Suchergebnisse

Chapter 1: The sweep of Iran sanctions: Its essence and Eastern entanglement -- Chapter 2: Sanctions reverberate: Stoking up political allegiance -- Chapter 3: Targeting the lifeline: Oil and energy security in trouble Chapter 4: In other party's terms: Frozen oil funds -- Chapter 5: Clogged up: The world of non-oil banking and credit matters -- Chapter 6: The minefield for moneymakers: Investment in a fluctuating land -- Chapter 7: Tipped to profit: The non-stop gravy train of trade -- Chapter 8: Not impervious to pressure: Teetering technology transfer -- Chapter 9: Arms embargoes: Military and security adjustment -- Chapter 10: Cracks in the ivory tower: Academic and cultural repercussions -- Chapter 11: Looking East or looking elsewhere: Fault lines of international orientation -- Chapter 12: The empire strikes back: Smuggling and bypassing sanctions -- Chapter 13: The West and the East on the lookout: Tracking a tangled web of sanctions-busting -- Chapter 14: Iran and East Asia in retrospective and prospective: The staying power of sanctions.

The XXI is considered by major countries in the Asia-Pacific region as 'the century of sea and ocean' and is accompanied by fierce competition among the nations to gain interest in the sea regions. On the basis that previously only considered the competition for military objectives, geostrategic bases and traffic channels through the straits, nowadays, countries worldwide have stepped up the competition for economic interests and marine resources. The development of military power and the competitive activities for resources at sea show clear the tendency to use the sea to contain the continent. In that context, the Indian Ocean, as the world's third largest ocean, has an important geographic location and rich and diverse natural resources; the arterial sea route is gradually becoming the center of new world geopolitics and an important area in the strategic competition between two 'Asian giants' - India and China. The competition between these countries in the Indian Ocean is growing and profoundly impacts the region's stability and security. This article focuses on the position and important role of the Indian Ocean in the policies of India and China, the fierce competition between the two countries in nearly two decades of the XXI century.

Why do some territorial disputes defy settlement? Through what mechanism might these resistant territorial disputes be settled? We propose that the answer involves three individually necessary and jointly sufficient conditions. First, the dispute must receive attention—i.e., be (re)placed and (re)prioritized on the dyad's agenda. Second, governments need altered preferences that expand the bargaining range so they can break deadlock and pursue settlement. Finally, disputing states need third-party assistance to facilitate, locate, incentivize, and support a settlement of their protracted dispute. We test this "AAA Model" in post–World War II Latin America. To do this, we first theorize the particular form of the general model; in post–1945 Latin America, attention, altered preferences, and third-party assistance operate through the mechanisms of militarization, democratization, and mediation respectively. We then identify resistant territorial disputes and advance a novel, multimethod research design to evaluate our hypotheses—one that relies more heavily on within-case counterfactual analysis. An extensive series of these counterfactual analyses, along with a statistical analysis, produce consistent, significant support for our model. When resistant territorial disputes in post–1945 Latin America have attention, altered preferences, and third-party assistance simultaneously, they always settle; when they lack any one factor, however, settlement never occurs.

"With a novel focus on the individual members of the G20, this innovative book explores the perspectives and behaviours of those within the global summit, unpacking what they are seeking to achieve, how they go about doing this, and the domestic impact of the G20. Providing insights from the summit, Hugo Dobson comprehensively analyses the G20's development and practices from the perspectives of the nineteen member states and one inter-governmental organisation that have shaped it. Chapters examine members' reactions to the upgrading of the G20 to a summit of leaders in 2008, its development thereafter into the premier forum for international economic cooperation, and the expansion of its agenda beyond macroeconomic issues to a range of global collective action problems. Looking at its future from a country-specific perspective, Dobson concludes that the G20 will continue to engage with stakeholders and evolve in terms of its membership, as seen in the decision at the 2023 Delhi summit to include the African Union, thereby providing a basis for future research on its members' perspectives, positions and behaviours. This multidisciplinary book will be an invigorating read for students of international relations and politics, global governance, sustainable development, climate change and energy transitions, and security and terrorism. Its exclusive insights will also be of use to policymakers and third sector organisations who are stakeholders in the G20 process"--

This book provides a full overview of the judicial activity of the International Court of Justice (ICJ) during the five-year period 1997 - 2001, following the format of a previous volume describing the decisions from 1987 - 1996. Each chapter opens with a summary of the judicial activity of the ICJ during a given year, using the General List of ICJ cases, pleadings filed, Orders, Judgements and Advisory Opinions issued and hearings held at the Peace Palace to describe the statistics on the docket of the ICJ. The sections in each chapter describe the facts of a particular case, the arguments of the parties involved and the decision of the ICJ, together with the commentary by the author, a former ICJ staff lawyer. The book includes a limited number of reprints from the American Journal of International Law, together with lots of new material

In 1999, Professor Philip Nichols argued that FCPA-style home country laws are efficient in combating transnational bribery, unlike host country regulation and corporate self-regulation. Observing feeble results obtained in 15 years of OECD Anti-bribery Convention, we find arguments for amending this assertion; home countries, aside from enforcing their own laws banning foreign bribery, should reconsider the classical ways of fighting transnational corruption, by helping host governments in their anti-corruption efforts and by encouraging their own corporations to join international dialogic webs. After presenting an original analysis of the reasons behind the limited impact of FCPA-style action, we then further arguments for the two alternative solutions backed by home states, looking respectively at the spectacular results of the anti-corruption campaign in Romania with US support, and at China's recent position that her corporations should adhere to international private standards on foreign bribery.