Suchergebnisse

The focus of this paper is on the community impact of education research, as conceived specifically within a changing context of research assessment in Australia, first mooted by the previous Federal Coalition (conservative) Government within a new Research Quality Framework (RQF), and now to be reworked by the Excellence in Research for Australia (ERA) initiated by the incoming Federal Labour (progressive) Government. Convinced that a penchant for the utility of research will not go away, irrespective of the political orientations of government, our interest is in exploring: the assumption that research, particularly in areas such as education, should have an impact in the community (as this was first defined within the RQF); the difficulties much education research (despite its "applied" characterisation) has in complying with this ideal; and what a community impact requirement means for the kinds of education research that will be privileged in the future. In particular, we are concerned about the potential narrowing of education research directed at or by community impact and what is lost in the process. One potential loss or weakening is in the positional autonomy of higher education to conduct independent education research.

This article looks at how student learning from community engagement is related to traditional university education. In order to do so it has to deal with the range of variation in both student-community engagement and traditional university education and it has to explore the knowledge, skills and attitudes that characterise the learning outcomes of each. The main conclusion reached is that student-community engagement does not fit within traditional university education but it does fit with it. They are complementary forms of higher education that together better prepare students for their next steps after university than either do on its own.

Keywords: Traditional university education, community engagement, student learning, knowledge, skills, attitudes.

While governments and communities across the globe are faced with the challenge of providing their citizens with good-quality education, there is lack of consensus on how education quality should be defined. Whereas a great deal has been written about the human capital and human rights approaches, which currently dominate the debate, the potential value of the capabilities approach to the field of education quality policy and practice is yet to be fully explored. This article aims to advance discussions on education quality, through critical engagement with discourses on the capabilities approach and its implications for education quality thinking, and offer an example of what implementation of this approach might mean in a South African teacher education context. The article outlines the core concepts underpinning the capabilities approach to education quality against the background of critiques of the human capital and human rights approaches. It then critically explores what a capabilities approach has to offer to education quality thinking, and describes how these concepts and principles are being interpreted within the new Rhodes B.Ed. (Foundation Phase) programme, currently being developed.

Timor-Leste is a classic example of a post-conflict fragile state. Political will and popular enthusiasm rapidly restored a shattered education system but as donor interest wanes the new state cannot deliver services. Adapted from the source document.

The scientific report presents the results of a monitoring study on the employment of youth with higher education, conducted in 2020 and capturing the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic.

Education is no longer the responsibility of education policy as public policy. Instead the provision of and access to school places has been relocated away from the desk of publicly elected representatives and appointed accredited professionals, to a range of private sites controlled
by oligarchic club interests engaged in market exchanges: first, little monarchies, such as the Harris family; second, little representatives, such as the Confederation of School Trusts (CST); and third, little contractors, such as grammar schools. We use these three examples to examine the
restoration of private provision, access and control as an example of depoliticisation. This trend is evident in a shift in decision-making about the purposes of education, away from public policy funded by the public, in the name of the public and accountable to the public, and towards providers
and consumers, and towards nowhere in particular. Debates about and for educational issues are on no-one's agenda. We argue that these trends validate the analytical judgment that education is no longer a matter for public policy but instead has been relocated to corporate market exchanges
within and beyond the nation state.

The education system in Israel is a centralized system including both Jews and Arabs. Therefore, these schools are controlled both administratively (including funding) and curricular by the government. From the data obtained in the field, there is an unbalanced comparison between Jewish and non-Jewish educational systems (including Arabic) in Israel. This shows the lack of resource justice, budgetary discrimination, and less developed learning and development programs, especially seen in the Arabic education system. The main purpose of education in Israel is to help the Jewish majority group and intend to maintain Jewish domination. Arabic education applied in Israel has been the subject of Muslim and Arab intellectual criticism. Their rejection is mainly related to the inequality, discrimination and marginalization facing Arab education. With this perspective, the Islamic movement has spurred Islamic educational institutions to uphold and maintain the religious identity and national identity of Muslim minority members in Israel. The article describes the education system in Israel including the religious education system as well as the education system for minorities in Israel.

This article presents an overview of research focusing on how state and local governments have regulated oil and gas over the past decade following the expanded industry use of new technologies like hydraulic fracturing (fracking) and horizontal drilling. A consequence of fracking was a substantial increase in energy production accompanied by the emergence of policy concerns about how resource development and jobs could be balanced with efforts to maintain environmental quality. Researchers have dealt with three key concerns in the following sections: (1) determining whether state and local officials can each play an important role in developing policies affecting oil and gas drilling activities, (2) examining how state regulators deal with environmental and health impacts associated with fracking, and (3) looking at how state policy decisions have been shaped taking into account both state-level political and economic characteristics and agency resources and political will.