Suchergebnisse

Abraham D. Sofaer argues that US policy toward Iran cannot safely be restricted to a strategy that considers only the two high-risk, costly, and potentially infeasible options of a preventive attack on Iran's nuclear facilities or containing a nuclear-armed Iran. Instead, the United States should respond forcefully to Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) aggression, enhancing its credibility and increasing the likelihood that Iran will negotiate in earnest. The United States must also be prepared to engage Iran in a disciplined manner, avoiding disabling preconditions and adopting the negotiating practices used successfully by the United States when dealing with the Soviet Union during the 1980s.

Este libro es parte de la colección e-Libro en BiblioBoard.

Rich in case studies and interviews with actors involved in policy making in Brussels, Ankara and Istanbul, this book questions the influence of the European Union on the making of Turkish foreign policy since it was declared a candidate country in 1999. It is a valuable resource for students, researchers and scholars interested on the transformative power of the EU and the role of Turkey's relationship with its neighbours.

This book explores the manifestations of US power in the Persian Gulf and the limits of American influence. Well organized and logically structured, Markus Kaim and contributors have produced a new and unique contribution to the field that is applicable not only to US policy in the Persian Gulf but also to many other regional contexts.

Showing how Britain tried, and failed, to maintain its political influence, economic ascendancy, and strategic position in Iraq after independence, the author presents an analysis of the possibilities and limitations of indirect rule by imperial powers in the Third World.

Rivalry between the United States and China has become a paradigm of international relations over the past two years. It shapes both strategic debates and real political, military and economic dynamics. The dimensions of Sino-American competition over power and status include growing threat perceptions and an increasingly important political/ ideological component. The US-China trade conflict is politically instrumental and closely bound up with the development of the world order. The crux of the technological dimension is not who sets the standards, but geopolitical power projection through "technopolitical spheres of influence". The development and use of technologies thus become part of a systemic competition. Through their respective leadership styles, Presidents Trump and Xi foment bilateral conflicts and - each in their own way - damage international rules and institutions. The Sino-American rivalry also undermines multilateral institutions such as the World Trade Organisation. While Washington has withdrawn from a number of multilateral institutions, Beijing is expanding its influence in contexts like the United Nations. Europe needs to escape the bipolar logic that demands it choose between the American and Chinese economic/technological spheres. The European Union must develop a China policy for its drive towards sovereignty (strategic autonomy). That requires a "supranational geopolitics".

Politisch-militärisches Verhalten der Großmächte UdSSR und USA in regionalen Konfliktsituationen der Dritten Welt hat entscheidende Auswirkungen auf die internationale Sicherheit, denn durch Einmischung in regionale Konflikte besteht die Gefahr einer Konfrontation zwischen NATO und Warschauer Pakt. Gefordert wird daher eindringlich der Verzicht auf gewaltsame Mittel in der Lösung von regionalen Konflikten in der Politik beider Supermächte. (BIOst-Ldg)