In article it is considered separate questions of activity of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine concerning development of the international cooperation with law-enforcement structures of other countries, the governmental and non-governmental organizations in sphere of counteraction to human trade. It is analyzed legal base formation, development of forms and methods of activity of special divisions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine in struggle against this kind of transnational criminality, it is made the conclusions concerning necessity of the using complex, present oriented actions of counteraction to this kind of criminality. ; У статті розглянуто окремі питання діяльності МВС України в розвитку міжнародного співробітництва з правоохоронними структурами інших країн, урядовими й неурядовими організаціями у сфері протидії торгівлі людьми. Проаналізовано формування нормативно-правової бази, особливості розвитку форм і методів діяльності спецпідрозділів МВС України в боротьбі із цим видом транснаціональної злочинності; сформульовано висновки щодо комплексних, науково обґрунтованих і зорієнтованих на сучасність заходів протидії цьому виду злочинності.
Crisis escalation to war is a subject of longstanding interest. Case studies, formal models and statistical analysis offer compelling explanations for why some crises escalate to war while others do not. Much less can be said in answer to the following question: where do crises come from in the first place? In this paper, we first introduce the concept of a near crisis following the approach taken over the course of more than four decades by the International Crisis Behavior (ICB) Project. A near crisis is just below a crisis as defined by ICB with regard to intensity, as it lacks one essential condition for a crisis—higher likelihood of military hostilities. Second, we present a newly developed dataset that contains information on 86 cases in which actors perceived a threat to one or more basic values, along with an awareness of finite time for response to the value threat. We also present simple statistical models comparing (a) near crisis to crisis and (b) crisis to war that show that analyses based on the Near Crisis dataset will contribute to advancement of knowledge.
"Since 1975 the leaders of the major western economies have gathered in annual summit meetings to try to agree a unified response to the main political and economic problems facing them. This book, first published in 1984, traces the development of the summit meetings and tries to assess their impact on western decision-making and international relations in general. The summits arose as the product of a serious crisis that shook the world economy in the early 1970s. They have been sustained because of the waning of the American hegemony that had supported the postwar international economic regime. From this it became vital for the leaders of the major economies to reassert collective leadership in order to try to re-establish a new world economic equilibrium."--Provided by publisher.
Le terme "mobilité" est en vogue depuis plus de vingt ans. Le fait d'acteurs publics et privés de la gestion de la migration, il valorise la circulation des mains d'œuvre, produits, informations, capitaux et propose une définition nouvelle de la migration internationale. Elle serait une pratique normale, rationnelle, positive, et l'ingénieur, l'étudiant et le journalier agricole étrangers l'emblématiseraient. Cependant, les politiques migratoires adoptées depuis vingt ans montrent une autre réalité. Nous décrirons ces aspects, discursif et pratique, de la gestion de la migration. ; O termo "mobilidade" tem estado em voga há mais de vinte anos. Valoriza o aumento da circulação da força de trabalho, dos produtos, da informação e do capital, e propõe uma nova visão da migração internacional. A migração seria uma prática normal, racional e positiva, de que seriam emblemáticos o estudante estrangeiro, o engenheiro e o trabalhador agrícola. Contudo, as políticas de migração adotadas nos últimos vinte anos mostram uma realidade diferente. Descrevemos estes aspetos discursivos e práticos da gestão da migração. ; The term "mobility" has been in vogue for more than twenty years. It values the increased circulation of the work force, of products, information, and capital, and proposes a new view of international migration. Migration is a normal, rational, and positive practice, epitomized by the foreign student, engineer, and day labourer. Migration policies since the 1990's show another reality. We will describe and attempt to articulate these two new aspects of migration. ; El término "movilidad" está de moda desde hace más de veinte años. Valora el aumento de la circulación de la fuerza de trabajo, de los productos, de la información y del capital, y propone una nueva visión de la migración internacional. La migración es una práctica normal, racional y positiva, personificada por el estudiante, el ingeniero y el asalariado agrícola. Las políticas migratorias desde los años 90 muestran otra realidad. Describiremos e intentaremos articular estos dos nuevos aspectos de la migración.
On 19 July 2018, the Israeli parliament passed legislation known as the nation-state law. It is highly controversial in Israel as well as internationally, although strictly speaking there is little new contained in it. Its advocates emphasise that it merely gives expression to existing realities. Critics argue that the law discriminates against minorities, runs counter to democratic values and, in particular, undermines the principle of equality. The debate reveals the social tension in Israel between its 'Jewish' and 'democratic' identity. In addition, it becomes clear that the main supporters of the law on the government side have more far-reaching intentions than its wording suggests. Their aim is to place Jewish collective rights above individual rights and freedoms. The law is, therefore, also a manifestation of current government policy aimed at leading Israel away from a more liberal democracy and towards a majoritarian democracy. In particular, this policy affects the Supreme Court as a defender of liberal principles. (author's abstract)
National audience ; Les temps difficiles, laissant voir l'épuisement des méthodes habituelles, suscitent un besoin de renouvellement continu pour surmonter les obstacles au cours des longs fleuves tranquilles. Pour éviter la dislocation sociale dans un tumulte révolutionnaire, phénomène par définition contraire au droit et générant des violations violentes des droits de chacun, il faut alors des acteurs inventifs, capables d'aménager sans anéantir. Définie par le Trésor de la langue française comme la « faculté de concevoir quelque chose de nouveau, l'imagination créatrice », l'inventivité, et en particulier l'inventivité des institutions juridiques, en tant que telle, n'est guère étudiée comme facteur identifié de l'évolution des ordres juridiques. Il faut dire que l'image d'un immobilisme conservateur reste faussement attachée aux phénomènes et à l'analyse juridiques dans l'opinion : « les juristes sont des gens archi-réactionnaires », aurait dit BEBEL, fondateur des sociaux-démocrates allemands, en son temps 2. Il n'empêche qu'à l'heure actuelle des ministres en appellent eux-mêmes au monde du droit pour que celui-ci exprime une « inventivité juridique » 3 capable de répondre aux problématiques et aux crises contemporaines. La prise en compte de l'inventivité comme force créatrice du droit est donc devenue à la mode. Ici cependant le droit international a précédé le mouvement général puisque l'inventivité y est une notion associée et encensée dès l'origine. En effet, l'affermissement de cette matière, tiraillée entre l'argument ad antiquam-soit la légitimité historique, typique de la formation de la coutume-et l'argument d'aggiornamento-soit les transformations morales et sociales-, a pour objet d'organiser des liens sûrs et inclusifs pour défricher et domestiquer « la jungle internationale naturellement instable du fait de la lutte permanente pour la puissance à laquelle se livrent les États » 4. Ce lent processus exige de ses interprètes une grande capacité d'innover, remarquable par la pérennité et la diversité de ses orientations. En évoquant le souvenir des juristes-théologiens (VITORIA, SUAREZ) de l'École de Salamanque au XVI e siècle ou encore de GROTIUS, qui sont considérés comme les « inventeurs » du droit des gens en bonne partie à partir de la droite raison jus-naturaliste, force est de constater que la discipline a été l'objet privilégié des faiseurs de système, des théoriciens utopiques. Le projet de « Paix perpétuelle » de l'Abbé DE SAINT-PIERRE le montrait fort bien : celui-ci inventa ex nihilo un système d'arbitrage et de maintien de la paix en avance sur son temps, et qui resta lettre morte 5. Né, en tant que discipline organisée, dans des esprits mêlant scolastique finissante et humanisme croissant, le droit des gens ne pouvait qu'être influencé par un tel « supplément d'âme » 6. Mais ces tentatives louables ont étiré la matière vers des aspirations philosophiques plus que vers la réalité positive. Cette tendance abusive met trop en avant une lex ferenda innovante mais incorporelle, au détriment d'une lex lata qui fut longtemps brutale et décevante 7. De grands auteurs, tel Raymond ARON, ont réagi de façon quelque peu caricaturale en confondant l'idéologie juridique de la doctrine internationaliste et les règles de droit international 8. Par suite, il a rejeté ce composé dissociable comme s'il s'agissait d'un bloc irréaliste, et somme toute inutile, pour expliquer la paix et la guerre entre les nations, oeuvre d'une diplomatie rompue à la realpolitik. L'utopie est inscrite dans l'élaboration même du droit international 9
The recent trends in the development of contemporary international relations have led to the transition from classical interstate military the confrontation to confrontation in the information sphere. Information weapons became A practical means of its implementation. However, the development of modern technology has made it accessible to a wider range of players and promotes their involvement in the protection of information and processes to achieve the benefits of information. The main purpose of the article is to analyse of the main ways of conducting practical information warfare and information warfare, as a fairly new phenomenon in international relations ; Последние тенденции развития современных международных отношений обусловили и переход от классического межгосударственного силового противостояния к противостоянию в информационной сфере. Практическим средством его реализации стало информационное оружие. Однако развитие современных технологий сделало его доступным более широкому кругу игроков и способствует их привлечению в процессы защиты информации и достижения информационного преимущества. Основной целью данной публикации стал ретроспективный анализ основных способов практического ведения информационного противоборства и информационных войн как достаточно нового явления в международных отношениях ; Останні тенденції розвитку сучасних міжнародних відносин обумовили і перехід від класичного міждержавного силового протистояння до протистояння в інформаційній сфері. Практичними засобами його реалізації є інформаційна зброя. Але розвиток сучасних технологій зробив її доступною значно ширшому колу гравців і сприяє їх залученню у процеси захисту інформації та досягнення інформаційної переваги. Основною метою даної публікації став ретроспективний аналіз основних засобів практичного ведення інформаційного протиборства та інформаційних війн як достатньо нового явища у міжнародних відносинах.
Latin America as a region has been a meeting point between Brazil and the EU. Brazil uses the region, mainly South America, as a platform to increase its weight in the international arena, and as a means to strengthen its trade and economic development. Meanwhile, the EU has projected its model of integration in this region with the intention of finding stable and similar partners with whom to close partnership agreements, with the wider goal of contributing to a regionally-organized multilateral system. ; América Latina como región ha sido un punto de encuentro entre Brasil y la UE. Brasil utiliza la región, principalmente de América del Sur, como una plataforma para aumentar su peso en la escena internacional, y como un medio para fortalecer su desarrollo comercial y económico. Mientras tanto, la UE ha proyectado su modelo de integración en esta región con la intención de encontrar aliados estables y similares para cerrar acuerdos de colaboración, con el objetivo más amplio de contribuir a un sistema multilateral regional organizado.
Police brutality is a problem that plagues countries across the globe. All too frequently the victims of police abuse are racial minorities in their respective countries. This paper investigates the notion that international treaty obligations against torture, racial discrimination, and the violation of civil and political rights, when ratified, make state parties liable for systemic acts of racialized police brutality within their territory. It will analyze the treaty obligations of each country (the United States, France, and Brazil) which stem from their ratification of three treaties: The International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, The Convention Against Torture, and The International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights. A discussion of how race is framed as well as the institutionalization of racism in each of the three societies in question will be followed by an evaluation of the practice of police brutality along racial lines. The United States has a traditionally binary concept of race, and Blacks and Latinos are subjected to disparate treatment at every stage of the criminal process. France adopts the notion of "colorblindness," however the police's use of excessive and lethal force against Arab and African suspects is conducted without fear of serious repercussions. And while Brazil sees itself as a "racial Utopia," non-white Brazilians are disproportionately beaten, tortured, imprisoned, and killed by Brazilian police. Finally, the paper will address the possibility of legal redress for the violation of the above treaties through the practice of racialized police brutality by the United States, France, and Brazil.Key words: police brutality, racial minorities, favela, ghetto, treaty obligations. ; A brutalidade policial é um problema que aflige os países em todo o mundo. Frequentemente vítimas de abuso policial são minorias raciais em seus respectivos países. Este artigo investiga a noção que as obrigações dos tratados internacionais contra a tortura, a discriminação racial e a violação dos direitos civis e políticos, quando ratificadas, fazem o estado responsável por atos sistêmicos de brutalidade policial no seu território. O artigo analisa as obrigações do tratado de cada país (os Estados Unidos, França e Brasil), que decorrem da ratificação de três tratados: Convenção Internacional sobre a Eliminação de Todas as Formas de Discriminação Racial, a Convenção contra a Tortura, e no Pacto Internacional sobre os Direitos Civis e Políticos. Primeiramente, há uma discussão sobre como a raça é definida assim como sera analisado como ocorre a institucionalização do racismo em cada uma das três sociedades em questão e, na sequência, sera feita uma avaliação da prática da brutalidade policial considerando as diferentes raças. Os Estados Unidos têm um conceito tradicionalmente binário de raça, e os negros e latinos são submetidos a tratamento diferenciado em todas as fases do processo criminal. A França adota a noção de "daltonismo". No entanto, a polícia usa força excessiva e letal contra suspeitos árabes e africanos, sem receio de repercussões graves. Enquanto o Brasil sevê como uma "utopia racial" os brasileiros não-brancos são desproporcionalmente espancados, torturados, presos e mortos pela polícia brasileira. Por fim, o artigo irá abordar a possibilidade de reparação legal para a violação dos tratados mencionados por meio da prática de brutalidade policial racista praticada pelos Estados Unidos, França e Brasil.Palavras-chave: brutalidade policial, minorias raciais, favela, gueto, tratado de obrigações.
While much of the English School has focused on liberal aspects of solidarism, forms of "illiberal solidarism" in contemporary international society remain underexplored. Drawing on archival material and elite interviews conducted in Central Asia in the period 2013–2019, this paper advances the claim that the Central Asian elites have developed the institution of authoritarianism in their region through the mechanisms of mimicry/emulation and praise/blame. By looking at specific discourses and practices over the last two decades, the paper discusses how the Central Asian governments have been using the new elements of the "democratic transition" in combination with the traditional legitimation offered by diplomatic recognition to secure authoritarian regimes in the democratic age, to create authoritarian state-centric solidarity in the region, and to make "avtoritet" and "stabil'nost'" fundamental pillars of the Central Asian regional order. The paper contributes to the English School literature by providing an initial account of illiberal solidarism and by showing how authoritarianism can potentially be an institution of specific regional international societies; to the authoritarian diffusion literature by demonstrating that authoritarianism can have a deontic component alongside considerations of domestic survival; and to the broader norm diffusion literature by focusing on the spread of illiberal values.
