões internacionais. Neste artigo analisamos as cartas-comentários dirigidas por organismos de normalização não estatais, participantes do projeto de consulta da estrutura, cuja posição estratégica influenciou o conteúdo publicado pelo IIRC em 2013. Nessa tarefa, identificamos o impacto de seus posicionamentos na definição de uma estrutura baseada em princípios, no conceito de IR e no público-alvo do relatório. As nossas conclusões destacam que estes órgãos, e em geral os processos de normalização privada, têm grande influência na definição dos padrões essenciais tanto para este relatório como para a evolução das práticas de prestação de contas. As instituições analisadas influenciaram os conteúdos da estrutura, ocuparam papéis relevantes no governo e nos grupos de trabalho do IIRC e continuam trabalhando para que essa tendência se estenda a partir de sua experiência, alianças e recursos.

The author analyzes the serious problem of drug trafficking in the international scene. He refers to the actions taken by international organizations to promote interstate cooperation & create mechanisms to address this issue. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractSince its introduction in UNDP's Human Development Report 1994, 'human security' has been a topic of lively debate. The purpose of this paper is to explore empirically how human security has been treated in National Human Development Reports (NHDRs), produced in 13 countries since 1997 with different definitions and points of focus. We use an inductive approach to examine how these stand up to the criticisms levelled in the literature against broader concepts of human security. The NHDRs of Afghanistan, Latvia, Macedonia and Bangladesh are of particular interest, both because of their rich analysis and because of the originality of the methodology they use. The paper concludes that broader definitions of human security are operational for both analysis and policy making. Limits to define a core of high‐priority concerns with human security can be set after exploring the concerns of people in specific situations rather than before. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

ResumenEl reconocimiento de la participación equilibrada de género como principio para hacer efectiva la igualdad de mujeres y hombres y así legitimar los sistemas democráticos se ha llevado a cabo durante los últimos veinte años a través de diversos acuerdos de escasa fuerza vinculante (soft law) de las Naciones Unidas, la Unión Interparlamentaria, el Consejo de Europa y la Unión Europea. De ahí que se mantenga la infrarepresentación de las mujeres en todos los ámbitos y niveles decisorios, siendo necesario que se implemente a través de instrumentos jurídicos vinculantes que obliguen a las propias organizaciones internacionales a su efectiva aplicación y a los Estados miembros a su reconocimiento y regulación con el máximo rango normativo, a nivel constitucional y legal.AbstractThe recognition of gender-balanced participation as a principle to make effective the equality of women and men and thus legitimize democratic systems has been carried out during the last twenty years through various agreements of low binding force (soft law) of the United Nations, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the Council of Europe and the European Union. Hence, the under-representation of women in all areas and levels of decision-making is maintained, being necessary to implement it through binding legal instruments that oblige the international organizations themselves to effectively apply them and the member states to recognize and regulate them with the maximum normative range, at the constitutional and legal level.

El reconocimiento de la participación equilibrada de género como principio para hacer efectiva la igualdad de mujeres y hombres y así legitimar los sistemas democráticos se ha llevado a cabo durante los últimos veinte años a través de diversos acuerdos de escasa fuerza vinculante (soft law) de las Naciones Unidas, la Unión Interparlamentaria, el Consejo de Europa y la Unión Europea. De ahí que se mantenga la infrarepresentación de las mujeres en todos los ámbitos y niveles decisorios, siendo necesario que se implemente a través de instrumentos jurídicos vinculantes que obliguen a las propias organizaciones internacionales a su efectiva aplicación y a los Estados miembros a su reconocimiento y regulación con el máximo rango normativo, a nivel constitucional y legal. ; The recognition of gender-balanced participation as a principle to make effective the equality of women and men and thus legitimize democratic systems has been carried out during the last twenty years through various agreements of low binding force (soft law) of the United Nations, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the Council of Europe and the European Union. Hence, the under-representation of women in all areas and levels of decision-making is maintained, being necessary to implement it through binding legal instruments that oblige the international organizations themselves to effectively apply them and the member states to recognize and regulate them with the maximum normative range, at the constitutional and legal level.

Part I: From Global Trends to Policy and Practice -- 1. Introduction: Max Cameron (University of British Columbia), David Gillies (Research Fellow, Queen's University) and David Carment (Carleton University) -- 2. Canada's Support for Democracy: Some Wins and Losses but much Potential. Peter Boehm (Senate of Canada) -- 3. In Search of Democratic Revival, at Home and in the Lives of Others. Jeremy Kinsman (CIC, Former Ambassador) -- 4. Democracy and Foreign Policy: A Retrospective. Maxwell Cameron (University of British Columbia) -- 5. Policy and Practice in Canada's International Democracy Support. David Gillies (Research Fellow, Queen's University) -- 6. The State of Democracy in the World - Problems, Pitfalls and Policy. Marshall Palmer (Carleton University) and David Carment (Carleton University) -- Part II: Challenges Ahead -- 7. Inclusive Approaches to Multilateral Democracy Cooperation: Challenges and opportunities for Canada. Catherine Hecht (University of British Columbia) -- 8. Toward Canadian Democracy Protection 2.0 in the Americas. Kendra Vivar-Carrión (Universidad Iberoamericana) and Thomas Legler (Universidad Iberoamericana) -- 9. Feminism and International Democracy Assistance. Gabrielle Bardall (Consultant) -- 10. Quiet Helpful Fixer or Boisterous Norm Advocate? Canada as a Mediator. Peter Jones (University of Ottawa) -- 11. Canada's Enduring Populism. David Moscrop (The Washington Post) -- 12. The Opportunities and Challenges of Courting India. Sanjay Ruparelia (Toronto Metropolitan University) -- Part III: Conclusion -- 13. Reflections on Democracy and Canadian Foreign Policy.

The balance of power is one of the most influential theoretical ideas in international relations, but it has not yet been tested systematically in international systems other than modern Europe and its global successor. This article is the product of a collective and multidisciplinary research effort to redress this deficiency. We report findings from eight new case studies on balancing and balancing failure in different international systems that comprise over 2000 years of international politics. Our findings are inconsistent with any theory that predicts a tendency of international systems toward balance. The factors that best account for variation between balance and hegemony within and across international systems lie outside all recent renditions of balance-of-power theory and indeed, international relations scholarship more generally. Our findings suggest a potentially productive way to reframe research on both the European and contemporary international systems.