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"This edited book brings a new analytical angle to the study of comparative regionalism by focussing on the unintended consequences of interregional relations. The book satisfies the need to go beyond the consideration of the success or failure of international policies. It sheds light on complex interactions involving multiple actors, individual and institutional, driven by various representations, interests, and strategies, and which often result in unintended consequences that powerfully affect the socio-political context in which they unfold. By providing a new conceptual framework to understand how interregionalism brings about social change, the book examines the effects on the individual and institutional actors of interregional relations, and the effects on the social structures that constitute interregionalism. It also examines interregionalism's transformational character for structures of regional and international governance, as well as societies. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students in the fields of comparative regionalism, interregionalism, EU studies, international and regional organisations, global governance and more broadly to international relations, international politics and (comparative) area studies"--

The article reports on the findings of an experimental survey which was conducted to ascertain the level of support and perceived effectiveness of using de-radicalisation programmes to re-integrate returning foreign fighters. Public support (or the lack of opposition) for re-integration programmes can be important in ensuring the programmes have the time, resources and opportunity to be successful however we know little about what wider society thinks about re-integration programmes. The article explores the extent to which the inclusion of de-radicalisation – in name and content – changes attitudes to a re-integration programme. This is relevant in showing attitudes to de-radicalisation over disengagement and whether de-radicalisation, while perhaps not more effective at the programme-level, is or is not more effective at generating public support for re-integration (and thereby facilitating the process itself). We find that the inclusion of de-radicalisation in the name and content of a re-integration programme to a small extent increases support for re-integration over a programme that uses the terms disengagement and desistance. However, we also find that while de-radicalisation increases support, it also decreases perceived effectiveness, leading respondents to feel it makes the country less safe and less likely to reduce the re-offending rate than if the programme excludes de-radicalisation. We argue this polarising effect is reflective of wider reasons for supporting the policies (e.g. de-radicalisation may be seen as a form of ideational/normative punishment) and that the term de-radicalisation may shift the framing of the problematic to entrenched social structures, thus rendering itself ineffective as a policy treatment. In terms of policy, we argue there is a necessity for greater openness about re-integration programmes and that governments would benefit from selling the programmes to the public. We conclude our paper with a justification of focusing further research on understanding public/community attitudes to re-integration programmes and understanding the PR of counter-terrorism policies more generally.

Issues of military strategy, conflict, and geopolitics; national and international perspectives; 8 articles. Summaries in English p. 225-32. Topics include strategies of the US, Russia, and France, intelligence, war, disarmament and international security cooperation, and conflict prevention.

Dem vierten Treffen der Staatschefs Rußlands und Chinas nach 1992 im April 1997 wird besondere Bedeutung beigemessen, da hier noch einmal verstärkt der Kurs zur Fortentwicklung einer gleichberechtigten Partnerschaft und strategischen Zusammenarbeit auch im 21. Jahrhundert betont wurde. Der Verfasser skizziert den Verlauf des Treffens sowie den Inhalt der Gespräche und Vereinbarungen zwischen Moskau und Peking. Darin geht es sowohl um militärische und Sicherheitsfragen besonders auf eurasischem Gebiet, um die Position beider Staaten in der internationalen Gemeinschaft und um die wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit. (BIOst-Rgl)

Cooperation in global digital policy is considered one of the most promising fields in the strategic partnership between India and the European Union (EU). However, pro­found differences are apparent in terms of implementation, for example with regard to data protection, competences of security authorities and the future global digital order. Meanwhile, similar problems are being addressed in the EU's negotiations with the US on digital trade issues. Possible compromises there could also form components of an understanding with India. Shared democratic values are consistently referred to as a justification for efforts to strengthen Europe's cooperation with India. In their Roadmap 2025, India and the EU affirm their interest in promoting an "open, free, stable and secure cyber-space" and fighting cybercrime. But the road to this goal is proving to be rocky. (author's abstract)

1. Agricultural trade patterns from the perspective of economic complexity -- 2. International agricultural trade: exporters and importers -- 3. International agricultural trade: products -- 4. The ever changing world wheat market -- 5. Trade integration and liberalization: possible solutions to keep food supply chains alive.

"On 22 January 2015 the Yemeni president and government resigned in protest at their own political powerlessness. The transitional process initiated in 2011 has failed. The Houthis, a rebel movement from northern Yemen, reject the federal division of the country as stipulated in the draft constitution of January 2015, and have seized control of state institutions by force of arms. Opposition to the movement is growing, particularly in central and southern Yemen. Meanwhile Al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) risks gaining in strength. Germany and its European partners must urge all parties to the conflict to find a political solution, in an effort to counteract the ongoing fragmentation of the State and prevent further escalation of the violence." (Autorenreferat)

Chapter 1. Introduction -- Part I. China and Latin American Countries Trade Policy -- Chapter 2. Evolution of China's Trade Policy: From the WTO Accession to Preferential Trade Agreements -- Chapter 3. Latin American Countries Trade Policy: Peru, Chile and Costa Rica -- Part II. China's Trade Policy Towards Latin America -- Chapter 4. Development and Assessment of Sino-Latin America and the Caribbean Economic and Trade Cooperation -- Chapter 5. Chinese Export Promotion Policies Towards Latin America: Belt and Road Initiative -- Part III. Assessing China's Trade Impacts in Pacific Alliance Countries -- Chapter 6. Peru-China FTA -- Chapter 7. Costa Rica - China Free Trade Agreement: Analysis of Results for the First 10 Years of the Agreement -- Chapter 8. The Complex Trade Relations Among China, Mexico, and the United States: A Geopolitical Approach -- Part IV. Emerging Agenda -- Chapter 9. Trade Facilitation under the Pacific Alliance Framework: Seaports Case -- Chapter 10. Agricultural Trade and Investments Between Latin America and China: Development, Implications, and Challenges -- Chapter 11. Services and Digital Trade Future Developments -- PART V. Challenges -- Chapter 12. China- LAC Countries' "Belt and Road" Cooperation in the Post- Pandemic Era: BRI in Transformation -- Chapter 13. Challenges in Future China-Latin America and the Caribbean States Relationships.

What is the Latin America (LA) perception of NAFTA? Is NAFTA the route to western hemisphere integration? What should be the relationship between NAFTA and the other LA trade arrangements, more specifically, the relation between NAFTA and MERCOSUR? What can LA learn from Canada with respect to having a close trade partnership with the United States? This book provides a Latin American and a Canadian view of western hemisphere integration. There are suggestions in order to achieve a convergence in both perceptions

Latin America's New Insertion in the World Economy examines the contributions governments can make in order to stimulate efficient and export-orientated manufacturing production in small and medium-sized economies in Latin America in the coming years. The study focuses on the progress that has been made recently to correct policy failures of the past, the obstacles and bottlenecks that have occurred in the process of economic transition and the challenges the selected countries face in order to stimulate in a systematic way the development of an internationally competitive manufacturing sector.