Making America safe for the world: multilateralism and the rehabilitation of US authority
In: Global governance: a review of multilateralism and international organizations, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 471-484
ISSN: 2468-0958, 1075-2846
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In: Global governance: a review of multilateralism and international organizations, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 471-484
ISSN: 2468-0958, 1075-2846
World Affairs Online
The article discusses the features of the implementation in domestic law of international legal norms contained in the Convention, UNESCO and UNIDROIT of Prohibiting and Import, Export and Transfer of Ownership of Cultural Property. Analyzing the content of the main international agreements adopted in this sphere, the author reveals trends in the creation of international obligations pursuant to special services, providing control over the movement of cultural property across the customs (state) border. Examples of experience of some European countries. ; В статье рассматриваются особенности имплементации во внутреннее законодательство международно-правовых норм, содержащихся в Конвенциях ЮНЕСКО и УНИДРУА, направленных на запрещение и предупреждение ввоза, вывоза и передачи права собственности на культурные ценности. Анализируя содержание основных международных соглашений, принятых в данной сфере, автор выявил тенденции по созданию во исполнение международных обязательств специальных служб, обеспечивающих государственный контроль за перемещением культурных ценностей через таможенную (государственную) границу. Приводятся примеры опыта некоторых европейских стран. Статья подготовлена при поддержке Белорусского республиканского фонда фундаментальных исследований.
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In: The Pacific review, Band 18, Heft 1, S. 43-69
ISSN: 0951-2748
In the work of the late Professor Michael Leifer few concepts are invoked more often than the balance of power. It was due to his reliance on this concept that Michael Leifer came to be widely regarded as an exponent of realism and an advocate of countervailing balance of power practices. By reviewing Leifer's own writings, this article not only re-examines the now almost standard interpretation of his work, but also investigates the significance of the balance of power in his scholarship in new ways. The first section identifies the two key meanings Leifer explicitly imputed to the balance of power. It also examines Leifer's arguments relative to what he perceived as changes in the balance of power. This will be done with reference to his analyses of the international politics of Southeast and East Asia in the Cold War and post-Cold War period. The second section extends the discussion on the particularities of Leifer's writings on the balance of power, but relates it specifically to the question of what Leifer's writings suggest about his theoretical home. His ability to demonstrate the significance of the balance of power as a political factor in the foreign policies of individual Southeast Asian states is the focus of the third section. Finally, the article builds on Leifer's empirical writings on the importance of psychological factors in relation to the balance of power as policy to take up theoretically important questions that he himself did not pursue, particularly about the extent to which the balance of power is the product of struggles for security and recognition. The article draws three conclusions. First, Leifer should be thought of not as a diehard advocate of conventional balance of power practices, but rather as a scholar broadly working within English School parameters who was deeply wedded to the idea that the balance of power is necessary to uphold regional order in international society in the context of the rise of a potentially hegemonic power. Second, one of the finest aspects of Leifer's scholarly legacy is to be found in his discussion of the balance of power factor in the foreign policies of Southeast Asian states. Third, Leifer should also be an inspiration to those interested in empirical work underlining the importance of struggles for recognition in the formation and practice of the balance of power. (Pac Rev/DÜI)
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In: Contributions to International Relations
Psycho-culturology and International Relations: Perspectives and Paradigms -- Mainstream Theories of International Relations and the Attempt to Create the "Chinese School" -- Psycho-culturology: Core Concepts and Perspectives -- Human constant(Jen), the State and International Relations -- From "International Politics" to "International Relations" -- "Lun-jen" and the Outside World -- "Lun-jen" (伦人) and "Fu-guo" (服国) -- "Lun-jen" and "Tianxia" (Tributary system) -- "Harmony" and Lun-jen's Model of Psycho-Social Homeostasis -- China and the System of Nation-states: Approaches and Dilemmas -- The "Individual Jen" and Contemporary International Order -- The "Individual Jen", the "Individual State" and the Modern International Order -- Peace and the Evolution of the International System -- The "Ultimately Individual Jen": Analysis of the American Human Constant and its Psycho-Social Homeostasis -- The Outside World of the "Ultimately Individual Jen" -- "Soft Power", the "Ultimate Individualism" and Americans' Human Constant -- State Forms of Japan and India and the International System -- The Japanese Human Constant and Japanese Diplomacy -- Sequence Consciousness and the "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere": A Psycho-culturological Interpretation of the Japanese State Behavior during World War II -- Cultural Tradition and the Establishment of Western Political System in India -- The Ancient South Asia's International System: Features and Principles of the " Dharma System".
In: Transnational law and governance series
"Multilateralism has served as a foundation for international cooperation over the past several decades. Championed after WWII by the United States and Western Europe, it expanded into a broader global system of governance with the end of the Cold War. Lately, an increasing number of States appear to be disappointed with the existing multilateral arrangements, both at the level of norms and that of institutions. The great powers see unilateral and bilateral strategies, which maximize their political leverage rather than diluting it in multilateral fora, as more effective ways for controlling the course of international affairs. The signs of the crisis have been visible for some time - but recent crises indicate an acceleration of on-going disintegration of the multilateral system, such as Brexit, growing resistance on the part of States against international monitoring of compliance and the radical change in the US foreign policy during the presidency of Donald Trump which saw the US from several multilateral agreements (e.g. the Iran Nuclear Deal and the Paris Agreement), leave some international organizations or bodies (e.g. the United Nations Human Rights Council or the World Health Organization) or paralyze some others (e.g. the World Trade Organization (WTO)). Tackling the debate surrounding the crisis of multilateralism and the related transformation of the underlying international legal order, this book analyses selected aspects of the current crisis from the perspective of public international law to identify the nature of the crisis, its dynamics, and consequences"--
In: European journal of international law, Band 19, Heft 2, S. 301-364
ISSN: 0938-5428
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In: Oxford bibliographies. International Relations
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In: The Chinese journal of international politics, Band 8, Heft 3, S. 301-322
ISSN: 1750-8916
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In: Mirovaja ėkonomika i meždunarodnye otnošenija: MĖMO = World economy and international relations, Heft 10, S. 23-33
ISSN: 0131-2227, 0026-5829
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In: SAGE library of international relations
This work serves not only to present the history of the field in the form of its most important earlier writings, but also the core theoretical texts of this sub-discipline of international relations, addressing current issues and controversies engaging this vibrant community of scholars around the world
In: Petite bibliothèque de sciences humaines
""L'âge des guerres s'achèvera-t-il en une orgie de violence ou en un apaisement progressif?" s'interrogeait Raymond Aron à la fin de Paix et Guerre entre les nations. Cinquante ans plus tard, Dario Battistella lui fait écho en analysant les relations internationales au XXIe siècle à travers le prisme de la guerre et de la paix. Depuis la fin de la guerre froide, le système international est caractérisé par une stabilité d'ensemble: la paix prévaut entre grandes puissances en général, et entre démocraties occidentales en particulier. Cette paix systémique s'explique par la structure unipolaire du système interétatique dominé jusqu'à aujourd'hui mais pour combien de temps? par les États-Unis. Au sein de cette hiérarchie, les États occidentaux forment une communauté démocratique qui explique la paix régionale dont ils jouissent dans leurs relations réciproques. La face cachée de cette paix systémique réside dans les guerres d'intervention menées par les démocraties contre des régimes qualifiés de voyous. Une autre catégorie de guerres existe enfin entre des pays marqués par des "inimitiés durables": Pakistanais et Indiens d'un côté, Israéliens et Palestiniens de l'autre, connaissent des guerres récurrentes car ils sont dans une "continuelle suspicion" réciproque."--Page 4 of cover.
In: Esprit: comprendre le monde qui vient, S. 5-81
ISSN: 0014-0759
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In: Itinerario: international journal on the history of European expansion and global interaction, Band 5, Heft 1, S. 124-124
ISSN: 2041-2827
In: Cambridge international trade and economic law
1. Introduction: reconstructing the world trading system -- 2. Two frameworks on an international organization -- 3. The world trade community -- 4. Norms and discourse: the internal operation of the world trade community -- 5. The world trade constitution: external relationships of the world trade community -- 6. Evaluation: the legitimacy of the world trade community -- 7. Conclusion: building the world trade community
In: International security, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 147-175
ISSN: 0162-2889
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